USA > New Jersey > Documents relating to the revolutionary history of the state of New Jersey, Vol. V > Part 21
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I. Another capital remedy is. Let our legislature be truly and sealously engaged to investigate and redress every grievance of the people. I say, at the legislature do this, because they are the representatives of the people : ' the source of our civil and military powers: And therefore such as neglect or abuse them are responsible to those who have en- trusted them with these powers; and to those alone have the people to apply for redress. The Parliaments of England, while no minions of the Crown, have at all times proved the bulwarks, in that nation, against the corruptions of the court. . And in our states they are entrusted with these powers, for those valuable purposes. Hence a redress of grievances is one important branch of their business. And I feel confident. if our legislature was to take up ten or twelve weeks in inquiring into the causes of the present murmurs and complaints, and redressing them, they would do their constituents infinitely more service than in passing a number of laws. Let them begin in their own body, and make the neglect and misconduct of former legislatures lessons for amendment to themselves .- Let them proceed to Congress, and examine what evils have proceeded from a defect of the national constitution; what from the mis management in Congress; what from the officers of Congress. Whether the expenditures of publick monies have been properly ac- counted for ; if not, what the reasons are? Whether proper ways and means are provided to bring publick defaulters to condign punishment? -Whether proper supplies for the army are contracted for, both at home and abroad ; if not, what the causes may be? Whether there is any ground for the surmises, that a quantity of clothing for the army has beene purchased in France above a year ago, for the payment of which bills have been drawn, which remains there, and our army suf- fering, while continental vessels have returned from thence, perhaps loaded with private property ? If such surmises are not true, the publick should be undeceived. If true, it is an insufferable grievance; which if patiently bore, and no way to redress or punish the authors, argues our nation to be in a most wretched condition. Let them return to the different departments of their own internal government; not wait for complaints : the general murmurs and discontents of the people are sufficient. The most honest and disinterested part of the community are unacquainted with the mode of such impeachments ; they have been baf- fed and disappointed In their attempts, and sit down, discouraged and
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discontented. Some of the more knowing are coadjutors to the grier. ances ; or fellow officers who do not choose to expose the guilty of their class and rank. Such are the natural effects of their respective causes. The constitution has drawn the power of the people at large to a point, and they have entrusted it to their representatives to prevent or redress such evils. If these neglect the exercise of those powers, they become certainly responsible for all the evils which thence accrue to the com. munity ; evils which never fail to prove a cancer to the body politick -Let me therefore beseech and conjure our legislatures, by every tie of love and regard for the welfare of our country, to examine thelt powers and duty for the redress of our grievances. Fear not the trouble, nor the expence; I am confident the salutary effects will reward them an hundred fold. Do they discover general discontents respecting the proceedings of their courts, let them inquire in a more private manner what are the reasons. If they discover well founded reasons of suspicion, I humbly conceive it to be their duty to cite such officers before them, and sincerely endeavour to find out what evidences might have been procured, and neglected ; how the evidences given in the case have been managed ; and where-ever they discover culpable partiality, let such of. ficers, whether civil or military, be broke with infamy, without respect to persons or characters. Let them not only thus guard against the abuse of power, but also against the neglect of its exercise. Judges, jus- tices, or officers in the militia, who wilfully neglect the execution of the laws in their respective departments, may as justly and ought as well to be broke as the others. For what do the best of laws avail, if not put in execution ? Would our legislatures once make trial of this recom- mended remedy, I am confident the renewed vigour, spirit and life of our civil society would soon convince us of its salutary. effects.
I hope my country will indulge me with the liberty I take in my; re- marks, while I assure them they proceed from a love to its welfare.
So I am Sir, Yours', And my fellow-citizens, &c. A TRUE PATRIOT.
TRENTON, April 18.
We hear that Adm. Arbuthnot's squadron, which lately sailed to Virginia, arrived at New-York a few days ago.
MARTIN BECK, BLUEDYER, In Germantown township, Philadelphia county,
Begs leave to inform the Publick in general, and his friends and for- mer customers in particular, that they can send their yarn, (linen or cloth) to Mr. Daniel Suter's, in Second-street, the fifth door above Race-street, Philadelphia; from whence they can fetch it again in three weeks from the time they left it, done in the best manner, and as low as the times will admit; and it is expected that each person will put his name and place of abode on a piece of paper to the yarn. N. B.
To be sold at said Suter's, Lisbon wine, Jamaica spirits, West-India and Philadelphia rum, souchong and bohea tea, coffee, loaf, white and brown Spanish sugars, pepper, alspice, ginger, lampblack, glue, chalk, boiled and raw linseed oil, cotton, cotton and wool cards, men's and women's leather shoes, a quantity of writing paper.
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TO BE SOLD BY PUBLICK VENDUE,
On Monday the 30th of this month, at the house of the subscriber, in the Western Precinct in the county of Somerset, near Rocky-hill, and within about half a mile of Col. Henry Vandike's, Two valuable horses, cattle, a waggon and gears, a sleigh and sled, a mill for clean- ing wheat, plough and harrow, and several farming utensils. Also a bedstead and bedding, and all sorts of household and kitchen fur- niture. The vendue to begin at ten o'clock of said day, when attend- ance will be given, and the conditions of sale made known by
ADRIAN HEEGEMAN.
April 14th, 1781.
[ Horse Kuhli-Kan-Bowhill Farm, near Trenton-owner not named.]
[ Horse Frederick-Amwell-Peter and Philip Case.]
| Horse Liberty-Maidenhead-Edm. Bainbridge. ]
[ Horse Arabian -- South Amboy-Dan. Lott.]
NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN TO ALL PERSONS,
That James Sanderson, living near the White Horse, between Trenton and Crosswicks, has set up the Blue Dying; such as linen and cotton. Any person who will give him their work, may depend on having the same done well, and in as short a time as possible after the delivery of it.
From the New Jersey Gazette, Vol. IV., No. 174, April 25, 1781.
Number IV.
Mr. Collins,
Having in the course of my three foregoing numbers offered four cap- ital remedies for our preservation, I proceed to add,
5. Let government be prudent and frugal in the expenditure of publick monies. Money are the sinews of war. And government ought to know the necessity and use of it. While our money press could supply any quantity government ordered, I fear they have made too free with the expenditures ; and many inoffensive citizens must now experience the deplorable effects. Our legislatures find the ways and means, by which they must now procure it, more difficult ; and the want of it more alarm- ing and dangerous than perhaps many have been aware of : Therefore a small degree of sagacity or forecast will convince of the necessity of prudence in procuring, and faithful frugality in the expenditures of the publick's money. Dutch historians observe that this prudence and fru- gality have proved one of the chief means of that people's preservation in their severe struggles for liberty. To think or say, in the loss or waste of publick property, that there are many to pay for it, argues an abandoned and inimical disposition of mind. Those who have had op- pertunities to know the cheats and insolent frauds upon the publick, cannot refrain from disagreeable recollections, And ought not these to be warnings to the present legislatures? Let them therefore study ways and means to prevent, as much as possible, such pernicious prac- tres for the future. Let them be cautious in the salaries allowed to the respective officers. It is true offleers should be paid for the care
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and labour of their stations; but our present circumstances demand frugality from every citizen. And why should not such as are entrusted with the affairs of the nation, set the example? Where is the common citizen, that can now live as free as before the war, and bear his part of the unavoidable publiek burthens? Therefore the allowances to . the former officers while under the crown, can be no standard to proceed by now. These allowances ought to be squared as much as possible. by such income as the nation can reasonably afford. For how exceed. ing disagreeable must it prove to a most zealous friend of his country. to see men supported in luxury and excess, by the dear earned fruits of his industry and sobriety ? But will some say, none will serre unless trell paid. I answer, an honest friend to his country will desire no more than common fare with his fellow-citizens. These are to be trusted : these will be rewarded by the blessings and approbation of their con duet by their countrymen .. Others plainly discover their view to be money, not the good of the nation ; and therefore ought not to be trusted. For, it may be depended upon, they will injure their country if possible, for the sake of luere or gain. Moreover, let government take care to employ no more in the publick service than are truly necessary. All monies so paid is wantonly thrown away, and must unavoidably em- barrass in the necessary business of the nation. Finally, let government for the preservation of publick financiers compel punctual, satisfactory, and just settlements of accounts, within as short periods as possibly may be. It is manifest that long continued accounts become intricate. and afford numberless opportunities to defraud the publick. To this I subjoin,
6. Let legislatures exert every herre to adapt the raising of supplies to the conrenience and advantage of the community. Several particulars under this head demands our serious attention. I humbly conceive,
1. As to the manner of raising supplies, government ought not to look only to the more industrious part of the community for them. There are thousands of pernicious superfluities daily imported for which those who are able and will consume them, ought to pay duties on them, in proportion to the 'burthens of the yeomanry of the country. These duties would bring a vast sum into the publick treasury ; be voluntarily paid by such as are able to do it. If it should prove a. bar against their importation, would then be a double advantage to the community. The taxes to be procured in kind, or the produce of the country. For then, less money would be required; the farmers prompted to raise it; the necessary supplies for the army be secured, the embargo be taken off, and a free trade, the spring of industry, allowed with the remainder ; and the expences of several officers avoided.
2. As to the abilities of the community to afford them, our rulers ought duty to consider them. I allow our resources are greater than a for- signer would allow to so new a settled country, but they are far from being inexhaustible. They are capable of great improvement. Hus- bandry is the main source of them all, and therefore ought particularly to be encouraged and supported. Encouraged by a tender care of their property as sacred, by providing as advantageous a market for their produce as the circumstances of the times will possibly admit. Hus- bandry ought to be supported by laying as few obstacles in the way as may be, and giving every discouragement to the destructive vlees of dissipation, sloth, and indolence.
Here I cannot omit taking notice of some late publications respecting the manumission of our slaves .- However desirable and salutary such thing might be in a favourable day, I am clearly of opinion, if the scheme of Mr. Cooper and his Friend to Justice was adopted, it would by attended with the greatest injustice, and the rain of the glorious cause we are contending for. I here only transiently observe, that they are the lawful property of their present owners. If they are not, why Is the legislature Importuned for a law to manumit them? If they are, let the legislature duly consider if It even was in their power by a law to manumit them, whether their constituents are able to bear this addi- tional tax? Suppose, at random guess, their number In New Jersey to be twelve thousand, probably there are more, and their average value
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at forty pounds per head; then forty times twelve thousand, is four Bundred and eighty,' thousand pounds. Can New-Jersey be supposed able to bring up this sum in addition to the annual taxes for the war? If the whole of this tax was to be raised by the present owners losing their slaves, it would be tenfold more unjust and ruinous than the depreciation tax. And if that had be so levied by virtue of a law, such bgislature would have deserved banishment. If the owners were to be allowed a reasonable value for them, I wonder whether all those advocates who possessed none would cheerfully pay their proportion towards their redemption ? Whether they would suppose themselves able to do it, at this time? No charity is easier bestowed, and less deserving, than what is taken from another person's property. I wish they were free in such a manner as might be consistent with justice to their owners, and the safety of the nation. But I am confident, we have as good a right to petition our legislatures, upon levelling prin- ciples, for a repeal of all our laws enacted for the preservation of pri- vate property, and at once throw all our possessions in common use, as to petition for a manumission pursuant to the principals held forth in the before mentioned performances. And I submit it to the con- sideration of my fellow-citizens, whether gentlemen, who presume to offer such unjust and ruinous bills to the legislature, are proper persons to be entrusted with legislative authority ? Let us only consider, if the majority of the New-Jersey legislature happened only once to be composed of men possessed of such principles, into what awful convul- sions and general ruin they may cast the state! Yea, men of so little sense of the sacredness of property, seem very unfit to be entrusted with the people's possessions, of the management of a cause in which the preservation of both our liberties and property, in a great measure, de- pend upon our abilities to support a war undertaken in their defence.
7. Another important preservative is, Let every member of the empire consider himself as deeply interested in the issue of the present contest. It is a bancful and an accursed maxim, Erery one for himself and God for us all. In every society, individuals are members of that social body ; and as that body fares, so will its members. Every American may well consider himself as embarked in the vessel of our state. If that is cast away, we all perish with it. If we should happen to be subdued, (which God forbid) I am sure that even the body of our tories will be fatally disappointed in their most sanguine expectations. And as for others, have they, or do they, in the time of afflictions, amass heaps of gold, they would only have heaped them for the use of their task mas- ters ; and the common citizen, with the poorer sort among us, might well prepare their necks for the galling yoke. If we preserve our in- dependence, in the comfortable sense of liberty, and the agreeable pros- peet of doubling our preserved pittance by the advantages of a free trade, and leaving our offspring in the possession of dear bought liberty, and the oppertunities of amply providing for their posterity. A child so left by a parent with one shilling to begin with, is much better off than one left with thousands of pounds in a state of civil slavery. I have seen a little of the condition of the middle and poorer sort of people in the best dominions of Europe ; but O! did America know her present advantages, I am sure she would hazard the last farthing in defending them. These may perhaps say or think-what shall we have for all our pains ; the great and rich will only reap the benefit. I would be sorry if any should thus reason against themselves; for I am con- fident that none are more deeply interested in the issue of our present contest than our middle and poor sort of people. In a state of civil slavery, the opulent by their money and influence procure ways and means to support themselves and families in case and grandeur at the expense of the sweat and labour of those in your circumstances of life. Were the rich and wealthy as much affected by civil slavery as the poor, no state in the world would long usurp its tyranny. Therefore In despotlek government the poor and middle class give up all hope of ever getting before hand in the world, as to themselves and children after them; seanty fare, as to food and ralment ; Is generally the ex tent of their views; and all the repast afforded them in their hard.
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labour and parsimony is often the galling reflection, that hard neces- sity will expose a worn out age to gratuitous support, or to expire in want. O! lamentable condition ! Compare with this portrait, truly drawn, the happy situation of free born Americans. How many thou- sands can attest that they remember the day they possessed no more than the scanty clothing on their backs, who now occupy ceiled dwell. ings and extensive freeholds ; all procured by mere industry and care. I boldly assert, that there is not under the whole canopy of heaven such another place as America, while free, for the encouragement of the poor. in their pursuits for obtaining comfortable livelihoods by industry and care. It is therefore evident, that it is full as much, if not more, the interest of the middle and lower class among us to defend and main- tain our liberty, than the rich and great. Which still becomes more manifest, if we consider the consequences of being subdued. In such lamentable case a few of our warmest friends would lose their heads, but the number of the opulent would find means to make friends of the unrighteous mammon by their money, and afterwards share in the common plunder. But will the common peasant have friends? When his all is confiscated, will he begin the world a-new under any pros- pect of success? Should these taskmasters bear down their own loving subjects at home by an intolerable load of taxes, and excuse vanquished rebels? Who can possibly expect it? Therefore, if any of the lowest among us render any service to their country, let such consider, it is in effect done to themselves and their posterity. Some may reply- But ought not the rich to do their proportion according to what they possess? but instead of that, they are screened, yea, many of them mako their fortunes out of our distresses. I answer, 1. Perhaps if you was well acquainted with the whole, you would not see cause to believe so great a disproportion between you and the rich. 2. If there was, no people whatever is happier circumstanced to "procure a redress than you are. For every freeman worth a trifling sum, has as good a right to vote at every election as the man worth his thousands; and as full liberty to petition your representatives for a redress of grievances. This single privilege is worth its millions .- 3. If many have made their fortunes unjustly in an hour of our distress, as I fear too many have done, yet let me beseech you not to sit down in discontented murmurs, and' re- fuse your sacred duty to your country. In this respect your crime would be as detestable as his: For while such injure their country by ac- cursed rapine, you do it by refusing that aid and assistance your coun- try requires for the preservation of whatever is dear to yourself; so he injures his poor country, and lays up something against an evil day : But you would do it in another respect, and leave yourself remediless in the general ruin. Let us consider their unjust acquired riches is sel- dom of long duration. Perhaps we may see some of them or their chil- dren come to your door, begging for a morsel of bread. Let us there- fore do our duty in detecting and bringing to condign punishment every publick defaulter; and honestly exert every nerve in support of the common cause as our own. While I cordially wish for the general sway of such a spirit, I remain,
Sir, &c. A TRUE PATRIOT.
FOR THE NEW-JERSEY GAZETTE.
An undissembled esteem of the Almighty's glory and the felicity of mankind, will apologize, it is hoped, for the freedom of the present Ad- dress to the Citizens of the United States. Admitting that the Divine being who gave existence to the universe, superintends its moral as well as natural government, we can experience no calamity, tho.' through the medium of second causes, without asknowledging it to be derived from heavenly power ; without confessing there is not "any evil" pf punishment "in a city," but what is inflected by "The Lord" himself.
Upon the admission of this truth is founded the propriety of the recommendation of Congress, "That Thursday, the third day of May next. be observed as a day of humiliation, fasting, and prayer, that we may
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wub united hearts, confess and bewail our manifold sins and trans- arvaslons, and by sincere repentance and amendment of life, appease Cat's righteous displeasure ; and, through the merits of our blessed Asrour, obtain pardon and foregiveness."
And while an advertance to the Divine displeasure manifested to cities, & kingdoms, and to the whole world itself, for the practice of evil, saabot but justly cause a people of guilt and impenitence to dread the @facts of heavenly justice. A sinful nation, of possessed by contrition, sad returning to holiness, from the several precedents of the Almighty's womency sensibly displayed to penitence, may humbly hope for the en- Myment of his holy favor, and the salvation of his arm of strength.
It should ever be remembered, however, that the eye of Omniscience penetrates the veil of disguise, and that the Divine Majesty "will not de mocked;" that the oblation of deccit will be an offense to his truth, add sin to sin, and occasion hypocrisy more forcibly to feel the power of his wrath.
You will therefore permit me, my fellow-citizens, with fervency to laplore, that in our observance of the ensuing solemnity, sincerity may dwell on our lips, and piety possess our souls ; that duly recognizing our arts of guilt, with heart-felt grief we may supplicate the Almighty's grace, and be devoted to his sacred will.
And becoming objects of his love, what may we not hope for from Bis munlicence !- In the language by himself expressed, shall not "our light break forth as the morning, and our health spring forth with «wed!" Will not "our righteousness go before us, and his own glory be our reward ?"
On us, indeed, all good shall wait that can be desired by, wisdom, or conferred by bounty. "Peace shall dwell within our walls, and plenty within our dwellings !" Science shall grace our schools of youth, and honour attend our commonwealth !- No more shall flow the patriot's blood !- No more shall hapless widows weep !- Nor more shall orphans erles be heard.
But should the approaching day be unduly noticed; should it be marked only by sceming goodness, and shall we still continue in the path of rice, what vengeance may we not fear from incensed Omnipotence ! And how could we endure the Almighty's "terrors !" or whither flee to avoid bis presence !- Look we may for "mercy," but we "shall not perceive It!" And expect "salvation," but it "shall be far from us !"
If, therefore, we regard prosperity ; if we wish to escape perdition, let our steps he directed by prudence, and our actions impelled by vir- tue !- Let each one himself reform, do honor to religion, and to his country become a blessing !
State of New-Jersey, 1
CLEERICUS.
April 9, 1781.
CHATHAM, April 18.
Last Monday night Capt. Baker Hendricks went from Elizabeth- Town to Staten-Island, and brought off one Lieutenant and a private of the Refugees, and one inhabitant .- Previous to the above, a party went over and brought off a Captain.
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