USA > New Jersey > Monmouth County > History of Monmouth County, New Jersey. Pt. 1 > Part 36
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The court-martial ordered by General Wash- ington for the trial of General Charles Lee con- vened at New Brunswick on the 4th of July. It consisted of Major-General Lord Stirling (who was the president), four brigadiers and eight colonels. The immediate cause of the or- dering of this court-martial was that Lee,
smarting under the recollection of the severe language used towards him by Washington on the day of the battle, had written to the com- mander-in-chief two very disrespectful letters (dated June 29th and 30th), for which offense, as also on two other charges,-viz., " Disobedi- ence of orders in not attacking the enemy on the 28th of June, agreeably to repeated instruc- tions," and " Misbehavior before the enemy on the same day, by making an unnecessary, disor- derly and shameful retreat,"-he was tried by the court-martial, which, after a long and ex- haustive investigation, rendered its decision on the 8th of August, finding him guilty on all charges (but softening the finding on the second charge by substituting for the words "an un- necessary, disorderly and shameful retreat " the words " an unnecessary and, in some instances, a disorderly retreat "), and sentencing him to suspension from any and all command in any of the armies of the United States for the term of twelve months. The finding was approved by Congress, and thereupon Lee left the army and removed to Philadelphia, where he died four years afterwards, having never again been called into the service.
The conduct of Major-General Charles Lee- who had been second in command under Wash- ington down to the time of the battle of Mon- mouth-had for a long time been regarded with suspicion not only by the commander-in-chief, but by nearly all the higher officers of the Con- tinental forces, who believed (and, without doubt, justly) that the object constantly pursued by Lee was to bring about a situation of military affairs which would enable him to supersede Washington in the position to which he (Lee) thought himself entitled-that of commander- in-chief of the American army. He had shown a contempt for (or, at least, a disregard of) the orders of his superior on several occasions, one of which was the marching of his command through New Jersey in the fall of 1776. At that time, when Washington crossed the Hudson River into New Jersey, soon after the battle of White Plains, Lee was left at the latter place with his division of about three thousand men. When Washington reached Hackensack he wrote Lee at White Plains, requesting him to move
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his command to the west side of the Hudson this, it does not appear that any well-defined be- and join the main body without delay. Lee lief that Lee was absolutely a traitor to the American cause was widely entertained until having taken no notice of this request, an order --- to the same effect was transmitted to him from :three-fourths of a century after his death, when headquarters ; and when it was found that he still delayed, the order was repeated in the most peremptory terms. In obedience to this second order, but with apparent reluctance, he moved his division, and crossed into Jersey ; but his march was so dilatory that three weeks were consumed by him in bringing his force to Morristown. "It is evident," says Lossing, "from Lee's conduct, and the tenor of his letters at that time, that it was not so much a spirit of determined disobedience which gov- erned his actions as a strong desire to act inde- pendent of the commander-in-chief, and perform some signal service which would redound to his personal glory. He was ambitious as he was impetuous and brave. He had endeavored, but in vain, to induce General Heath, who was left in command at Peekskill, to let him have a de- tachment of one or two thousand men with which to operate. Heath refused to vary from his instructions, and it was well that he did." Washington continued to urge Lee to form a junction with him; yet as late as the 11th of December, two days after Washington had crossed the Delaware into Pennsylvania, he re- ceived a letter from Lee hinting at various con- templated movements, not one of which referred to a junction of forces. This was the last com- munication Washington received from Lee dur- ing that campaign. Twodays later, while pursu- ing his dilatory march, Lee was taken prisoner at Basking Ridge, Somerset County, by Colonel Harcourt, of the British Light-Horse, and was taken to New York, where he remained until May, 1778,-only about a month before the bat- tle of Monmouth,-when he was exchanged for the British general Prescott, and rejoined Wash- ington at Valley Forge.
By some it was believed that Lee's capture was premeditated and prepared for by himself, and the belief was held by a few that he intended to have his entire command also taken, but there is no proof that such was the case. The opinion expressed by Lossing (as above quoted) was gen- 'eral, and doubtless well founded ; but beyond
evidence going far towards the establishment of the latter theory as a fact was furnished by the discovery of a document written by Lee's own hand while he was a prisoner with the British in New York, in February, 1777. The document referred to was first brought to light in this country, in 1858, by Mr. George H. Moore, librarian of the New York Historical Society. It had been surreptitiously obtained from a connection of the Lee family in England, who had possession of his papers, and it had been brought to this country and offered for sale. Mr. Moore, after writing to England and satisfying himself of its authenticity, purchased it, and was afterwards permitted to retain it by the gentleman from whom it had been unlaw- fully obtained. The document, which was sub- mitted by Lee to Admiral Lord Howe and his brother, General Howe, for their inspection and approval, and which bears the indorsement, " Mr. Lee's Plan-29th March, 1777," is as follows :
"As on the one hand, it appears to me that by the continuance of the War, America has no chance of obtaining the end She proposes to herself; that altho' by struggling She may put the Mother-Country to very serious expense, both in blood and Money, yet She must in the end, after great desolation, havock and slaughter, be reduc'd to submit to terms much harder than might probably be granted at present; and as on the other hand, Great Britain, tho' ultimately vic- torious, must suffer very heavily even in the process of the victories, every life lost and every guinea spent being, in fact, worse than thrown away, it is only wasting her own property, shedding her own blood and destroying her own strength; and as I am not only persuaded, from the high opinion I have of the humanity and good sense of Lord and General Howe, that the terms of accommodation will be as moderate as their power will admit, but that their powers are more ample than their Successors (should any accident happen) wou'd be vested with, I think myself not only justifiable, but bound in conscience to furnish all the lights I can, to enable 'em to bring matters to a con- clusion in the most compendious manner, and conse- quently the least expensive to both Parties. I do this with the more readiness, as I know the most generous use will be made of it in all respects; their humanity will incline 'em to have considerations for Individuals
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who have acted from principle, and their good sense will tell 'em that the more moderate are the general conditions the more solid and permanent will be the union, for if the conditions were extremely repugnant to the general way of thinking, it wou'd be only the mere patchwork of a day, which the first breath of wind will discompose, and the first symptoms of a rupture betwixt. the Bourbon Powers and Great Britain absolutely overturn; but I have really no apprehensions of this kind whilst Lord and General Howe have the direction of affairs, and I flatter myself that under their auspices an accommodation may be built on so solid a foundation as not to be shaken by any such incident; in this persuasion and on these principles I shall most sincerely and zealously con- tribute all in my power to so desirable an end; and if no untoward accidents fall out, which no human foresight can guard against, I will answer with my life for the success.
"From my present situation and ignorance of cer- tain facts, I am sensible that I hazard proposing things which cannot without difficulties be comply'd with; I can only act from surmise, therefore hope allowances will be made for my circumstances. I will suppose that (exclusive of the Troops requisite for the security of Rhode Island and N. York) General Howe's Army (comprehending every species, British, Hessians. and Provincials) amounts to twenty thou- sand men, capable to take the field and act offensively ; by which I mean, to move to any part of the Continent where occasion requires; I will suppose that the General's design with this force is to clear the Jerseys and take possession of Philadelphia; but in my opinion the taking possession of Philadelphia will not have any decisive consequences; the Congress and People adhering to the Congress have already made up their minds for the event; already They have turned their eyes to other places where They can fix their seat of residence, carry on in some measure their Government; in short, expecting this event, They have devis'd measures for protracting the War, in hopes of some favorable turn of affairs in Europe ; the taking possession therefore of Philadelphia, or any one or two Towns more, which the General may have in view, will not be decisive; to bring matters to a conclusion, it is necessary to unhinge or dissolve, if I may so express myself, the whole system or machine of resistance, or, in other terms, Congress Government; this system or machine, as affairs now stand, depends entirely on the circumstances and disposition of the People of Maryland, Virginia and Pennsylvania; if the Province of Maryland, or the greater part of it, is reduced or submits, and the People of Virginia are prevented or intimidated from marching aid to the Pennsylvania Army, the whole machine is dissolv'd and a period put to the War, to accomplish which is the object of the scheme which I now take the liberty of offering to the consideration of his Lordship and the General; and if it is adopted in full, I am so con-
fident of the success that I wou'd stake my life on the issue. I have at the same time the comfort to reflect that in pointing out measures which I know to be the most effectual, I point out those which will be attended with no bloodshed or desolation to the Colonies. As the difficulty of passing and of re-passing the North River, and the apprehensions from General Carleton's Army will, I am confident, keep the New Englanders at home, or at least confine 'em to the east side of the River; and as their Provinces are at present neither the seat of Government, strength nor Politicks, I cannot see that any offensive operations against these Provinces wou'd answer any sort of Purpose; to se- cure N. York and Rhode Island against their attacks will be sufficient.
"On the supposition, then, that General Howe's army (including every species of Troops) amounts to twenty, or even eighteen thousand men, at liberty to move to any part of the continent ; as fourteen thou- sand will be more than sufficient to clear the Jerseys and take possession of Philadelphia, I wou'd propose that four thousand men be immediately embarked in transports, one-half of which shou'd proceed up the Potomac and take post at Alexandria, the other half up Chesapeake Bay and possess themselves of Annap- olis. They will most probably meet with no opposi- tion in taking possession of these Posts, and, when possessed, they are so very strong by nature that a few hours' work and some trifling artillery will se- cure them against the attacks of a much greater force than can possibly be brought down against them; their communication with the shipping will be con- stant and sure, for at Alexandria Vessels of a very con- siderable burthen (of five or six hundred Tons, for in- stance) can lie in close to the shore, and at Annapolis, within musket-shot ; all the necessaries and refresh- ments for an Army are near at hand and in the greatest abundance; Kent Island will supply that of Annap- lis, and every part on both banks of the Potomac that of Alexandria. These Posts may, with ease, support each other, and it is but two easy days' march from one to the other, and if occasion re- quires, by a single day's march They may joinª and conjointly carry on their operations wherever it may be thought eligible to direct 'em, whether to take possession of Baltimore, or post themselves on some spot on the Westward bank of the Susquehanna, which is a point of the utmost importance. But here I must beg leave to observe that there is a measure which, if the General assents to and adopts, will be attended with momentous and the most happy conse- quences. I mean that from these Posts proclama-
a " On the Road from Annapolis to Queen Ann there is one considerable River to be pass'd ; but as the ship's boats can easily be brought round from the Bay to the usual place of passage or Ferry, this is no impediment if the Two Corps chuse to unite. They may, by a single day's march, either at Queen Ann or Marlborough."
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tions of pardon shou'd be issued to all those who come in at a given day ; and I will answer for it with my life that all the Inhabitants of that great tract southward of the Patapsico, and lying between the Patomac and Chesepeak Bay, and those on the East- ern shore of Maryland, will immediately lay down their arms. But this is not all. I am much mis- taken if those potent and populous German districts -Frederic County, in Maryland, and York, in Penn- sylvania-do not follow their example. These Ger- mans are extremely numerous, and, to a Man, have hitherto been the most staunch Assertors of the American cause ; but, at the same time, are so remark- ably tenacious of their property, and apprehensive of the least injury being done to their fine farms, that I have no doubt when They see a probability of their Country becoming the Seat of War, They will give up all opposition ; but if, contrary to my expectations, a force should be assembled at Alexandria sufficient to prevent the corps detached thither from taking possession immediately of the place, it will make no disadvantageous alteration, but rather the reverse. A variety of spots near Alexandria, on either bank of the Patomac, may be chosen for Posts, equally well calculated for all the great purposes I have men- tioned-viz., for the reduction or compulsion to sub- mission of the whole Province of Maryland ; for the preventing or intimidating of Virginia from sending aids to Pennsylvania; for, in fact, if any force is as- sembled at Alexandria sufficient to oppose the Troops sent against it getting possession of it, it must be at the expence of the more Northern Army, as they must be compos'd of those Troops which were other- wise destined for Pennsylvania,-to say all in a word, it will unhinge and dissolve the whole system of defence. I am so confident of the event that I will venture to assert, with the penalty of my life, if the plan is fully adopted, and no accidents (such as a rupture between the Powers of Europe) intervenes, that in less than two months from the date of the proclamation not a spark of this desolating war re- mains unextinguished in any part of the Continent."
This document goes a long way towards clear- ing up the mystery which for eighty years en- veloped the conduct of Charles Lee at the battle of Monmouth, leading inevitably to the con- clusion that he was in sympathy with the British, and that it was not so much his intention to sup- plant as to betray the great commander, before whose sublime wrath and fierce invective he afterwards cowered and shrank away like a criminal.
Concerning the precise language used by General Washington to Lee when he met the . Jatter in retreat on the day of the battle, very
much has been written and many accounts of the occurrence given. These accounts differ widely as to the exact words used by the chief but all agree that his language and manner to- ward his lieutenant on that occasion were terri- bly severe. It is related by Irving that when the intelligence came that Lee with his division was retiring towards the rear with an apparently victorious army in pursuit, Washington galloped forward to stop the retreat, his indignation kind- ling as he rode. The commander-in-chief soon en- countered Lee approaching with the body of his command in full retreat. By this time he (Washington) was thoroughly exasperated. " What is the meaning of this, sir ?" demanded he, in the sternest and even fiercest tone, as Lee rode up to him. Lee, stung by the manner more than by the words of the demand, made an angry reply and provoked still sharper expressions, which are variously reported ; by which " vari- ously reported " expressions is meant the pro- fanity which, acccording to general admission and belief, was used by Washington on that occasion. He very rarely (if ever, except at that time) used profane language, but he was a man of fierce temper when aroused, and it burst forth in ungovernable fury when he saw the shameful conduct of Lee, reviving, as it did, a suspicion of treachery which had before that time forced itself into the mind of the chief.
The Marquis de Lafayette, when revisiting the United States in 1824, mentioned the circum- stance to Daniel D. Tompkins, of New York, and said, "This was the only time I ever heard General Washington swear. He called Lee a damned poltroon, and was in a towering rage." 1 Another witness said that Washington shouted to Lee, "In the devil's name, sir, go back to the front, or go to hell."
Weems, in his "Life of Washington," says : "As Washington was advancing, to his infinite as- tonishment he saw Lee retreating and the enemy pursuing. 'For God's sake, General Lee,' said he in great warmth, 'what is the cause of this ill-timed prudence?' 'No man, sir,' re- plied Lee, 'can boast a larger portion of that
1 This statement of Lafayette was made by him on the piazza of the residence of Vice-President Tompkins, on the morning of Sunday, August 15, 1824.
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rascally .virtue than your excellency !' Darting along like a madman, Washington rode up to his troops, who, at sight of him, rent the air with 'God save great Washington!' 'My brave fellows, can you fight ?' said he. They answered with cheers. 'Then face about, my heroes, and charge !' This order was executed with infinite spirit." This account by Weems, however, seems much less like a correct state- ment of an actual occurrence on a battle-field than like an imaginative creation of the author.
The Rev. C.W. Upham, in his " Life of Wash- ington," says: "When General Washington met Lee retreating at the battle of Monmouth he was so exasperated as to lose control of his feelings for a moment, and in his anger and in- dignation he burst forth in violent expressions of language and manner. Very harsh words were exchanged between him and Lee, and a sharp correspondence ensued, which resulted in Washington putting Lee under arrest. He was tried by court-martial. .
No witness on the court-martial of Lee made any mention of profane words used by Wash- ington on the occasion referred to; but this omission can have no weight, for indeed it would have. been strange if any allusion had been made to it, as it was not the commander in-chief and his language, but Lee and his actions, that were then, under investigation.
General Lee, in his defense before the court- martial, said : " I confess I was disconcerted, astonished and confounded by the words and manner in which his Excellency accosted me. It was so novel and unexpected, from a man whose discretion, humanity and decorum I had, from the first of our acquaintance, stood in ad- miration of, that I was for some time unable to make any coherent answer to questions so abrupt and, in a great measure, unintelligible."
Neither Sparks, Bancroft nor Marshall, in their excellent works; make more definite men- tion of the language used by the commander- in-chief on Monmouth field than to say, in effect, that Washington spoke in terms of warmth, implying disapprobation of Lee's conduct.
Dr. Samuel Forman, of Freehold, gave the following account, as he had heard it from his
father, who, with Peter Wikoff, had acted as guide to General Washington on the day of the battle : " Washington met Lee in the field immediately north of the parsonage of the Tennent Church, and, riding up to him, asked in astonishment, ' What is the meaning of this ?' Lee, being confused and not distinctly understanding the question, said, 'Sir, sir?' Washington again asked, ' What is all that confusion and retreat for?' Lee answered that he saw no confusion except what arose from his orders not being properly obeyed. Washington said he had certain information that the enemy before him was only a strong covering party. Lee said it might be so, but they were stronger than he (Lee) was, and that he had not thought it prudent to risk so much. 'You should not have undertaken it,' said Washington, and rode on. Soon afterwards Washington again met Lee, and asked him if he would take com- mand there; if not, then he (Washington) would ; but if Lee would take the command, he would return to the main army and make the proper dispositions for battle. Lee answered that his Excellency had already given him command there. Upon which Washington told him he should expect him to take the proper measures to check the enemy's advance. Lee replied that his orders should be obeyed, and that he (Lee) would not be the first to leave the field. Washington then rode away." No harsh lan- guage is mentioned in this account, but it is to be remembered that persons acting in the capa- city of guides, though at certain times held near the person of the commander, would hardly be in a position, at such a time as the one referred to, to know all that passed between the two highest generals of the army.
One of the Virginian officers in the battle (General Charles Scott), who was himself one of the worst of swearers, and seemed to take delight in hearing profanity from the lips of others, was once, in later years, asked if it was possible that the great Washington ever used profane language. His reply (evidently an exaggeration of the facts) was : " He did, sir, once. It was at Monmouth, and on a day that would have made any man swear. He swore, sir, till the leaves shook in the trees. I never,
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sir, enjoyed such swearing before or since. On that memorable day, sir, he swore like an angel from heaven." It was either Scott or another of the Virginian officers present in the battle who said that Washington, enraged by Lee's excuse that he had thought it safest to retire before the enemy, who greatly outnumbered him, wrathfully burst out: "D-n your multi- plying eyes, General Lee! Go to the front, or go to hell, I care little which !"
No person now living knows, or even can know, what were the precise words which Washington used on that blazing, blistering day, when he was driven to a frenzy of rage by the base conduct of his lieutenant ; but we may accept and agree to the conclusion arrived at by a certain college professor of divinity, who, having held up the Father of his Country as a model in all things, from cherry-tree to Farewell Address, and being thereupon inquired of by one of his pupils whether he would have them include all the events of the 28th of June, 1778, stammered out, after a moment of hesitation and perplexity : "Ahem ! ah, w-e-l-1, I sup- pose if anybody ever did have an excuse for swearing, it was General Washington at the battle of Monmouth."
The British army committed many depreda- tions and outrages on the people of New Jersey (particularly on those of Monmouth County) during its march through the State from the Delaware to the Navesink Highlands. With i with giving you an account of General Clinton's reference to those outrages, there appeared in Collins' New Jersey Gazette, soon after the Monmouth battle, the following article, attrib- uted to Dr. (Colonel) Thomas Henderson, who had himself suffered severely in property from their barbarous vandalism :
"The devastation they have made in some parts of Freehold exceeds, perhaps, any they have made for the distance in their route through this State, having, in the neighbour- hood above the court-house, burnt and destroyed eight dwelling-houses, all on farms adjoining each other, besides barns and out-houses. The first they burnt was my own, then Benjamin Covenhoven's, George Walker's, Hannah Solo- . mon's, Benjamin Van Cleve's, David Coven- | and 27th of June, 1778.
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