History of Monmouth County, New Jersey. Pt. 1, Part 34

Author: Ellis, Franklin, 1828-1885
Publication date: 1885
Publisher: Philadelphia : R.T. Peck & Co.
Number of Pages: 974

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that he was confident of success, he supposed the British rear-guard did not exceed fifteen hundred men. His estimate was probably nearly correct, and the plan a good one at that time, for his whole division was then pressing to the front, eager to engage the enemy; but at noon the case was different, for Clinton had fully realized the weakness of the pursuit, and had gained time to turn it into failure. Lee's entire division was then in retreat, quickened at this time by his orders ;2 and the left wing only saved its connection with the main body of the division by a march through the woods, leaving their artillery to the charge of Colonel Oswald, who, with his few men, brought off ten pieces, though he took only two into action at first.

It was at this time, or perhaps a little earlier, that a messenger from Colonel Morgan, "having sought in vain for General Lee," came to General Wayne for instructions. Morgan was posted, as before mentioned, at Richmond's Mills, nearly three miles in a southerly direc- tion from Monmouth Court-House, and having heard the sound of the firing in front, was anxious for orders to march his riflemen to the scene of conflict; but Wayne simply told his messenger that he (the messenger) could see the condition of things for himself and report the facts to General Morgan. "The enemy," said he, "are advancing, and Colonel Morgan should govern himself accordingly." General Lee (through Major Mercer of his staff) had pre- viously expressed displeasure at Wayne's having ordered Colonel Scott to a position on the left, and this probably was the reason why Wayne now declined to give the desired orders to Morgan, who, in consequence, was deprived of the opportunity of advancing to take a place in

enemy were pushing that way, thought best to return and come round the ravine, and found General Lee about a quarter of a mile this [west] side of the court-house. He said ' you see our situation, but I am determined to make the best of a bad bargain.' . . . Upon asking several officers, who appeared to command the battalions, why they left the ground, they said it was by General Lee's and the Marquis de Lafayette's orders.

2 At about the time the retreat began Colonel Stewart, of Wayne's brigade, asked General Lee where he should take his men. General Lee replied, "Take them to any place to save their lives,"-pointing to an orchard in front.

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the line, and so remained at his post through the long hours of that blazing afternoon, hear- ing the dull roar of the distant battle, but taking no part in it.1

The British forces, having completed their formation in the woods to the northeast of the court-house, emerged from their cover and advanced steadily, in good order and with solid ranks, towards the village. Wayne, under direction of Lafayette, had placed two regiments -Stewart's and Livingston's-to resist their advance, but it was useless for this small force to attempt to impede their advance, and the regiments joined the retreat, the details of which, with reference to the several brigades and regi- ments, it is unnecessary here to narrate. "The troops," said Lieutenant-Colonel Brooks, of Washington's staff, "in a very easy, moderate way, continued their march until they had passed the ravine in front of Carr's house." This has reference to what has before been mentioned as the "middle ravine," or morass. It has gener- ally been supposed that the retreat of Lee's division to the main body under Washington was a disorderly one,-almost a panic,-but this is a very erroneous idea. There was certainly It seems clear that the division of General Lee some confusion, occasioned by a lack of proper. was saved by the self-possession of its officers and the wonderful endurance of the rank and file, produced in a great degree by their hard- ships during the preceding winter at Valley Forge. direction of their movements, but there was nothing in the nature of a panic. No com- mander knew why he was retreating, only that such was understood to be the orders, and be- cause he saw others retreating; but no troops could have rallied more promptly than they did when they felt the presence of Washington. Credit was due to General Lee for his, self- possession and for his evident purpose to bring

1 A night or two before the Monmouth battle, Morgan, contrary to the express orders of Washington (personally given) "not to fire a single shot, or bring on any skirmish- ing with the enemy," disobeyed both. For this he was placed in arrest. The next day after this disregard of orders and subsequent fright, occasioned by a reprimand from the chief, he was released and restored to favor. No doubt this occurrence was the cause of his remaining at his post, fearing to move up without positive orders, much as . he desired to take part in the engagement.

Late in the afternoon orders reached him to move up at once, and these orders he promptly obeyed ; but being obliged to take a circuitous route, he did not arrive on the field till night, after the battle was over.

the men away in safety, whatever may be said of his failure to fight, as Washington had ex- pected him to do. The troops who had marched and countermarched under blind guidance and conflicting orders-or no orders at all-during seven or eight hours of extreme heat were fall- ing by the roadside, worn out with fatigue and fainting with thirst, with no stimulus of hope to bear them up, and it cannot be denied that the retreat from Briar Hill to the old meeting- house was a victory of courage, manhood and endurance over every possible discouragement that could befall a brave and steadfast army in earnest pursuit of a retiring adversary. Regi- ment after regiment, brigade after brigade, has- tened to cross the western morass, and to the credit of Lee it is to be recorded that he was among the last to pass the causeway. At this point the broken detachments met the main army. Some went to its rear to rest and rally for a fresh advance, while some turned their faces again to the enemy and fought until their pursuers retired from the field. Colonel Ogden said that he asked General Maxwell to halt his command and face the enemy, and that he did so promptly, rallying his men without difficulty.

The noise of the desultory conflict in the vicinity of the court-house during the fore- noon had been heard by Washington, and it had aroused him to his full fighting energy. The return of his aid-de-camp with the assurance that General Lee had overtaken the British army, and expected to cut off the division form- ing their rear-guard, was received as a vindi- cation of his previous judgment and a presage of success. He hurried forward the advance of the main body under his immediate com- mand, and the troops dropped every incum- brance to the celerity of their march to the front. At the old Tennent Meeting-house Greene took the right and Lord Stirling led the left directly towards the high ground, where he subsequently took his strong position.

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The vanguard, under the immediate command | he should bring up the main army to their of Washington, approached the causeway at the support. It was an occasion such as tests the western morass, when repeated interruptions of abilities of a great leader and proves the stead- fastness of soldiers.

his progress began to warn him that disaster was impending, and that the troops of the Con- tinental army needed the presence of their com- mander-in-chief. First a mounted farmer, then a frightened fugitive fifer, told his story. " After a few paces, two or three more persons said that the Continentals were retreating." Like lightning the whole career of General Charles Lee flashed through the mind of Wash- ington, awakening vague and painful suspi- cions and more painful apprehensions, arousing the chief to a sense of the danger which threat- ened the army. At this crisis his action was prompt. Colonels Harrison and Fitzgerald were dispatched to ascertain the exact situation of affairs. They met Major Ogden, who told them with strong expletives that Lee and his troops were " flying from a shadow.". Officer after officer, detachment after detachment, came over the causeway and bridge, all alike ambiguous in their replies or ignorant of the cause of their retreat. Generals and colonels came in with their broken commands, all know- ing that they were retreating, but no one able to say more than that such were the orders, and that just behind them was "the whole British army." Washington hastened towards the bridge and met Wayne, Varnum, Oswald, Stewart, Ram- sey and Livingston. Upon them he imposed the duty of meeting the British columns, and, leading the way in person, placed them in posi- tion on the high ground bordering the west morass. On the left, in the edge of the woods, he posted Ramsey and Stewart, with two pieces of artillery, and with the solemn charge that he depended on them to stop the pursuit. On the right, in the rear of an orchard, and cov- ered by a thick hedge-row, he posted Wayne, Varnum and Livingston; and four of Oswald's guns were placed there under the directions of General Knox, chief of artillery. Maxwell and other commanders, as they arrived, were ordered to the rear to re-form their columns, and Lafayette was intrusted with the formation of a second line until he could give the halted troops a position which they might hold while

Already, with the last retreating column, General Lee had appeared, and finding the troops in line, proceeded to make such change in their position and arrangement as he thought best under the circumstances. He afterwards stated that it had been his purpose, after he passed Carr's house and after consultation with Wikoff (one of the guides), who knew the country, to place a battery on Combs' Hill, which attracted his attention. Wikoff showed him that he could take fence rails and make a crossing of the morass, and that the British army could not attack him without making a circuit of three or four miles to the south ; but he said there was no time for that, and continued his retreat. While demanding the reason for the disposition which he found of the troops on the hill near the west morass, he was informed that Washington had himself made that disposition. Regarding this as virtually superseding him in command, he thereupon rode forward to find Washington and report to him for further orders. He soon met the chief, who, aroused to a fury of wrath by the conviction that the cause of his country and the safety of his army had been willfully imperiled by the disobe- dience-if not treachery-of his lieutenant, sternly demanded of Lee an explanation of his conduct ; and the manner, tone and words of Washington at this meeting were such that Lee (as he afterwards stated before a court-martial) was " disconcerted, astonished and confounded," so that he was "unable to make any coherent answer." It was a well-established fact that on this occasion the Father of his Country did (perhaps for the first and last time in his life) use some profane expressions, which have been variously reported by different witnesses and writers, as will be more fully noticed in succeed- ing pages.

This colloquy between the two generals was closed by Washington asking Lee if he would take command at the front while he (Washing- ton) was forming the main body. "When Gen- eral Washington asked me," said Lee after-

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wards, " whether I would remain in front and retain the command, or whether he should take it, I answered that I undoubtedly would, and that he should see that I myself should be one of the last to leave the field. Colonel Hamil- ton, flourishing his sword, immediately exclaimed 'That's right, my dear General, and I will stay, and we will all die here on the spot.' ... I answered, 'I am responsible to the General and to the Continent for the troops I have been en- trusted with. When I have taken proper measures to get the main body in a good posi- tion, I will die with you on the spot if you please.'" He spoke in terms of ridicule of Hamilton's "flustrated manner and frenzy of valor," and gave it as his opinion that "the position was not one to risk anything further than the troops which were then halted on it."

The commands of Ramsey and Stewart had been (as already noticed) placed in a command- ing position on the high ground, supporting the two pieces of Oswald's artillery, with the solemn charge from Washington to hold their ground, stop the British pursuit, and so give him time to bring up the main body and save the day. They performed well the duty as- signed them. The fire from Oswald's guns was well directed, and told with such effect on the troops of Cornwallis that for the first time since they had been faced to the rear at Briar Hill their. advance was checked, and they found their way barred by the firm front and deter- mined courage of their antagonists. The fugi- tive troops of Lee's division had been inspired with confidence by the presence of the com- mander-in-chief, and within ten minutes after he appeared before them the retreat was suspended, the troops rallied and order soon came out of the midst of the utmost confusion. Stewart and Ramsey had formed in the cover of the wood and co-operated with Oswald in keeping the enemy at bay. While the British grenadiers were pouring their destructive fire upon the ranks of the Americans the voice of Washington seemed omnipotent with the inspiration of courage; it was the voice of faith to the despairing soldiers. Fear- lessly he rode in the face of the iron storm and gave his orders. The whole patriot army,

which half an hour before had seemed to be on the verge of destruction, panic-stricken and without order, was now drawn up in battle ar- ray and prepared to meet the enemy with a bold and well-arranged front.

Washington rode back in haste to the main army, and with wonderful expedition formed their confused ranks into battle order on the eminences on the western side of the morass. Lord Stirling was placed in command of the left wing, while General Greene, on receiving intelligence of Lee's retreat, had marched back, and now took an advantageous position on the right of Stirling.

In the conflict that followed the retreat from the court-house, General Lee displayed all his skill and courage in obedience to Washington's order to "check the enemy." When the com- mander-in-chief recrossed the morass to form and bring up the main army, Oswald's guns on the right of Stewart and Ramsey had opened a vigorous cannonade on the enemy, whose artil- lery replied with equal energy, while the Brit- ish light-horse charged furiously upon the right of Lee's division, and finally the Ameri- cans gave way before the fierce onset and over- whelming numbers of the attacking enemy. As they emerged from the woods the combatants seemed completely intermingled.

The next assault of the British was on Var- num's brigade and Livingston's regiment, who lay behind the hedge-row that stretched across the open field in front of the causeway over the morass. Several artillery pieces, posted on a rise of ground in the rear of the fence, delivered an effective fire on the enemy's line and for a time the conflict raged furiously, until a heavy body of British infantry and horse made a charge with bayonet and sabre, broke the American ranks, and the troops of Varnum and Livingston, with the two sections of Oswald's battery, retreated across the morass by orders of General Lee, their crossing being covered by Colonel Ogden's troops, who were partially sheltered in a wood near the causeway. Lee was the last to leave the position, bringing off Ogden's regiment, as a rear-guard to the retreat- ing forces of Varnum, Livingston and Oswald, in excellent order, and instantly forming them

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on a slope on the west side of the morass. He then reported to Washington, "Sir, here are my troops ; how is it your Excellency's pleasure that I should dispose of them." The men, who had been on the march and in the battle since the early morning, were worn out with hunger, thirst and fatigue, and therefore Washington ordered them to be withdrawn and posted in the rear of Englishtown, while he prepared to engage the enemy himself with the fresh divi- sions of the main army, which were formed in · line of battle on the wooded eminence on the west side of the morass, Washington command- ing the centre in person, while the right and left wings were, respectively, as before mentioned, under command of Greene and Stirling.

General Wayne, with an advanced corps, was posted in an orchard on the high ground a little south of the parsonage, and a five-gun battery was, by order of General Greene, posted on Combs' Hill, to pour an enfilading fire on the British columns in their advance against the American lines. This battery, which was under the immediate eye of General Knox, did most excellent service during the ensuing en- gagement, for which it received the special commendation of Washington.

The British, finding themselves warmly op- posed in front, made a desperate attempt to turn the American left flank, but were repulsed. Then. they moved against the right in heavy force, but were driven back with severe loss, being enfiladed by Knox's guns on Combs' Hill. In the mean time Wayne's position in the orchard was repeatedly attacked by the enemy, but each time he drove them back in disorder, and poured a destructive fire into their central position. Finally, the British- apparently resolved to carry Wayne's position at whatever cost-prepared for a still more determined assault, and one which proved to be the most desperate and bloody of the day. It was made by Lieutenant-Colonel Monckton, with his battalion of Royal Grenadiers,-a vet- eran corps, and the finest one in Clinton's army. Preparatory to the charge they were harangued by their brave commander in a clear, ringing voice, plainly heard above the uproar of the battle by the troops of Wayne's command. | the sultry air of that June day's battle."

Then came the order "Forward!" and the grenadiers advanced in solid array, rapidly, but steadily, as if on parade, and with such preci- sion of movement that (it was said) a shot from one of Knox's guns on Combs' Hill, "entilad- ing a platoon, disarmed every man."

Awaiting the assault, "Mad Anthony" or- dered the men of his brigade to stand firm, and under no circumstances to pull a trigger until the signal was given. When the grenadiers had reached the proper point, the word was given, a terrific volley blazed out from Wayne's whole line, and three-fourths of the officers of the British battalion fell, among them its brave commander, the gallant Monckton.1 The spot where he fell is said to be about eight rods northeast of the site of the old parsonage.

1 Lieutenant-Colonel the Honorable Henry Monckton was one of the bravest and most honorable officers in the British service,-accomplished, gallant, of irreproachable moral character and splendid personal appearance. He was in the battle of Long Island in August, 1776, and was there shot through the body, from which wound he lay many weeks apparently at the point of death. On his re- covery he was, for his gallantry on that occasion. pro- moted from the Fifth Company, Second Grenadiers, to be lieutenant-colonel, and was in command of the battalion at the battle of Monmouth, in which the First Grenadiers also took a conspicuous part. The charge of his battalion and the death of the brave Monckton are thus mentioned by Lossing : "At the head of his grenadiers on the field of Monmouth he kept them silent until they were within a few rods of the Americans, when, waving his sword, he shouted,-' Forward to the charge!' Our General Wayne was on his front. At the same moment ' Mad Anthony' gave the signal to fire. A terrible volley poured destruc- tion on Monckton's grenadiers, and almost every British officer fell. Amongst them was their brave leader. Over his body the combatants fought desperately, until the Americans secured it and bore it to the rear."

The flag of the Second Grenadiers, which went down in the charge in which their brave leader fell, was taken by a Pennsylvanian,-William Wilson, who was afterwards judge of the Northumberland (Pa.) court. The flag fell into possession of his grandson, Captain William Wilson Potter, of Bellefonte, Centre County, Pa., and is still (or was recently) to be seen at his house. It is of heavy, corded silk, lemon-colored, with the usual blue union, bearing the combined crosses of St. George and St. An- drew. Its size is five feet four inches by four feet eight inches. "The flag has the appearance of having been wrenched from its staff, and has a few blood-stains on the device ; otherwise it looks as bright and new as if it had just come from the gentle fingers that made it, though a. century has rolled away since its golden folds drooped in

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He was buried in the yard of the old Tennent

The sun was now near the horizon ; the long summer day, then drawing to its close, had been one of the hottest ever known, and the troops were worn down with fatigue; yet Washington immediately resolved to pursue the advantage he had gained, and attack the forces of Clinton in their new and strong position. Accordingly, he ordered General Poor, with his own and the Carolina brigade, to gain their right flank, while Woodford with his brigade was directed to do the same on their left ; and the artillery was ordered to take post and open fire on their front. These orders were obeyed promptly and with enthusiasm ; but the obstacles on the British flanks were so many, on account of the woods and roughness of the ground, that before these could be overcome, so that the troops could approach near enough to attack, darkness began to come on and rendered further operations impractica- ble. Very unwillingly, Washington then re- linquished his plan of renewing the engagement that night, but being resolved to do so at day- light on the following morning, he ordered that the brigades of Poor and Woodford should keep their places on the British flanks during the night, to be ready for the assault at dawn, and that the other troops should lie on their arms on the field in readiness to support them.

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The commander-in-chief, who had been in Church, a few feet from the west end of the the saddle during nearly the whole day, regard- ancient edifice, where his grave is marked by a wooden tablet, erected many years later, by a school-teacher of Monmouth County,- William Wilson,-whose remains also lie in the same inclosure. less of fatigue or danger, lay down on the field wrapped in his cloak, and passed the night in the midst of his soldiers. The conflict of the day, disastrous enough at first, had ended with a decided advantage to the American arms, and The rout of the grenadiers by Wayne, vir- tually closed the battle of Monmouth. For a short time afterwards the conflict was continued at different points along the opposing lines, and he felt confident of a decisive victory on the morrow. But the returning daylight dispelled all his hopes, for the bivouac-ground of the royal troops was vacant, and not a scarlet uniform the artillery fire was continued on both sides, (save those of the dead and wounded) could be but the British made no more attempts to ad- ; seen on the heights and plains of Freehold. vance against the strong positions of the Americans, and they soon withdrew to the heights above Carr's house,-the same ground which Lee had occupied in the morning. Here they took a strong position, where both flanks were secured by thick woods and morasses, and there was only a narrow way of approach in front.

" The fires were bright in Clinton's camp, But long ere morning's dawn His beaten host was on the tramp And all the foes were gone. Never again may cannon sweep Where waves the golden grain, And ne'er again an army sleep Upon old Monmouth plain."

The troops of Sir Henry Clinton had stolen away from the field in the early part of the night,1 and so silently and secretly had the move-

1 Most of the accounts of the battle of Monmouth say that Clinton left the field at about twelve o'clock. Lossing says : " At midnight, under cover of darkness, Sir Henry Clinton put his weary host in motion. With silent steps column after column left the camp, and hurried toward Sandy Hook." But Clinton himself said : "Having reposed the troops till ten at night, to avoid the excessive heat of the day, I took advantage of the moonlight to rejoin Lieutenant- General Knyphausen." (The italics are not so indicated in Sir Henry's report.) On the night of June 28, 1778, the moon (which had made its change to the new on the 24th, at 10 A.M.) was only four days old, and the time of its setting was 10.55 P.M. So, if Sir Henry moved his troops from the field at ten o'clock, as he stated, he thus secured about an hour of moonlight to facilitate the march through the woods, over the morasses, hills and unfamiliar ground that intervened between the battle-field and the Middletown road. That hour of moonlight was invaluable to him for that purpose, and there is no reason to doubt that he marched from the field at about ten, as he stated. The different accounts which place the time of his departure at midnight are based on Washington's, statement, nearly to that effect. But it is to be borne in mind that Washing- ton could only guess at the time the British left, for he did not even know that they had left at all until the daylight of the following morning revealed the fact. On learning that such was the case he sent out scouts to ascertain their position ; and when these returned with the intelligence that the enemy was already more than half-way from the court-house to Middletown, he knew that they must have been several hours on the march, and it was natural enough

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History of Monmouth County, New Jersey. Pt. 1, Part 34

Author: Ellis, Franklin, 1828-1885 Publication date: 1885 Publisher: Philadelphia : R.T. Peck & Co. Number of Pages: 974

Author: Ellis, Franklin, 1828-1885
Publication date: 1885
Publisher: Philadelphia : R.T. Peck & Co.
Number of Pages: 974