USA > New Jersey > Documents relating to the revolutionary history of the state of New Jersey, Vol. V > Part 24
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4. We ought to pay taxes to the extent of our abilities with alacrity. because we therein have a prospect of surmounting every difficulty. h Is evident that the main source of our present distresses has been a neglect of taxing ; and however unjust and ruinous the depreciation has been, as to inoffensive and helpless individuals, yet it has paid three or four years expense of the war, and leaves us an encouraging prospect of conquering our national debt. To encourage us in freely contributing our proportion, let us recollect what probably is our debt. Congress tells us in their circular letter of September 13, 1779, that the national accounts stood then thus : two hundred millions of dollars emitted, which at 40 for one is five millions ; almost thirty-four millions borrowed, at an average depreciated, let us suppose it nine millions ; money due abroad about 2,000,000 ; total, seventeen millions, arrearages and ex- pences since that time, above the amount of the taxes, between three and six millions; makes the whole somewhat above twenty millions of dollars, about five millions sterling, for the whole continent, which is only the half of one year's expence of England, for the support of the war, over and above ten millions annually, for their peace establishment. Should not a review of our present debts encourage us to pay freely. in order to keep down a grievous national debt, and prevent a con- tinuance of our present embarrassing difficulties?
5. The absolute necessity of it, ought to induce every one to a cordial . compliance, for now there is no other resource left; the emitting more money, we know the ruinous effects of; the little In circulation will leave no prospect to depend upon loans, so that taxes alone now can save us. I therefore may justly conclude, that every man who attempts to oppose taring to a necessary degree to support the war, must either be stupidly ignorant, or an abandoned enemy to his country.
6. The lares we pay (provided they are properly applied) is bestowing what we can spare, to the best purposes our present circumstances allow ; for, among all temporal enjoyments, civil Hberty Is the greatest blessing : If so, then the appropriation of our wordly possessions, for the preserva-
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ton of that happiness, is applying it to the best of purposes .- To pay It noir, and not leave it for our posterity to do, is most to our ad- vantage : this will appear manifest if we consider the uses of the money the community may now get in their possession, must be probably applied to. Our frontiers are so situated, that the purchasing and cultivating new lands is impracticable. The natural increase, and the sumbers moved to the internal parts of the country, has already over- stocked it, which of course must raise the price of land, little of it is, or has been therefore purchased of late, save only by speculators. Hence we have seen so many waste their money upon the superfluities of life, or abandoned dissipation, Had not all such monies been better applied In paying the current expenses of the war? If we now pay off the debts, then, when peace commences, and new worlds of settlement open, may multitudes remove under the encouraging prospect that all the fruits of their toil and labour is to be clear gain to themselves, freed from the discouraging load of taxes, and this will lower the price of lands In the interior parts, to such advantage, that the purchaser will have double the benefit of the whole amount of the taxes he had paid. Consider this matter in another point of view : Suppose it was practi- cable to obtain sufficient supplies by foreign or domestic loans; for all these would arise an annual interest ; which, together with the principal, must in a future day be discharged. Then, if even the most prudent put the money out at interest, which he has to pay in tax, what would hls profit be? this his money, principal and interest, must go to pay off these loans ; and how many thousands would have squandered away the sums their taxes would have amounted to? and then when these loans were to be paid, they must procure it, perhaps to their tenfold los. I know the flattering idea which some have entertained of many foreigners migrating to us after the war, and helping to pay our debt ; but I am confident, let us be involved in a large national debt, and we and our children will feel little alleviation from our burthens by the assistance of these foreigners. To say, let our posterity pay it, is much worse; for what a brute of a parent must that be, who will run himself and children in debt, for useless superfluities, with a view to make his children pay the principal with the interest, and so entail poverty upon them, without any real benefit to himself.
While I was about delivering my sentiments on this subject, I hap- pened to get the perusal of an excellent treatise on Common Sense, In which he proposes to lay off' a new state back of Virginia, to open offices for the sale of these lands, both at home and abroad, which he supposes might supply the necessities of the war; then internal taxation might cease. If the supplies cannot be procured by taxation, to a suf- ficient amount, without really oppressing the country, then I think such a scheme much preferable to destructive loans. But if the subjects can support the war by taxes (which I presume they can if their money Is properly and frugally applied) then taxation appears more safe and beneficial to the community, and that on several accounts.
1. Government cannot depend on these resources, until the lands were actually sold, and the payments secured. 2. The greatest part of this money would then be expected from foreigners, who would not chuse to risk, unless they could procure these lands under their true value ; and then aim at lordships of manners in a future day. Why should our posterity be laid under any necessity of paying so much more for a soil they have fought and bled for, to a foreigner? 3. I am afraid that the fees for these officers would be surer paid, than the continental treasury, and perhaps, in the issue, the lands be gone, and we still obliged to pay the taxes in the bargain. 4. After the war, the empire will require much to put it in a proper state of defence; now the subjects cannot lay out their money to better purposes than paying the current debts ; then they will want it to make valuable Improvements, therefore, if these lands were then disposed of to our own people, on reasonable terms, we would be paid our disbursements, our posterity profit by it, and the empire have a ready fund for supplying Its necessities.
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Upon the whole, it appears manifest to me, that did Americans know their true interest, they would rather, for the present, wear patched garments, and feed upon common fare, in order to discharge the current debts, than gaudy apparel, and sumptuous dainties, under the increase of a national debt, or squandering away a treasure of future advantage, for a momentary releif. I.am Sir, yours, &c.
Feb. 23, 1781.
A TRUE PATRIOT.
. TRENTON, June 20.
In consequence of the interruption of the post-rider between Fish- Kill and Morris-Town, we have received no eastern papers for three weeks past.
NEW-JERSEY.
An Act to repeal sundry Acts restricting the trade and commerce of this state.
[For this act, passed S June 1781, see Acts of Assembly, Chap. .
An Act to repeal sundry Acts making the bills off credit issued on the faith of this state a legal tender, and for other purposes therein mentioned.
[ For this act, passed 13 June 1781, see ibid. Chap. XXXII.]
TO BE SOLD, By Williams Richards,
At his Store at Trenton Landing, an assortment of medicines, amongst which are the following articles: Antimony, aloes, anniseed, balsam capivi, calomel, camphire, cream of tartar, cochineal, Carolina pink- root, flour of brimstone, flystone glauber and epsom salts, isinglass, jalap, ipecacuanha, magnesia, liquorish-ball, opium, olive oil, oil of spike, quick-silver ointment, spirits of turpentine, &c .- With a com- plete assortment of patent medicines.
Also to be sold at the same store, an assortment of West-India goods, hard ware, groceries, &c. as low as can be purchased in Phila- delphia, viz. rum, sugar, tea, coffee, chocolate, molasses, saults of dif- ferent sorts, cotton, indigo, spices of every kind, mustard, oatmeal, barley, rice, sago, allum, copperas, Castile and English hard soap, corks, stone, earthen and wooden ware, black bottles, tar, tobacco, snuff, whiting, chalk, fishing lines, hooks and swivels of different sizes, chalk lines, stone lime by the bushel or larger quantity, oakum, English and Dutch grass scythes, cradling ditto, iron tea-kettles, waggon boxes, nails, whiskey, geneva in cases, logwood, redwood, verdigrise, grindstones, mops, Indian corn by the bushel, old canvas for saddlers, pickled sturgeon, sturgeon, lamp and linseed oil, lamp- black, Ke. Also, some very fine hair powder, &c. &c. &c.
Said Richards buys mustard seed, fire-wood, and several sorts of country produce .- He has a shallop, with proper stores, and a careful person to deliver and receive goods, that is always on the spot.
June 13, 1781.
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From the New Jersey Gazette, Vol. IV., No. 182, June 29, 1781.
SUBSCRIPTIONS To The National Bank, For The United States of America, Are received by PHILEMON DICKINSON and LAMBERT CADWALADER.
Trenton, June 19, 1781.
To Mr. E.
Sir, In the pursuits of truth, arguments ought fairly to be considered, and therefore the true state of a matter in debate well understood and kept In view. I have asserted, that a state of starery was not inconsistent with the hoy scriptures, but on the contrary, clearly allowed of. If this be true, there must be some foundations for it, which are justifiable, or a just God would not have permitted it: Permit me, sir, to offer some further elucidation of the authorities I have drawn from scripture, against which you have objected difficulties ; and then some remarks on your observations respecting the grounds or foundations of slavery.
If slavery is consistent with scripture, you know it was then your province, as the respondent in this dispute, to have proved it. For where is no law, there is no transgression. My asserting that they, on the contrary, clearly allow of it, demands from me, as defendant, to prove it : this I have endeavoured to do from both the old and new testaments, which arguments you refute by a base denial, and demand proof for what you deny, with which I shall endeavour briefly to comply.
That the children born in Abraham's house and the servants purchased with the money, were such as we call slares, is more than barely prob- able to me ; my reasons are, 1. The Hebrew word, gnebhed, is here the same which is translated, Lev. xxv. 44, 45, bondmen, and plainly de- seribed as servants for life. To be born in one's house, connected with being purchased for money, in respect of becoming his, or one's property, is clearly of the same import, as slavery for life is described, Exo. xxi. 4. If his master hare giren him a wife, and she hace born him sons and daughters, the wife and her children shall be her masters. Lev. xxv. of them shall ye buy bond-men, and bond-maids, &c. 2 Abraham's government and care of them, represent them, as servants for life. He had trained his servants born in his house, and commanded them in the pursuit of his enemies, Gen, xiv. 14, 15. None were to be circumcised but such as belonged to the family of this Patriarch, among these were expressly mentioned, every child born in his house, or bought with money of any stranger which should not be of his seed, Gen. xvii. 12. The reason is offered, chapter xviii. 19. For I know him, saith God, that he will command his children, and his household after him, &c. Now if these were not his bond-men what controul could he have over them? What security that they should not leave his service day, and mix again with the Pagan nations ?-- As to the tenour of their slavery is not to the purpose. For, if the not proved assertion, that he could not defeat the title of becoming his heirs, but by haring issue of his own body, was true ; then it would follow, as he had Issue, that they remained his property, and his sons by heirship, for which I contend. I have never asserted that Abraham had no right to manumit his slaves by contract or will :
The proofs from the laws of Moses were too plain to the purpose for you to deny ; you try however to evade their force by reciting the examples of Samuet and David, like your Friend to Justice; that of
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Abraham sacrificing his son. That of David is only recorded as a fact, to be approved or condemned as its circumstances demand. The other two had special commands to individual persons, on particular occasions, which God assigns as the reasons, and the duration of these commands were limited by the acts they required. But is it possible that you or any one else can beleive that such special commands are of the same nature with laws or rules God prescribed to the nation at large. Your cavils then insinuate, either that these laws have only been given to individual persons on special occasions, and so expired; or that they were temporary, and have since ceased. Both, or either of them, de- manded your proving it. For, a law obligates, until in one way or another disannuled. This subterfuge I suspected, and therefore en- deavoured to shew that the Apostles had acknowledged the lawfulness : To these you object the same, as to the example of Abraham. As to I Cor. vii. 20, 21, I think is evident, from every rule to be observed, in obtaining the meaning of an author, that he intends servants for life. The connections plainly shews, that his view was to lay down rules for the professors of christianity to be guided by, in the discharge of their duty under their trials, to the ease and contentment of their minds. It is beyond contradiction, that the Roman laws under which they lived, allowed of absolute slavery ; and more than probable, that some of these slaves were converted to christianity. Is it then any ways likely that the Apostle should neglect such slaves, and so often shew his concern for servants who are at their liberty? Yea, what does he mean by his saying, art thou called, being a servant, care not for it; but if thou mayest be free, use it rather. If they were not slaves, they were free, particularly among the Romans. If there was any other servitude cus- tomary among that people, I desire you to shew it. The import of his saying then would amount to this, you who are free; if you may be free, use it rather, which would be nonsense. Compare with this, I Pet. ii. 18. Ncrrants be subject to your masters with all fear; not only to the good and gentle, but also to the fromcard. If these were not slaves, why exhorted to a willing subjection to masters, skoliois, froward, hard, severe? Surely It would be no duty for a freeman to submit so. If you should suppose them to have been indented servants, in such case I desire you to prove, that any such servitude was common among the Romans at that time. If you cannot, what colour of reason can you have for such a supposition ? as for the common custom of slavery, not only among the Greeks, but the Romans, at the time the Apostles lived under their government ; I appeal to ancient history; to the several laws and rules of that nation, respecting their slaves ; and the different ways and means by which a slave might be manumitted. Let him who pleases, consider with the foregoing texts, Eze. vi. 5: Colos. iii. 22: Tit. ii. 9. I-say again, to suppose the Apostles to have so often addressed servants, and only intend indented servants, of which there might have been a few, if any at all, and entirely neglect those for life, of which, without doubt, there was a great number, is an unreasonable supposition.
You seem to be startled at, and make light of my remarks on Paul's epistle to Philemon. And I confess your manner of answering them, is a matter of astonishment to me. I suppose Onesimus a slave for life, or forever (which the scriptures use as of the same import) this I conceive to be undeniably evident. 1. From the scope of the whole epistle, which was manifestly the reconciliations of Philemon, to his run-away servant Onesimus. In this all commentators I have ever read, fully agree. 2. From the manner in which the Apostle manages this matter, verse 18, he besecched him for Onesimus. If he was no slave, what need of this? then his going away needed no intercession .- What end for reconciliation could it answer to say, verse 11, in time past he had been unprofitable to him, but now profitable; If he was to receive no profit at all by him- If he was not his property, what sense was there in his sending him back? Verse 12. If he was not his, what right had he to send him again? He declares, verso 13, that Onesimus had ministered unto him; Paul, an old man, a prisoner in Philemon's
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stead. But if he was not Philemon's property, then he had done this for himself, not in Philemon's stead. He would not retain him, how- ever useful, without Philemon's mind, verse 14. But what reason for this, if he was not his master's property ?- le asserts, that he had departed for a scason, that he should receive him forever. A good reason for reconciliation. But as you would have. it, it runs thus : your arrrants running away, has proved an occasion for his becoming a christian, and though as a Roman, you had a right to his services, but nowe as your fellow christian, you have none, you shall never hare him again. Can you suppose Paul writing by divine inspiration, capable of such jargon ? I desist from more particulars. If you duly consider the foregoing, well may you cordially grant he was a slave for life, which I shall beleive until I see any other kind of servitude more common at that time, proved, which the Apostle might more probably have in view. I have farther supposed, that it was manifest, the Apostle had not com- manded Philemon, nor even insinuated it to him as a duty, to manumit his servant. This you deny, and assert that by the 16th and 17th verses, Philemon was prohibited to keep him so; and defy me to dis- beleive your assertion. The text is, to reccire him on Paul's sending him again, not noir as a servant, but abore a sercant, a brother belored, specially to me, but how much more unto thee, both in the flesh, and in the Lord. If thou count me therefore a partner, receive him as myself. I candidly declare, that if I was to attempt beleiving from these words, in their scope and connections, a prohibition of Onesimus's slavery, I must put scripture upon the rack, and offer violence to my rational faculties .-- You, sir, must found your opinion on the expression, reccire him not as a serrant, but abore a servant, a brother belored. This phrase Is similar to that I Tim, vi. 7. And they that hare beleiring masters, let them not despise them, because they are brethren; but rather do them service because they are faithful and beloved partakers of the benefit. These things teach and exhort. These things were to be taught servants under the yoke, who were to count their masters worthy of all honour, that the name of God and his doctrine be not blasphemed, see verse I. Beleiving masters and servants were partakers of the same religious privileges ; but this did not dissolve their civil relation, as Paul here positively declares; but rather increases the obligations of a proper discharge of their mutual duties. See further, Ephes. vi. 5-9. Col. iii. 22, and iv. 1. Tit, ii. 9. Yea, can you beleive that Paul should charge Timothy to teach and exort things, which he himself prohibited? If he intended in 16th and 17th verses, a prohibition of servitude, then the main contents of his epistle was mere nonsense, an intercession was altogether improper, a severe reprehension (somewhat like that of a friend of justice to his antagonist) would have suited his purpose much better. I therefore justly conclude, that I have taken the true sense of the Apostle, and am truly justifiable in the use I have made of it.
I submit it, sir, to all who understand the art of reasoning, whether I have, in my former essays, begged the question? and whether the propo- sition which I there assumed to prove the matter I contended for, is not founded in truth?
As to your remarks on the foundation of slavery, was I disposed to prosecute that subject, you have offered me several opportunities to expose the futility of your reasonings, but my view is not to plead for the continuance of slavery. I have expressed myself in this respect, that he who runs may read it. I have assorted, that qualified slavery is not repugnant to scripture, but plainly allowed of, 'and therefore is no sin, and deserves no judgments of God. This I think I have now fully proved. If God allows of it, I allow you, sir, to find out other reasons, on the grounds of which he may be justified. But the propriety of your condemning the German Doctor, and approving Justinian, where their opinions perfectly harmonize, I cannot see.
Your observations on my calculations of the expences and trouble, ap- pear to me rediculous: you know Instances of persons who will find children from their birth, until 14 years of age, food and raiment, at somewhat more than thirty shillings a per year : And I have known an
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instance of a gentleman who by his last will manumitted all his slaves, and bequeathed his whole estate to them. But was this a rule for the com. munity ? However, as every citizen is more less capable to judge of the trouble and expences of children from their birth to nine years of age, and from that to eighteen or twenty, I am willing to submit it to their judgment : And in case our Legislature should enact a law similar to that of Pennsylvania, I will be glad to see many come to offer se- curity, to keep them at your calenlation, which will secure the differ. ent townships from poor taxes, under which I fear they otherwise will groan.
Do you, Sir, suppose the comparison between the children of Paupers and slaves well founded? The support of poor children of freemen is founded on civil compact. I assist others, in being civilly assured that my posterity or relations who may come in similar circumstances, shall enjoy similar benefits ; and so the ancestors of such poor children in the community have probably done to others, which is not the case of slaves. But if my reasons cannot satisfy you, I direct you to the elvil laws of Moses, or rather the Supreme Lawgiver himself ; Exod. xxi. . Lev. XXV. Deut. XV.
You conclude, Sir, with an address to the passions; I hope you will not have this considered as an argument to convince. I ask you seriously. if you had been pleading for levelling principles or all possessions in common, whether you could not have framed full as pathetick an address in favour of the poor? Why then not as well for the one as for the other?
March 21, 1781.
A LOVER OF TRUE JUSTICE.
TRENTON, June 27.
Extract of a letter from a Gentleman in Boston, to his friend in Morris-Town, dated June 7, 1781.
"As I suppose your son will not be on shore to write you by this post, I take pleasure in advising you that he arrived here in the Al- liance last evening, and is in very good health. The Alliance parted with the ship Marquis La Fayette early in her passage, since when they have heard nothing of her; I wish she may be safe at Philadelphia. Captain Barry has taken six prizes in his passage from France ; a sixteen gun sloop of war, copper bottom, and a twelve gun brig, King's property, two brig privateers, and a brig and a skow loaded with West-India goods,-
One of the brig' privateers is arrived here, the other prizes are looked for in every hour .- The Alliance had a very smart engagement with the King's sloop of war and brig, in which they had five men killed and a number wounded, among the latter is Captain Barry, in the arm, but not very badly."
The Honourable Legislature of this state have appointed Elias Boudinott and Jonathan Elmer, Esquires, Members of Congress.
From Monmouth county we learn, that on Thursday last a body consisting of about one thousand New Levies, British and Foreign Troops, under the command of Cortlandt Skinner, made an incursion into that county :- By their conduct it appears their intention was to plunder a place called Pleasant Valley, where they arrived about 11 o'clock, A. M. with little or no interruption; the inhabitants had however exerted themselves in such a manner in driving off their stock of every kind, that they found very little booty.
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