USA > New Mexico > Historical sketches of New Mexico : from the earliest records to the American occupation > Part 7
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their towns and cultivate the soil. The Indians at taking their leave told us they would do what we com- manded, and would build their towns, if the Christians would suffer them; and this I say and affirm most positively, that if they have not done so, it is the fault of the Christians." So early could an experienced traveler and military officer, with no natural predilec- tion in favor of the Indians, state in one brief and terse
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sentence the fact so often repeated since, of the original cause of the great majority of difficulties between the Europeans and the native possessors of the land.
Dismissing now their Indian escort, the four travel- lers hastened on to the habitations of their own people ; and when three leagues from Culiacan, were met by the Alcalde of that town, Don Melchior Diaz, who was also Captain of the Province, and who had heard of their ap- proach. He wept at sight of them, and gave praise to God who had preserved them through such great dan- gers. On behalf of the Governor, Nuño de Guzman, as well as himself he tendered all the hospitality and service in his power. The travellers wished to lose no time in journeying towards Mexico, but the Alcalde begged them to remain long enough to give confidence to the Indians and induce them again to inhabit the fruitful valleys which were now going to waste. This was no easy task, as Alcaraz immediately after the departure of Cabeza de Vaca had recommenced his outrages upon the natives; but finally through the influence of those to whom they looked up with so much reverence and respect they were brought in. Many of them were baptized, and the Captain of the Province, in the pres- ence of them all, made a covenant with God no more to invade, or consent to invasion, nor to enslave any of the people. Having accomplished this double benefit to both Spaniards and Indians, the four companions proceeded on their way, arriving at the town of San Miguel on April 1, 1536, and on July 25 at the City of Mexico, where they were welcomed with great re- joicing, and entertained most handsomely by the Viceroy of New Spain, and by Cortez, who now bore the title of Marquis of the Valley. From thence, by reason of storms and the dangers of enemies on the sea in the war then raging, they were over a year in reaching Europe, finally landing at Lisbon on the 8th of Au- gust, 1537, more than ten years after they had left San
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Lucar, in high hopes of conquering an empire in Florida.
Thus ended the expedition begun with intent to find another El Dorado, similar to those of the Montezumas and the Incas, and which, though doomed to disaster from its very inception, and utterly unsuccessful in ac- complishing its design, yet lives in history through the sufferings and endurance of the four men who were the first to cross the continent north of the comparatively narrow domains of Mexico. By the people of New Mexico the name of Cabeza de Vaca will ever be held in special remembrance as that of the first European who ever passed through her territory. While some parts of his narrative are obscure, and in the absence of names that can be identified with any of those of more modern days, or even with those preserved by subsequent travel- lers among the Spaniards, it is difficult always to deter- mine localities with entire certainty, yet we are enabled with a little care to distinguish quite accurately the general course of this most extraordinary journey.
The following seem to be the points of most inter- est in this regard: The bay in which the Spaniards first landed and where Narvaez set up the Imperial Ensign, was probably Charlotte Harbor, or some- where in that vicinity, on the west coast of Florida; and the large bay discovered on Easter Monday, and which stretched far inland, was undoubtedly Tampa Bay. It is possible that the first landing place was one of the coves which are found in the southerly part of the same bay, as the distance between the two places was not great. The river reached after fifteen days travel, and which was crossed with difficulty on account of its width, was certainly the Withlacoochee, as there is no other that answers the description; and the "wide and deep river with the rapid current," where they had to stop and build a canoe in order to cross and where Juan Velasquez was drowned, was undoubt-
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edly the Suwanee. As thirty days were occupied in travelling from one of these rivers to the other, either the journey must have been specially slow and difficult or else the expedition crossed the latter pretty high up, probably just below the junction of the Santa Fe, its eastern branch, as the narrative makes no mention of crossing that stream separately.
The next point of interest is the town of Apalache; and this appears to have been situated in the vicinity of Tallahassee, though from the time required to reach Aute, it may have been further north, in south-western Georgia, or near the locality of Chattahoochee. Of the town of Aute, we know that it was but a days' march from the sea and near a very large stream, which the Spaniards called Magdalena. This may have been near St. Marks, or perhaps the great river was the Apalachi- cola, and Aute may have been near the site of Fort Gadsden. This seems more probable, as the expedition of twenty men sent out to explore the coast gave a re- port of the bay being large and the seashore still dis- tant. Charlevoix, however, who was at San Marcos de Apalache (St. Marks) in 1722, writes: "This bay is precisely that which Garcilasso de la Vega, in his his- tory of Florida, calls the port of Aute;" and an ancient map, drawn by no less an authority than Sebastian Cabot, shows Apalache Bay, with the note in bad Span- ish, " Aqui deSan Barco panflo de Narnez." (Aqui desembarcó Panfilo de Narvaez). If this is true, then the Bahia de Caballos of Narvaez is the Apalache Bay of the present. The village where the battle was had with the Indians; and where the robe of civet-marten was obtained, was probably near Pensacola ; and the place where Teodoro, the Greek, was abandoned, at the month of Mobile Bay. But there is some authority for believing that the lat- ter point was also in Pensacola Bay, instead of being further west. However this may be, there can be no doubt that the great river which emptied such enor-
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mous quantities of fresh water into the Gulf, with such a swift current, was the Mississippi.
From this point it is more difficult to trace the exact route of the travellers, as times and distances are wanting, except in a few instances. The Island of Malhado and Espiritu Santo Bay have been located by different historians in widely varying localities. Buck- ingham Smith, in the first edition of his translation of Cabeza de Vaca's narrative, places them as far east as Mobile Bay, and traces the travellers' route north to the Muscle Shoals in the Tennessee River. This, how- ever, could not well be, in connection with other parts of the route. And in the edition of 1871, he has changed his views so far as to suggest that the locality may have been as far west as San Antonio Bay in Texas. W. W. H. Davis, in his "Spanish Conquest of New Mexico," expresses the opinion that Malhado was one of the low islands on the coast of Louisiana; and the mention of a tribe called Atayos in the narrative, who are probably identical with the Adayes, who lived in 1805 about forty miles from Nachitoches, and the Hadaies, who years before were reported as being be- tween the Nachitoches and Sabine Rivers, -adds plausi- bility to this view. It is possible that the island may have been at or near Galveston, or as far west as the beaches or islands known as Matagorda Beach and Mat- agorda Island, which are the outer protections of Mat- agorda and San Antonio Bays All that we can say certainly is that the Island of Malhado was one of the low islands so numerous on the coast of western Louisi- ana and Texas ; and rest contented with that amount of knowledge. From here the course of Cabeza de Vaca and his three companions was in a generally north- westerly direction until the plains were reached, and afterwards the mountains seen, and from thence gener- ally south-west into Sonora and Sinaloa.
The country with towns of "fixed habitations "
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undoubtedly referred to the domain of the Pueblo In- dians in New Mexico ; and the great river coming from the north, which they crossed, was in all probability the Pecos. From there they were guided through fifty leagues of desert, and over rough mountains to another very great river, the water of which was breast high. This was undoubtedly the Rio Grande ; and it was here that they had the long parleying with the natives as to the route to be pursued, the latter telling them of the great deserts to be passed if they went directly west- ward. Up this river they marched for thirty-four days -seventeen on the east side and seventeen on the west. Part of the distance was over plains lying between chains of great mountains; and they proceeded till they reached permanent habitations, where abundance of corn was raised, and where the natives, besides pump- kins, beans, etc., had " shawls of cotton." Some of their houses were of earth and some of cane mats. Just how far up the valley of the Rio Grande Cabeza de Vaca came we shall probably never know ; but evidently not further than central New Mexico, as the turquoises which were presented to him, and which certainly came from the great Chalchiuitl Mountain in the Cerrillos, twenty miles south of Santa Fé, he mentions as coming " from the north." From the highest point reached, the party seem to have turned quite abruptly west, probably as soon as they had passed by the desert regions on the west of the river; and then marched for more than a 100 leagues, continually finding settled domicils, with plenty of maize and beans. It may be well conjectured that this was along the line of the Puerco and San Jose, and among the numerous pueblo towns, of which we have such full descriptions a few years later, in the time of Coronado; although the route may have been further south. From this time the course of the travellers was south-west until they reached the points in Sonora, where they neard of the nearness of other Christians.
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Before leaving the subject of Cabeza de Vaca, it seems only proper to add a few words as to the subsequent his- tory of this extraordinary man-everything in relation to whom is of interest in connection with early New Mexican history : For three years after his arrival in Spain, and the presentation of his "Relation" to the king, he appears to have lived in comparative seclusion ; recovering slowly from the terrible exhaustion and after- effects of his wanderings, privations, and sufferings. At the end of that time (1540), news came to Spain of the death, by an Indian ambuscade, of the Commander Ay- olas, who had been governor of a colony in South Amer- ica, where the Republic of Paraguay is now situated. The surviving colonists sent urgent entreaties to the mother country for succor, and Cabeza de Vaca was se- lected to command the new expedition, and appointed as the governor of the colony. He was to furnish 8,000 ducats towards the expenses of the enterprise, but in return was given the titles of Governor, Captain-Gen- eral, and Adelantado, and entitled to one-twelfth of the produce of the countries he should conquer.
After many difficulties he landed at St. Catharine's, in Brazil, in March, 1541; and from there marched across an utterly unknown country, and amid dangers which exceeded anything, even, that he had known in North America,-to the River Parana. Arrived here, he ex- pected to be met by boats to convey his troops to Asun- cion ; but the Lieutenant-Governor, one Irala, was an ambitious man, who had brought about the destruction of the preceding Governor, and was in no way desirous to hasten the advent of his successor-and so none were at hand. With his indomitable energy, however, Vaca surmounted all difficulties, and finally arrived at his capital on March 11, 1542. But Irala secretly labored against him, and finally succeeded in raising an insur- rection; in the midst of which the Governor was seized, thrown into prison, and so closely confined that his
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friends, for nearly a year, thought him dead. At length, more dead than alive, he was carried on board a vessel and sent to Spain, with documents from Irala (now Act- ing-Governor) accusing him of the gravest crimes. Dur- ing the voyage he was loaded with chains, and treated in the most inhuman manner; and on his arrival in Spain, in September, 1545, his ill fortune followed him, for his friend, the Bishop of Cuenca (President of the Council), was just dead, and had been succeeded by the stern Bishop of Burgos, the advocate of Indian slavery, who was indisposed to look favorably on Cabeza de Vaca.
His enemies prevailed, and he was thrown into prison to await his trial; and while constantly petitioning to be released on security, remained in confinement for more than six years. Finally, in March, 1551, the Coun- cilors of the Indies delivered their judgment, which was-that he be stripped of all the titles and privileges he had enjoyed, and banished for five years to Oran in Africa, there to serve the king, at his own expense, with horse and arms, on penalty of having the term of banishment doubled. It is doubtful if this sentence was in all respects executed-the history of the re- mainder of his life being clothed in much obscurity. It is to be hoped that the record of Charlevoix is cor- rect, which says: "At last the Emperor granted him a pension of 2,000 crowns, and gave him a place in the Royal Audience of Seville, where he died at an advanced age." Charlevoix adds : " I have, indeed, seen a memo- rial in which it is said that he was immediately gratified with a seat in the Council of the Indies."
Altogether he was a remarkable man,and though his cotemporaries differed greatly in their estimate of his character, yet none could disparage his courage or his power s of endurance. Some went so far in their regard for his reputation as to credit him with the working of miracles, and a theological controversy arose therefrom, as to the possibility of the performance
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of a miracle by a layman. We may all, however, con- cur in the closing remarks on his character by the late Thos. W. Field: "He attempted the abolition of slavery to which the Indians had been illegally sub- jected, and a reform of the morals of Christians to a standard which would entitle them to the respect of savages; and in both he failed. He is scarcely to be decried for this, as three centuries elapsed before the first object was accomplished, and of the last history has little to record."
CHAPTER IV.
THE EXPEDITION OF FRIAR MARCOS DE NIZA.
T HE next European to enter the territory now em- braced in New Mexico was Friar Marcos de Niza, a Franciscan. As will shortly be seen, his expedition, which was purely one of exploration, was the direct result of the news which Cabeza de Vaca brought to Mexico of the rich countries to the north; and the negro companion of Cabeza became the guide of Marcos.
But before proceeding with the story of the journey of the Friar, a few words should be devoted to an attempt previously made to enter New Mexico from the south-west, based on information of the great wealth and splendor of its cities, brought by a native Indian. In the year 1530 Nuño de Guzman, who was President of New Spain, possessed an Indian who was a native of the Valley of Oxitipa, which the Spaniards call Tejos. The Indian told him that he was the son of a merchant who had died a long time before, but who, in his life- time, used to travel through the interior of the country in order to sell ornamental feathers, to be made into plumes, and who obtained in exchange for them great quantities of gold and silver, which metals were very common in that country. The Indian added that he had accompanied his father on one or two of these trips, and had seen cities which were so splendid and large as to compare favorably with the City of Mexico. These cities were seven in number, and in them were whole streets occupied by goldsmiths. To reach this country, it was necessary to march for forty days across a desert, where there was no vegetation but a species of short grass about five inches high, and to go into the interior
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of the continent in a northerly direction between the two oceans.
Nuño de Guzman, full of confidence in these state- ments, raised an army of 400 Spaniards and 20,000 In - dian allies, in New Spain, and starting from the City of Mexico, marched through the Province of Tarasca, a dependency of Michoacan. According to the report of the Indian, he would find the desired country-to which he had given the name of the"Land of the Seven Cities"- by proceeding toward the north, and the President be- lieved it to be about 200 leagues distant, calculating from the forty days which his informant had said would be required for the journey. All went well until he arrived in the Province of Culiacan, which was beyond his own government and within what afterwards consti- tuted the Kingdom of New Galicia ; but there he began to meet many difficulties. The mountain regions which he had to traverse, were so wild and inaccessible that notwithstanding the most strenuous efforts he was unable to find a passage. On account of this lack of roads the army was obliged to remain at Culiacan, and the rich Spaniards who had accompanied him, and who had left in Mexico large numbers of slaves, became dis- heartened and very desirous of returning to their homes. Perhaps Guzman himself would have agreed to this and marched back to Mexico, but just then information was received that Cortez had arrived from Spain, with increased powers and honors, and bearing the new title of " Marquis of the Valley." As Guzman, while he had been President during the absence of Cortez, had shown himself his bitter enemy, and had seized and wasted his property, and that of his friends, he was afraid that the new Marquis would retaliate by like treatment, or perhaps worse. So, finding it impossible to go on with the expedition and yet fearing to return to Mexico, he determined to colonize the Province of Culiacan, and so remained there with such of his
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Spanish friends as he could induce to take part in the new enterprise. They established themselves at Xalisco, afterwards called Compostello, and at Tonala, which is the present Guadalajara; and finding enough to occupy them in this work, they abandoned all idea of continu- ing their expedition. The Tejo Indian died, and so for several years the "Seven Cities" remained unknown, except in name.
For eight years Guzman remained and governed this Province, when, with the suddenness which character- ized political changes in the Spanish Colonies at that time, he found himself not only succeeded by a new Governor sent from Spain, and named De la Torre ; but accused of various crimes and thrown into prison. The new Governor lived but a short time to enjoy his colo- nial dignity ; and the naming of his successor devolved upon Don Antonio de Mendoza, Viceroy of all New Spain, who appointed Francisco Vasquez Coronado. This gentleman was a native of Salamanca, but had established himself in Mexico, where he had greatly strengthened his position by a marriage with the daughter of the Treasurer, Don Alonzo d'Estrada, former Governor of Mexico, and who was generally believed to be a natural son of King Ferdinand, the Catholic. Cor- onado was a man of wealth and high character, and at the time of his appointment was travelling through New Spain, in order to see the country, and at the same time making valuable acquaintances for the future. Just as Coronado had been appointed by the Viceroy, Antonio de Mendoza, as Governor of New Galicia, Cabeza de Vaca, accompanied by Dorantes, Castillo, and the negro Estevanico, arrived in Mexico from that very Province, after their perilous and romantic journey; and their appearance years after they had been supposed dead, and the strange stories they told of their adventure, attracted much attention. To the Viceroy they made a special report, in which they gave a glowing account of parts
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of the countries they had traversed, and in particular spoke of great and powerful cities, in which the houses were four or five stories in height, and " of other things," adds Castañeda, writing of it long after, " very different from those which existed in reality." These accounts were quickly communicated by the Viceroy to Coro- nado, and caused the latter to be so much excited at the thought of the possibilities of discoveries and conquests in the vicinity of the Province which he was appointed to govern, that he abandoned a tour in which he was engaged, in order to hasten immediately to Culiacan. He carried with him the negro Estevanico, who had accompanied Cabeza de Vaca, and also three Franciscan monks, Marcos de Niza, who was a priest and theolo- gian, and Daniel and Antonio de Santa Maria, lay brothers ; Marcos having already much experience in hazardous expeditions, under Alvarado in Peru.
No sooner had Coronado arrived at the seat of his new Government than he took immediate measures to send the Franciscans, under the guidance of Estevanico, in search of the Land of the Seven Cities. It appears that the monks were not at all pleased with the conduct of the negro, who carried with him everywhere a num- ber of women, and whose only thought was to enrich himself; but as he was able to understand the language of the natives of the country which they wished to penetrate, and as the Indians were acquainted with him, they concluded to send him in advance, so that they might be able to follow peacefully, and gather the information desired without difficulty or danger. Friar Marcos had received special instructions from the Viceroy Mendoza, before leaving Mexico, as to his duties on this expedition, " undertaken for the honor and glory of the Holy Trinity and for the propagation of our. Holy Catholic Faith." The very first sentence shows the good effect of the influence of Cabeza de Vaca, as the Franciscan is told, as soon as he arrives at Culiacan, to exhort the
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Spaniards to treat the Indians better, promising them rewards if they obey, and threatening punishments if they refuse, and then to visit the Indians and assure them that the Emperor has been greatly pained at their sufferings, that they shall no more be enslaved, and that every one maltreating them shall be punished. "Make them banish all fear and recognize God our Saviour, who is in heaven, and the Emperor whom He has placed on earth, to reign and govern." The instructions went on to say that if a route was found into the interior, then he was to proceed to explore, taking Estevanico as guide. He was to use great care and avoid all occasions of difficulty with the Indians, and to observe carefully the characteristics of the people, the nature of the soil, the temperature, the trees, plants and animals, the minerals and metals; and, wherever possible, to obtain specimens. In case his travels took him to the South Sea, he was to bury at the foot of some conspicuous tree on the shore such documents as would be valuable, and to raise a large cross there to designate the spot. If a large city was found, where it seemed desirable to found a monastery, he was to return to Culi- acan to make the necessary arrangements therefor; "for in the proposed conquest the most important matter is the service of our Lord, and the good of the natives of the country." And lastly, " as all the earth belongs to the Emperor, our master, you are authorized to take possession of new countries in the name of his majesty; and you will make the natives understand that there is one God in heaven, or one Emperor on earth, who reign and govern." These instructions the Friar acknowl- edged having received, and promised to obey, on the 25th of November, 1538; and very soon after set off with Coronado and the two lay brothers for Culiacan.
We are fortunate in having a full account of the expedition of Friar Marcos written by his own hand. It is full of inaccuracies and extraordinary exaggera-
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tions ; but we give the substance of it here, as a knowl- edge of those very exaggerations is necessary, not only to give us a correct view of the spirit of the times, but also to show on what kind of statements the expedition of Coronado, in the succeeding year, was based. The "Relation of Friar Marcos de Niza" is in the form of a report to the king; and was most formally certified by the writer to be absolutely true, in the presence of the Viceroy, the Auditor, Francisco de Ceiños, and Governor Coronado, and attested by various notaries, at Temixti- tan, on September 2, 1539. It is published in Ramusio, Vol. III., page 297; Hakluyt, Vol. III., page 438; as an appendix to H. Ternaux's Castañeda, page 256; etc., etc. . " By aid of the favor of the Holy Virgin Mary, our lady, and of our seraphic father St. Francis, I, Friar Marcos de Niza, left the city of San Miguel, in the province of Culiacan, on Friday the 7th of March, 1539," commences the "Relation." The Friar was accompanied by Friar Onorato, and by Estevanico, or Stephen, the Barbary ne- gro; and also by a number of Indians whom the Viceroy had freed from slavery for the purpose, and a large body of other Indians belonging to Petatlan, and a town called Cuchillo, some fifty leagues beyond. They first travelled to the town of Petatlan, following the general line of the coast of the Gulf of California, and a short distance from it. Everywhere along the route the people re- ceived them with joy, and did everything in their power to show their appreciation of the action of the Viceroy and Governor in saving them from slavery and stopping the outrages to which they had before been subjected. They brought provisions and flowers as presents; and wherever there were no houses, con- structed temporary bowers of the branches of trees for shelter for the travellers. At Petatlan, Friar Onorato fell sick, and after waiting a few days Marcos felt com- pelled to proceed without him,-"continuing my jour- ney as the Holy Ghost did lead me, although I was
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