Historical sketches of New Mexico : from the earliest records to the American occupation, Part 14

Author: Prince, L. Bradford (Le Baron Bradford), 1840-1922
Publication date: 1883
Publisher: New York : Leggat brothers ; Kansas City : Ramsey, Millett & Hudson
Number of Pages: 350


USA > New Mexico > Historical sketches of New Mexico : from the earliest records to the American occupation > Part 14


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Two hundred leagues (about 500 English miles) they had thus travelled, always through these charming


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plains, when they arrived at a great river called " Mis- chipi," where they met a large army of Indians of the Escanxaques Nation, about 3,000 in number, on the march to attack the nearest city of the Quivirans, who were the hereditary enemies of the Escanxaques. Peñalosa entered into friendly relations with the Indians and the two armies marched on, side by side, up along the banks of the Mischipi, which flowed rapidly through fields so fertile that they produced in places two crops a year After one day's travel, the course of the river turned to the north, and in the evening 600 of the In- dians started out on a grand buffalo hunt, from which they returned in less than three hours, bringing one, two or three cow's-tongues each, as evidence of their suc- cess and the vast number of the animals on the plains.


Four leagues above this point they came in sight of a great range of mountains which skirted the east side of the river, and soon after had their first view of the celebrated city of Quivira, the goal of their expedition, which they found situated on a beautiful prairie, on a branch of the Mischipi, which flowed from the moun- tains till it joined the main stream. Here without crossing the river, Peñalosa encamped, and with great difficulty restrained the Escanxaques from pressing on to an immediate attack upon the city, which, since their alliance with the Spaniards, they felt to be within their power.


Crowds of people in enormous numbers were seen in front of the city, and soon a deputation of seventy chiefs (caciques) came to visit the Spanish commander and welcome him to the country; at the same time they evinced considerable uneasiness at finding him in com- pany with their inveterate enemies, the Escanxaques. Peñalosa treated them with great consideration, making them presents of such things as pleased their fancy, and impressing upon them his desire for friendly intercourse, and the importance of such commerce to themselves.


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He also endeavored to instill a first lesson in religion by causing an altar to be erected, the Salve and Litany to be sung, and other ceremonies performed. In return, they delivered presents of provisions of various kinds, and skins and furs in great abundance, saying that these were but an earnest of the hospitality they would show when he should cross the river and enter their city on the next day.


The Caciques then retired, with the exception of two, whom Peñalosa induced to stay, that he might converse more fully with them regarding the country and its inhabitants. These chiefs gave a most inviting account of the land across the river, telling that the city of Quivira was so large that the end of it would require more than two days to reach, and that the country between the Mischipi and the range of mountains then in sight was well watered by numerous streams flow- ing from the hills to the river, on which were countless cities and towns of their nation, some being larger even than Quivira itself. They then went on to say that from the eastern slopes of the range ran other streams, which flowed into a very large salt-water lake, the ulti- mate extent of which they did not know (but which Friar Nicolas says, was doubtless the Atlantic Ocean), and that that country was even more thickly populated than the land of Quivira, and contained greater cities, the whole being ruled over by one mighty king ; and that perpetual war existed between the nation on the east of the mountain-called the Ahijaos-and their own. They also spoke of powerful nations to the north, and of another great lake, which was surrounded by splen- did cities. So interested was Peñalosa in hearing of these magnificent fields for future enterprise and valor, that the conversation continued till midnight, when the Chiefs were conducted to a place to sleep. But they, fearful at their proximity to their Indian enemies, and, as the sequel proved, with a more correct idea of


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their character than had Peñalosa himself, quickly escaped across the river,-and none too soon ; for before morning the Escanxaques, without disturbing the Spanish army, stealthily attacked the city, killing and burning as they went, and causing such consternation that the inhabitants fled, leaving not even one behind. As soon as this was discovered, and before dawn, Peña- losa pressed across with his army, anxious to save the city from pillage or conflagration.


The chronicler describes Quivira as charmingly situ- ated on both banks of the eastern branch of the Mis- chipi, with streets of great length, and highways enter- ing at regular intervals from the surrounding country. The houses were generally circular, and two, three, and even four stories in height, the frame-work being of a very strong, solid, and knotty cane, and the roofs made most skillfully of straw. The Spanish army marched for two leagues through the town, without coming to its terminus, when the commander sent a company of twenty-five soldiers, under Francisco de Madrid, to explore further, but even they failed to find the end of this wonderful city ; but all could see that the country between the mountains and the river-the distance being six or seven leagues-was like a paradise for fer- tility and beauty.


Then Don Diego, finding that all the inhabitants had fled, and not wishing at that time to undertake an expe- dition over the mountains, concluded to return; but found himself confronted by a new danger, for the Escanxaques having been joined by a large body of their countrymen, so that they now amounted to 7,000, and exasperated at having been frustrated in their design to sack the city, and not recognizing their obli- gation towards their late allies, commenced hostilities ; and a fierce battle ensued, in which the Spaniards suf- fered largely, on account of the shower of arrows which assailed them, but finally by the display of great valor


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and the " superiority of bullets over arrows," defeated their enemies with great slaughter, killing, we are told, more than 3,000 of them in three hours, and put- ting the remainder to flight. This battle occurred on the 11th of June, and then the expedition returned by the route which it had previously taken, to New Mexico.


This is the story of the most chivalrous and ambitious of all the attempt to penetrate into the interior of the continent. What point was really reached is a matter not yet certainly determined. Scarcely a more interesting question exists in the early history of America than the exact location of this " Quivira," which was so famous in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and was the goal of so many hopes among the adventurous and ambitious cavaliers of that day. All that we can glean positively from this narrative of Friar Nicolas is that Peñalosa proceeded easterly across the plains for three months, travelling about 500 miles without seeing a mountain, and then reached the right bank of a great river, running south-cast ; that a day's journey farther up was a bend in the river, which above that ran directly south, and that about four leagues beyond, on the east side of the river, where an important branch came in from the mountains, was the city of Quivira, situated on both sides of the tributary stream ; and that a range of mountains ran from north-west to south-east about six or seven leagues from the river. The distance from Santa Fé would answer very well for a point either on the Arkansas or the Missouri, and both rivers have tributaries from the east. which would fill the description given of the branch on which Quivira was situated. But it is difficult to understand with regard to the range of mountains near the river to the eastward, unless it is considered to be a great exaggeration of the bluffs which separate the bot- tom-lands in several places from the interior uplands.


Twice we have records of bands of Indians from Quivira coming to Santa Fé. Once in 1606, as already


..


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narrated, a few years after Oñate's expedition to their city, some 800 men of Quivira came to ask that Governor to aid them in repelling the fierce attacks of the Ayjaos, their enemies, across the range of mountains. They gave glowing descriptions of the riches of their adversa- ries, and the amount of gold to be found in their country ; probably heightened with the view of inducing the Spaniards to invade that country, and with a knowl- edge of the peculiar attractions of the precious metal to European adventurers. And again, in the latter part of 1662, very shortly after the return of Peñalosa, there came across the plains to Santa Fé another expedition, consisting of more than 700 Quivirans, headed by a powerful chief, to bring thanks to the Spaniards for having defeated the Escanxaques ; and apparently with the same object as before, to give so highly colored an account of the land of the Ayjaos as to induce a Mexican expedition against them. These Quivirans were accom- panied by trains of dogs carrying furs and skins as a present; and two of the Indians were left by the chief with Peñalosa, in order to show him a shorter route than he had before pursued, in case he would return to Quivira the next year.


This shorter route seems to have been by Taos, as Freytas says that the Quivirans told them that the most direct road was by that town, and adds his own belief, that "the nine large towns which are seventy leagues from here, in a direct line from the Tahos towards the north, are the beginning of these unknown king- doms, and that from them the settled country continues, and further on the settlements become more numerous." This seems to lead conclusively to the opinion, that Quivira was farther north than any local- ity of the proper distance on the Arkansas, and points to the Missouri, as being the Mischipi of the narrative. Seales' map of America, printed in Churchill's Voyages, accompanying the narrative of Dr. John Francis Gemelli


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Careri's travels in New Spain (Vol. III, p. 480), puts the "Essanapes Country" north-east of the Missouri and Kansas, and even north of the supposed "Morte or Longue" River, much of which was really the Missouri:


Taking every source of information into considera- tion, the conclusion would therefore be that Quivira was situated near the east bank of the Missouri River, somewhere between the present cities of St. Joseph and Council Bluffs, on an eastern branch, which may have been the Nodaway or the Nishabotony. It is almost certain that Peñalosa could not have gone as far north as the Platte, or mention would have been made of so important a stream, unless, indeed, the Spaniards con- sidered the Platte the main stream, in which case the Missouri may have been the branch from the north-east, on which Quivira was situated, and the heights in the vicinity of Council Bluffs, the range of mountains seen in the distance.


The subsequent history of Peñalosa may be briefly stated. After returning from his expedition he engaged in erecting public buildings, and founding new towns; but he soon came, like his predecessor, into collision with the dictatorial agents of the Inquisition, and finally arrested the Commissary-General and impris- oned him for a week in the Palace at Santa Fé. As soon as he could arrange it, he returned to the City of Mexico in order to interest the Viceroy in a grand scheme of conquest to follow up his discoveries at Qui- vira; but the agents of the Inquisition followed him, had him arrested, and punished by imprisonment and fine. He then determined to proceed to Spain to get redress; but being carried to the Canary Islands, his only means of passage was in a vessel to England. There the Spanish ambassador regarded him with sus- picion-which was increased by his attempts to proceed to Spain by way of France. At length, apparently ex- asperated by lack of appreciation on the part of his


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own countrymen, he determined to apply to the French Government; and presented to it a proposition for the establishment of a colony at the mouth of the Rio Grande, and the conquest of a large district of coun- try, by expeditions from that point. Nothing came of it, however, and the Ex-Governor died at Paris in 1687. Had he succeeded in enlisting the interest which was necessary for a new expedition to, and conquest of, the regions of Quivira and the North-east, the history of the continent might have been materially changed; and the Mississippi Valley might have been peopled from Spain, instead of by the French and English.


CHAPTER XII.


THE REVOLUTION OF 1680.


ROM the time of his first leadership in 1675, Popé was untiring in his efforts to unite the whole na- tive population in a war of extermination against the Spaniards. He was a man of great ability and natural resources, thoroughly acquainted with the feelings of his countrymen and the best methods of influencing them, and endowed with an eloquence which seldom failed to effect its purpose. He devoted himself to the work of arousing the people to resistance, and traversed the country from pueblo to pueblo to induce concert of action and forgetfulness of local jealousies. Knowing their reverence for the supernatural, he claimed to be specially commissioned from heaven to drive the Span- iards from the land and restore the people to their an- cient peace and happiness; and at the same time he stated that he had aid from the lower regions as well, three spirits named Caidit, Tilim, and Tlesime, envel- oped in flames which shot from every extremity of their bodies, having appeared to him in the estufa at Taos, and given him counsel as to the revolution. Leading Indians from other nations and pueblos aided Popé in this work of preparation ; prominent among them being Catité, of the Queres nation, Jaca, of Taos, and Francisco, of San Yldefonso ; and he also had an efficient lieutenant in a neighbor of his own pueblo, named Tacu. The precise cause which led to the fix- ing of the time for the outbreak is a little obscure. The tradition which seems too universal not to be true tells us that the caving in of the shaft of a mine, in which a large number of Indians had been forced to


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labor, and the consequent burying alive and destruction of many of them, was the "last straw " which ex- hausted the long-tried patience of the natives, and pre- cipitated the revolt.


Popé sent swift messengers to the pueblos conveying a rope made of the fibre of the Amole, in which were a number of knots corresponding to the days before the time fixed for the uprising, and bearing a message of invitation to join in the work, and of threatening to those who refused. Every effort was made to insure absolute secrecy, and a freedom from the treachery which had wrecked former attempts. Not a woman was entrusted with the secret, and a continued watch was maintained on every man suspected of being unfaithful. So determined were they to achieve success this time that Popé killed with his own hands his son-in-law, Nicolas Bua, Governor of the pueblo of San Juan, who had given cause for suspicion of his loyalty. The day appointed was August 10, 1680, and as it approached, the fullest preparations consistent with secrecy were made in all the pueblos. But all of these precautions were unsuccessful, for two days before the prearranged time, two Indians of Tesuque, whose nearness to the Capital made them specially intimate with the Span- iards, betrayed the entire plot to the Governor, Don Antonio Otermin.


News of this treachery was immediately conveyed to the Pueblo leaders, and they determined that their only chance of success was in an immediate attack on the Spaniards, without waiting for the arrival of the day agreed on; and that very night in all the pueblos to which the news had reached, a simultaneous attack was made on the Christians and all were slaughtered without regard to age or sex, except a few girls, reserved for wives of the young braves. The wisdom of this decis- ion to anticipate the day selected was soon seen in the consternation of the Spanish authorities and people at


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Santa Fé, who were entirely unprepared for the sudden uprising. The Governor took every measure possible for the defense of the city, and sent messengers to all the Spanish settlements, directing the people at the north to concentrate at the capital; and those at the south to gather at Isleta, which was to be fortified by the Lieutenant Governor. The Spaniards lost no time in seeking these places of safety, some succeeding in reach- ing them, but many others, being overtaken on the road or found at their houses before the news had reached them, were killed without mercy. The people of the northern villages, finding it dangerous to attempt to reach Santa Fé, collected at Santa Cruz, which they fortified as thoroughly as possible in the hope of resist- ing any attack, but on the 11th the Pueblos carried the town by storm and massacred all the people they could find, and then proceeded on the march toward Santa Fé.


All the Indians in the Territory from Pecos to Moqui were thoroughly united in the revolution, and soon news came to the Governor that armies were concen- trating upon the capital from all directions. Spies sent to the Galisteo brought tidings of the approach of the Taños Indians, while the Teguas with their Apache allies were marching from the north. Everything possible was done by the Spaniards to provide for their defense. The houses in the outskirts were abandoned, all the people gathering in the plaza and the buildings which bordered upon it; the entrances to the plaza were fortified, the palace put into condition to stand a siege and all the citizens were supplied with arms and ammunition. It was perfectly understood that the war on the part of the Pueblos was one of extermination, so that the condition of the Christians was critical in the extreme. The natives were flushed with success and confident of victory. They declared that the God of the white man was dead, but that their God, the Sun,


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could not die. Religious feeling was a very strong ele- ment among the causes which led to the revolution, and a bitter hatred to the Christianity of the Spaniards was evinced in almost every act during the struggle.


Scarcely were the hasty fortifications at Santa Fé completed, when the Taños Indians were seen approach- ing from the south, coming so near as to occupy the abandoned houses in the suburbs. Governor Otermin wisely endeavored to treat with them before their allies from the north should appear, and so sent a deputation to confer with them, but without result. The Indians said that they had brought with them two crosses, one red and one white, signifying war and peace-that the Spaniards might take their choice ; but if they chose " peace," they must immediately leave the country to its original possessors. Not being prepared for such an abandonment, and negotiation having failed, the Gov- ernor concluded to make an attack and endeavor to drive these enemies from the field before the others approached ; and accordingly, a vigorous sortie was made by the garrison. But it was met with equal gallantry by the Indians, and soon all the available Spaniards had to join in the battle, which was fiercely contested throughout the entire day. The native loss far ex- ceeded that of the Christians ; but their superior num- bers enabled them to hold their ground, and toward evening the appearance of the Teguan army on the hills to the north forced the Spaniards to return to their fortifications and prepare for the combined attack, to which they might now be subjected at any moment.


The Indians, however, did not seem disposed to risk an open assault, but contented themselves with the safer and surer method of a regular siege. They cut off the water supply of the city, and invested it so closely as to produce great distress. The number of the Spaniards was upwards of 1,000, but they included men, women, and children, and the available force of


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fighting men did not reach 200, and was being daily re- duced from various causes ; while the armies of the Pueblos were continually increased by the arrival of fresh parties from the various villages, until they amounted to nearly 3,000 men. The situation became more and more desperate as time passed, and finally a sortie was determined on as presenting the only chance of relief, and that only as being less dangerous than the sure destruction by continued siege. This was at- tempted on the morning of August 19th, and was so gallantly conducted that the lines of the enemy were broken, a large number slain, and no less than forty- seven taken prisoners, the Indians retiring to the east and north of the town. Both sides seem to have been equally determined in this conflict, as we are told that all the prisoners after a brief examination were executed in the Plaza. A hasty council of war was held, and after some discussion it was concluded that notwith- standing their temporary success, the safest course, con- sidering their reduced condition and the scarcity of pro- visions, was to evacuate the town while the road was open. No time was lost in carrying this determination into effect. Preparations were made during the night, and at day-break of the next day (August 21), they left the capital to its fate and commenced the long march toward the south. Not enough horses remained to carry even the sick and wounded; so that all the in- habitants, including women and children, had to pro- ceed on foot, carrying such articles as they needed in bundles, like the pilgrims of old. Fortunately, they were not attacked or in any way molested, the Indians, who watched them from the adjacent hills, being entirely satisfied so long as the country was to be abandoned. They followed the retreating Spaniards at a distance for about seventy miles, to see that they continued their march towards Mexico, and then returned to enjoy the hoped-for fruits of their victory, in the peaceable occu-


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pation of the country and the practice of the faith of their forefathers.


At Alamillo the Governor met his adjutant, Pedro Leiva, with a re-inforcement of forty men, but contin- ued to travel down the river, hoping to find the Christians of the southern villages congregated at Isleta. In this, however, he was disappointed, as they had already marched, under the Lieutenant-Governor, to El Paso. All along the route the towns were deserted and laid waste, and all provisions, including standing corn, had been destroyed or carried away. This occa- sioned great distress, and finally the company became so enfeebled that it could proceed no further, and was forced to send south for assistance. Father Ayeta, of El Paso, responded with four wagon-loads of corn, and the Lieutenant-Governor with a portion of his own scanty store; and thus, partially relieved, they contin- ued on, joining the company which had collected at Isleta, and finally making a winter encampment at San Lorenzo, about thirty miles north of El Paso, where there was abundant wood and water. Here they built rude houses, all, from the Governor to the small chil- dren, taking their parts in the work; and remained till spring, losing a large portion of their number, who fled from the privations of the camp to seek an asylum in villages of Chihuahua and Sonora, and subsisting fre- quently on wild fruits, mesquite, beans, and mescal ; their wretchedness being enhanced by the constant fear of attack by neighboring Indians.


The unfortunate priests, who were left in the midst of the Indians, met with horrible fates. Not one escaped martyrdom. At Zuñi, three Franciscans had been stationed-Fathers Analiza, Espinosa, and Calsada. When the news of the Spanish retreat reached that town, the people dragged these priests from their cells, stripped and stoned them, and afterwards compelled the servant of Analiza to finish the work by shooting them. Having thus whetted their appetite for cruelty and ven-


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geance, the Indians started to carry the news of their independence to Moqui, and signalized their arrival by the barbarous murder of the two missionaries who were living there, Padre Juan de Vallada and Brother Jesus de Lombarde. Their bodies were left unburied, as a prey for the wild beasts. At Jemez, they indulged


in every refinement of cruelty. The old priest, Jesus Morador, was seized in his bed at night, stripped naked and mounted on a hog, and thus paraded through the streets, while the crowd shouted and yelled around. Not satisfied with this, they then forced him to carry them as a beast would, crawling on his hands and feet, until, from repeated beating and the cruel tortures of sharp spurs, he fell dead in their midst. A similar chap- ter of horrors was enacted at Acoma, where the three priests, Fathers Maldonado, Figeroa, and Mora, were stripped, tied together with hair rope, and so driven through the streets, and finally stoned to death. So utterly did the mild nature of the Pueblo Indians ap- pear to have been changed in half a century! and so terribly did the persecutions which the misdirected zeal of some of the ecclesiastics inaugurated, react on others, many of whom were men of great kindness and benevolence, and all of whom had shown marked self- sacrifice and zeal !




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