History of Hunterdon and Somerset counties, New Jersey : with illustrations and biographical sketches of its prominent men and pioneers, Part 27

Author: Snell, James P; Ellis, Franklin, 1828-1885
Publication date: 1881
Publisher: Philadelphia : Everts & Peck
Number of Pages: 1170

USA > New Jersey > Somerset County > History of Hunterdon and Somerset counties, New Jersey : with illustrations and biographical sketches of its prominent men and pioneers > Part 27
USA > New Jersey > Hunterdon County > History of Hunterdon and Somerset counties, New Jersey : with illustrations and biographical sketches of its prominent men and pioneers > Part 27

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Raritan Township,-Martin Smith, SI; Joseph Gray, Sr., 81 ; John Besson, 90; John Howe, 86.

Readington Township .- Cornelius Latourette, 85; Adrian Johnson, 85; Coruelius Messler, &1; Edward Mitchell, 85; Petor Shirts, Sr., 92.

Delaware Township .- William Dilts, 86; EHjnh Hummell, 84 ; Thuis Case,

79; Androw Butterfoss, 81 ; James Underwood, 77; William Geary, 85; Daniel Ent, 83; Sammel Barber, S-I.

Alexandria Township .- Catharine Hoagland, 85; Edwin Dalrymple, 88; John Witing, 77.

Lebanon Township .- Jucob Nitzer, 97; John Blane, 82.

Kingwood Township .- John Mires, 81; John Bray, 85 ; Richard Heath, 84; Christy Little, 77.

Tewksbury Township .- Christopher Philhower, 86.

SOMERSET COUNTY:

Bedminster Township .- WIlHam Todd, 79; Joseph Annin, 89; Hendrick Fleld, 8%.

Bernard Township .- Henry Southard, 92; Hanoah Vnn Sickel, 84; Na- thanlel Whittaker, 80; Zibn Norris, 78; Mary Konuan, 76; John Toulin, 69; Joseph Konnan, 5%.

Franklin Township .- Isaac Brokaw, -; James D. Porrion, -; John C. Wyckoff, 83; Ellen Van Tyne, 7s.

Warren Township .- John Coddington, 78; John Pennington, 78.

Bridgewater Township .- Jacob Degroot, 90; Hobert Little, 86; Joha Steele, Sr., 85; Henry Vroom, &3; Richard Broknw, 83 ; Luclus Vos- seller, 83; Paul Voorhees, 82; Rulif Vnu Pelt, 82; John A. Autin, 78.

Hillsborough Township .- Sdum 'Bellis, 91; George N. Schaap, >3; Dianh Van Cleaf, 86; Petor Voorhees, 84; Peter J. Quick, 81 ; Willet Taylor, 81.

CHAPTER VIIL.

SLAVERY AND SERVITUDE IN HUNTERDON AND SOMERSET.

The " Peculiar Institution" In the Seventeenth Century-Servants to the Colonini Pays-Indian Slaves-Redemptioners-Inwe concerning Sinv- ery-The Quakers and the Institution-Few Caplin] Criares committed by Negro Slaves- Negroes hang for Munlering Whites in Hunterdon nipl Somerset Counties-Negro Robellion la 1734-Abolition of Slavery -Manumission-Rev. Dr. Finley and tho " American Colonization Society."

A FAITHFUL. and correct history of those who have lived here before us, must contain some mention of

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HUNTERDON AND SOMERSET COUNTIES, NEW JERSEY.

the "peculiar institution" which is happily now no more. One hundred and eighty years ago, and dur- ing the century succeeding that time, the inhabit- ants of New Jersey, in common with those of other States, considered slavery no crime, and at that early day it had become one of her institutions. Even the Quaker settlers at Burlington owned negroes, and the Dutch, who came up the valley of the Raritan, brought servants with them ; so that in 1740 three-fourths of all the corn that was planted and hoed, flax raised and dressed, and other work done, was performed by negro slaves. The records in the clerks' offices of both Hun- terdon and Somerset Counties show that in the first ten years of the present century a large number of the old families still held slaves upon their farms.

Under the proprietors persons were imported into the province, as "servants," to occupy and improve the land and perform other labors. While these ser- vants did not absolutely forfeit their personal liberty by their engagements with their masters, they were still, in all essential particulars, bondmen, held in servitude, and entirely controlled by those who had brought them into the province for their own profit. It was slavery in everything save the name,-a species of white slavery,-for the servitude was for life, and in some instances included their children also.

The constitution of New Jersey, signed Feb. 10, 1664 (O. S.), by Lord Berkeley and Sir George Car- teret,* to encourage planters, promised every freeman who should embark with the first Governor or meet him on his arrival,-provided with a "good musket, bore twelve bullets to the pound, with bandeliers and match convenient, and with six months' provi- sions for himself,"-one hundred and fifty acres of land, and the like number for every man-servant or slavet brought with him provided with the same ne- cessaries. To females over the age of fourteen sev- enty-five acres were promised, and a similar number to every Christian servant at the expiration of his or her term of service. Those going before the 1st of Jannary, 1665-66, were to receive one hundred and twenty acres, if master, mistress, or able man-servant or slave,-and weaker servants, male or female, sixty acres ; those going during the third year three-fourths, and during the fourth year one-half of these quanti- ties.}

In a letter from James Johnston, of Spottswood, dated Feb. 13, 1685, " from Piscattaway, in East Jer-

sey," he says: "DEAR BROTHER. ... I stand in need of forty pound value of goods and some Ser- vants."¿ In 1684, Thomas Rudyard, first represen- tative of Gov. Barclay in the province, claimed "head-lands" for his two daughters and six servants, and received a warrant for two hundred and thirty acres of land, to be surveyed for him on South River.| Many of the early settlers were sent out, in the em- ploy of the different proprietaries and landholders, under such agreements as would afford them the benefits of the head-land grants for each individual brought into the province, fifty acres being allowed to each master of a family, and twenty-five acres for each person composing it, whether wife, child, or ser- vant, each servant to be found three years, at the end of which time he or she was to be allowed to take up thirty acres on separate account. Under this plan there was a shipment from Scotland in 1682, brought out by Rudyard and Groom, and another the follow- ing year, on board the " Exchange," Capt. Peacock, which brought thirty-one men- and women-servants under two overseers. This was but the beginning of an extensive traffic in servants, as the records of East Jersey show. Among the names mentioned as figur- ing in these importations we find Gawen Lawrie, William Haige, Thomas Pearson, William Dockwra, John Barclay, Robert Fullerton, John Campbell, Capt. Alexander Hamilton, David Mudie, Lord Neill Campbell, John Forbes, James Johnstone, George Keitlı, Charles Gordon, the Scotch proprietaries, etc. 1

It is a fact not generally known at the present day that native Indians as well as negroes were at one time held in slavery in New Jersey. This is proved by occasional references to "Indian slaves" found in ancient records. Such an instance is found in the " Jour- nal of the House of Representatives for the Province of Nova Cesarea, in the Second General Assembly and 1st Sessions, begun at Burlington this 13th day of Nov", 1704," under date "Die Veneris, A.M. 24° 9bris, 1704," as follows :

" Ordered, That a Bill be Prepared & brought in for ye Speedy trying & Regulating of Negro & Indian Slaves; & yt Mr Hartshorn, Capt. Bown &c. do prepare and bring in ye same; And then The Hs Adjourned till 4 a Clock."

And in the afternoon session of the same day :

" Mr. Hartshorn also (according to Order) presented to ye IIª a Bill En- tituled an Act for Regulating Negro, Indian & Molutto Slaves web was also read the first time."

On the 28th of the same month,

" The Bill Entituled an Act for Regulating of Negro, Indian & Molatto Slaves was real ye 2d Time & Committed to Mr Gordon, Mr Wheeler, Mr Laurence & Mr Smith."

¿ Whitehead's " Enst Jersey under the Proprietors," p. 444. In the same work (pp. 438-440) is an interesting letter " writ by Poter Watson (who went over n Servant with David Barclay, in the year 1683) to John Watson, Messenger, in Selkirk." The lotter is dated " New P'erth, the 20th of August, 1684."

| Whitehend, p. 16G. f Ibid., p. 136.

* " The Concessions and Agreement of the Lords Proprietors of the Province of New Casarea, to and with all and every of the adventurers, and all such as shall settle or plant there." See Appendix to Smith's " Hist. of the Colony of Nova-Casarin," pp. 512-521; also, Bancroft'y " Ilist. United States" (vol. ii. p. 316, ninth ed.).

+ Whitehead's " East Jersey under the Proprietary Governments," pp. 38, 39. In a foot-note he says, " Whether any slaves were actually brought to New Jersey under the Concessions is uncertain ; but if so, they must have been very few in number, and probably none were di- rectly imported from Afrien for some years thereafter."

# In the "Concessions" of the West JJersey proprietors, which were similarly worded, the words " or slave" are omitted .- Hist. Coll. N. J., P. 38.

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SLAVERY AND SERVITUDE IN HUNTERDON AND SOMERSET.

On the 29th,

" M. Gordon Reported from ye Come to whom ye Bill Entituled an Act for Regulating of Negro, Indian and Molatto SInves was Committed yt they had gone thro' ye sd Bill & minde sev! Amomulments thereto, web he read in his place, & afterwards delivered is nt ye Table, where ye Aume were rend & with some further Amendments, Agreed to by ye House. Ordered That ye gd Bill wib ye Amendments bo Engrossed."

On the 30th, at the afternoon session,

" The Bill Entituled an Act for Regulating of Negro, Indian and Mo- Iatto Slaves wthin this Province of N. Jersey was also read ye 3d time .- Resolved that ye Bill do pass."

The council proposed some amendments to the bill, which were concurred in by the House December 10, and approved by the Governor Dee. 12, 1704.

The above, and some other similar fragmentary allusions to the subject, show that Indian slavery existed and was legally recognized in New Jersey ; but, beyond this fact, nothing has been found in ref- ' erence to its extent or the period of its duration.

There also prevailed in New Jersey and adjoining provinces another species of servitude besides negro and Indian slavery, the subjects of it being known as " redemptioners," -- a class of persons who soll them- selves for a term of years to pay the price of their passage to the shores of America. These emigrants on embarking signed a bond to the master of the ves- sel authorizing him, on arrival here, to sell them into servitude for a term sufficient to pay the price agreed on for passage. After gaining their freedom many of them succeeded in placing themselves in comfortable circumstances, and some even became wealthy men.

Servants of this class were first found along the Delaware River about 1662, and for a quarter of a century after that time domestic or mechanical labor was seldom employed for wages. Many of the re- demptioners who served in New Jersey were from the Palatinate and other parts of Germany, but a few were Irish. Redemptioners from German and Dutch ports were frequently brought over on speculation, and when they landed were sold at public sale. The purchaser had the right to re-sell the services of the poor redemptioners, and he often passed through sey- oral hands before he had served out his term. The price paid for them was usually very low. In the year 1722, at Philadelphia, German redemptioners sold at ten pounds each for five years of servitude, but in some cases they brought more than that sum for a single year. It is related that, in the year 1728. Lord Altham, then a lad, came to this country un- known, and was sold as a redemptioner in Pennsyl- vania, working out his time with a farmer on the Lancaster turnpike.

This form of servitude prevailed most along the lower Delaware River and in adjacent parts of P'enn- sylvania and New Jersey, but it existed, to a he'ss ex- tent, in both Hunterdon and Somerset Counties. An account is given of the purchase of one of these ser- vants by a member of the Van Horn family, in Read- ington township, Hunterdon Co., as follows :

"In accordance with the custom of that period, the Van Horns bought of a sea-captain the service of a German emulgrant for a term of years fu order to defray the expenses of his passage to New York. It soon became known that this emigrant was an excellent minson by trade, and being a shrewd man as well as a good mechanic, he entered Into a bar- galu with his employers to build them three stone housea fu three suc- cursive seasons (some say they were all to be built within the same year ), lu lieu of his terin of service, which was not less than three years. Ile fulfilled his contract, and claimed all the time as his own during these seasons in which he was not actually engaged upon these three bulld- inga."*

One of the stone houses referred to as built by the redemptioner (whose name was Caspar Berger), was the old Van Horn house, bearing the date 1757 and the initials "C. V. H.," and standing about half a mile west of White House Station, a little north of the railroad-track. Another is the house now or re- cently occupied by William l'ickel, and the third is said to have been the old stone house demolished a few years since by G. C. Gearhart to make room for his new residence. Concerning the identity of this last named, however, there is some doubt.

It has been stated that the ancestors of the Ilsly (Inslee?) family who first came to America were indentured under this system as servants to farmers in the vicinity of Woodbridge, or rather that the master of the ship on which they came attempted to sell them, but failed to carry his project through.

"There is a tradition, which may or niny not be true, that they come over in the oll ship ' Caledonin,' the wreck of which for many years was seen on the shore at Perth Amboy by some who are yet (1873 living. It is suid that, driven by persecution, the Islys, with other Dissenters, were compelled to flee from their homes, which were vither in England or in the north part of Scotland, nud were allowed by their enemies to depart only because they embarked on the unsenworthy ' Caledonia,' which was confidently expected to founder at sea and ongulf the sturdy heretics. But, lu! they came safely into harbor. Before they landed, however, the Dutch captain proceeded to hind themu over as servants to the planters

in the vicinity, necording to custom, until certalu real ar fancied deldis in the old country had been discharged. A Mrs. Ilsly, filled with indigna- tion, seized a bar of irup, and, flourishing it over the captain's heal, declared, with emphasis, that she and the rest Inul fled from tyranny ut humne to find quiet in the new land, and that she would not submit to sluvery right on the borders of freedom. The doughty captain was cowed by the determination of the brave woman, and saved his head by landing his passengers without the Indentures having been executed. "t

Although the "redemptioners" system had been in existence for many years prior to 1725, yet by far the greater number of these unfortunates were sohl to service during the twenty-tive years which succeeded that time. After the middle of the eighteenth con- tury, however, it gradually died out, and finally dis- appeared entirely, though there were occasional in- stances of its practice down to, and even after, the close of the Revolution.

The earliest instance of the holding of negro slaves in New Jersey which is found recorded is that of Col. Richard Morris, of Shrewsbury, who had as early as 1680 sixty or more slaves about his mill and planta-

* ** Our Home," 1523. 1. 357.

+ " Wewalbridge and Vir intty," by Rev. Joseph W. Dally.

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HUNTERDON AND SOMERSET COUNTIES, NEW JERSEY.

tion .* The inhabitants of the Raritan valley all had slaves as early as 1685 or 1690. In 1790 there were eleven thousand four hundred and twenty-three slaves in New Jersey, of which number about two thousand were in Hunterdon and Somerset; they had increased to twelve thousand four hundred and twenty-two in 1800, after which the number very rapidly declined. Between 1700 and 1800 the traffic was largely carried on, and records of the sale of Africans are frequently found. In the Woodbridge town records is the fol- lowing :

"Know all men by these presents yt J, Shohalt Smith, of Woodbridge, Ja ye County of Middx Jn ye provence New East Jersey, for and Jn Con- sideration of ye sum of fifty pound Currant Silver money, of ye sd prov- ence, to me Ju hand paid by Sammuel Smith of ye same place yeoman of ye towa and provence aforesd do bargain, sell, allineat, and Deliver, oue Negro woman Named Phehe to sd Sam" Smith, for him, his heirs and assigns," etc.t

It is not to be wondered at that the introduction of negro slavery into New Jersey was coeval with its settlement, when it is remembered that the mother- country not only recognized their existence as prop- erty, but also engaged in the slave trade, and that the adjoining provinces possessed them ; not even Puri- tanie New England being exempt .¿ The "Royal African Company" was particularly commended to the Governor of New Jersey (Cornbury) by Queen Anne as deserving of encouragement .¿ This was in the year 1702.

" The early settlers, in clearing the foresta, were much assisted hy their slaves. In come families they were oumeroue. The success of the farm- ers depended ou the rapid clearing of the forests, in which they rendered importaot assistance.

"One of the Vleet families (in Somerset County), it was said, owned seventeen elavee, composed of different ages and both sexes. Cornelius DeHart purchased from a slave-vessel a negro girl named Phillis who had been kidnapped, and who was a daughter of one of the kings of Africa. She related that on the voyage to America she was often terribly fright- eded by some of the crew attempting to feel of her hands, she supposiug that it was done for the purpose of ascertainiug whether she was in good condition for slaughtering and her carcass to be eaten, as the neighboring tribes of cannibale did io Africa, to avoid which she fasted to cause lean- ness, so as to disappoint them io their expectations, and thereby preserve her life. She was a faithful servant in the family, but had a great desire that a time might come when she would be able to say that che, the king's daughter, was tree. Iler desire in the course of time wae grauted. Auother of her desires was that before she died she might also see her youngest son, Thomas, free, which she was also permitted to see. In her old age Abrahamı Dehart built a house for her on his land, in which she enjoyed the freedom so earnestly coveted, and in which she lived and died. Her son Thomas, who was also freed, lived therein with her nutil she died. Her remains lie buried with those of several of her children in a colored burying-ground on the south bank of the Six-Mile-Run Brook, with others of the Vleet, Van Cleef, and Dellart colored families, located about two hundred yards east of the residence of Ralph Voor- hece, Jr.

" Almost every family in former days had places on their farme where they buried their colored dead. About two hundred yards north of the house of Mrs. Peter llageman is a colored burying-ground where those of the Wyckoff and Hagemau families were buried. There was another near the tenaut-house of Henry Cortleyou, on the south side of the line between the lands of Van Cleef and Hageman. When the new road wus

* This seems to conflict with Gordon's statement (p. 29, "Gazetteer") that In the same year there were but one hundred and twenty negroes in bouduge In the province.

+ Liber B, follo 100.

# Hist. Coll. N. J., pp. 88-89.

2 Smith's Ilist. of N. J., 1. 254.

laid out at that place between the turnpike and the Middlebush road, about fifty years ago, it was objected to and opposed ou account of its passing over the colored burying-ground ; nevertheless, it was laid there. On each side of the line between the Stryker and Stothoff farme, near Franklin Park, is auother, which was established for burying the colored dead of their families."||

In 1709 an act of Assembly forbade persons trading with slaves, except by consent of their owners, under penalty of twenty shillings for the first and forty shil- lings for the second offense, one-half to go to the in- former. A negro, if found five miles from his home, was takeu up and whipped by the party apprehend- ing him, five shillings being paid for the services. If the negro was from another province, the informer received ten shillings and the negro was whipped by the nearest constable. For conspiracy to kill a white person, for rape, murder, or arson, the negro was to be taken before three justices of the peace and five freeholders, without a grand jury, and if convicted . was compelled to suffer death in such manner as the enormity of the crime, in the judgment of the justices and freeholders, seemed meet. The owner of the slave, however, had a right to appeal and have a jury appointed, with liberty to make challenges as in other cases. T The same act sets forth :

" Whereas such negro so put to death is a great loss to his owner, therefore, to prevent said owner from beiug under the temptation of withdrawing and secreting said slave, it is provided he shall receive for each man slave executed thirty pounds, and for each woman slave twenty pounde, ** to be collected in manner aud forus to wit: The con- stables to deliver a list of all negro, Indian, or mulatto claves in their district, between the ages of fourteeu and fifty years, at the May aud June ternis of the Court of Quarter Sessions. When a slave is executed these lists to be taken by the justices of the peace, or any three of them, add the damages assessed."

The public whipper was the township constable.

The newspapers of those times frequently contained advertisements of negroes "strayed" or "ran away from the subscriber," etc., and in the county records are found registers of births, bills of sale, as well as of manumission of slaves.

The Quakers early showed their hostility to the importation of negro slaves: vide the following ex- tracts from the Yearly Meeting's minutes for 1716, meeting held at Burlington, N. J .:

"For the Quarterly Meeting at Shrewsberry, Chestor meeting pro- posee their concern ahont the practice of huying negroes imported. . . Urging that former minutes and orders are not sufficient to discourage their importation, it and therefore requests that no Friende may buy any

! Hlon. Ralph Voorlices.

1 Act of 1714, Neville's Laws, I. p. 19.

*** In the Governor's speech to the Assembly, read on the 24th of Octo- ber, 1707, occurs the following : " GENTLEMEN,-Since I wrote this one thing more Occurs to my thoughts, which is this: I have Received Io- formation from very good hands that the Negroes are grown very Ingo- Jent, and Committ grent Enormities, the best Expedient I cau recom- mend to you in that case is the passing a law to Settle a price upon the head of every Negroe who Shall be put to death in pursuance of the Law, to be paid to the owner of every such Negro, this I hope will be a means to frighten them from Committing any the like Enormities for the future."-Journal and Votes of the House of Representatives of New Jersey, 1703, p. 128.

H+ The Yearly Meeting had, in 1696, advised Friends " not to encour- age the bringing in of any more negrocs," and recommended that they " bo careful of them, bring them to meeting, and have meetings with them in their families."

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angra for the future. As to the proposal from Chester meeting about negrora, there being no more In it than was proposed to the last Yearly Meeting, this meeting cannot are any better conclusion than what was the judgment of the last, and therefore do confirm the same. . . And it Is desired that Friends generally do as much as may be [to] nvold buy- ing mich negroes as shall be hereafter brought in, rather than offend any friends who are against it. . . Yet this is only cantion, not censure."s

That the conscience of this people was not at rest the following from the Woodbridge meeting, June 17, 1738, shows:

" Pursuant to a Request In the extracts of the yearly meeting minutes at Philadelphia conserning the Importation of negroes & buying them after they are Imported Friends have inquired into it & Do find that four or five years ago Som have bin Imported by a Friendand that it hath bin three or four years Since Friends have bought of them that was Importod and not since to their Knowlidg."t

For several years the holding of slaves agitated the society, A report to the Monthly Meeting at Plain- field in August, 1774, shows that at this time only one negro " tit for freedom" within the jurisdiction of the society remained a slave .;

It is a noticeable fact that so few erimes were com- mitted by the slaves. Pilfering there always was, but it was of a petty character, and perpetrated generally to obtain some luxury not allowed them. Cases of murder, arson, etc., were extremely rare. But two in- stances are known in all the territory of both Hunterdon and Somerset Counties where slaves murdered whites, -that of James Guise, in 1828, who murdered his mistress, in Hunterdon County, and was hung at Flemington ; and the murder of Jacob Van Nest by his slave, about 1753, in Branchburg, Somerset Co., for which the murderer was burned & at Millstone, then the county-seat. | A more extended account of this affair will be found in the township history of Branchburg.

Notwithstanding these exceptional cases, the peace- able disposition of the negroes is universally attested ; "and yet," says Dr. Messler, " there had been a sort of rebellion among them along the Raritan in 1734, in consequence of which one at least, if not more, was hung. It is called a 'rising,' and the design was to obtain their freedom, kept from them, as they believed, contrary to the express directions of the king, and the plan was to murder all the whites and then join the Indians in the interest of the French, but it failed to do any real harm or have any results. There seems to be, and no doubt was, a connection

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History of Hunterdon and Somerset counties, New Jersey : with illustrations and biographical sketches of its prominent men and pioneers, Part 27

Author: Snell, James P; Ellis, Franklin, 1828-1885 Publication date: 1881 Publisher: Philadelphia : Everts & Peck Number of Pages: 1170

Author: Snell, James P; Ellis, Franklin, 1828-1885
Publication date: 1881
Publisher: Philadelphia : Everts & Peck
Number of Pages: 1170