USA > New Mexico > Men of our day; or, biographical sketches of patriots, orators, statemen, generals, reformers, financiers and merchants, now on the stage of action > Part 23
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He was a member of the Peace Congress in 1861, but after seeing the members sent from the slave States, and witnessing the election of Ex-President John Tyler presiding officer, he predicted that its deliberations would end in a miserable failure. a
During the whole course of the war, he was the earnest sup- porter of President Lincoln, whose personal friendship he en- joyed ; and through all the light and gloom of that dark period, his faith in the right never faltered, and his activity and zeal were not checked by depressing emotions. He and his accom plished and gifted wife were throughout the war among the
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most active helpers in the work of the Sanitary and Christian Commissions, ministering in person to the wounded, and aiding, with pen and purse, the efforts for their welfare.
As a Senator, as the published debates of Congress show, he argued and elucidated with great clearness and conclusiveness every phase of the question of slavery and emancipation, in all their social, legal and economic ramifications-the exclusion of slavery from the territories-the constitutional means of restriction-climatic influences on the races, white and black- the necessity or propriety of colonization-and the effects of emancipation on the institutions of the country North and South.
He was the earnest advocate of the early construction of the Pacific Railroad-had made himself, by a careful examination, master of the whole subject-was consequently appointed a member of the "Senate Committee on the Pacific Railroad ;" and when the two bodies differed as to the details of the bill, he was made chairman of the committee of conference of the two houses, and did more than any other living man to reconcile conflicting views on the amended bill which afterwards became the law of the land.
As chairman of the Committee on Public Lands, he exerted a controlling influence in shaping the policy of the Government in the disposition of the public domain, so as to aid in the construction of railroads, and the improvement of other avenues of intercourse, as well as to advance the individual interests of the frontier settler, by facilitating his acquisition of a landed estate, and also by securing a permanent fund for the support of common schools for the masses, and other institutions of learning. Under his guidance the laws for the survey, sale, and pre-emption of the public lands were harmonized, and the homestead bil so modified, as to render it a practical and
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beneficent measure for the indigent settler, and at the same time but slightly, if at all, detrimental to the public treasury. And on this as well as that other great national measure, the Pacific Railroad bill, above mentioned, when the two houses disagreed as to details, Mr. Harlan was selected by the Presi- dent of the Senate, to act as chairman of the committee of conference.
His thorough acquaintance with the land laws, his clear perception of the principles of justice and equity which should control in their administration, and his unwearied industry and care in the examination of all claims presented to Congress growing out of the disposition of the public lands to private citizens, corporations, or States-caused him to be regarded almost in the light of an oracle, by his compeers in the Senate, whenever any of these claims were pending; his statements, of fact were never disputed, and his judgment almost always followed.
Immediately after he was placed upon the Senate Committee on Indian Affairs, it became manifest that he had made himself master of that whole subject in all of its details. He conse- quently exercised a leading influence on the legislation of Congress affecting our intercourse with these children of the forest; humanity and justice to them, as well as the safety of the frontier settlements from savage warfare, with him were cardi- nal elements, to guide him in shaping the policy of the Govern- ment. The effect of the repeal, over Mr. Harlan's earnest protest, of the beneficent features of the Indian intercourse laws, under the lead of Senator Hunter, which, all admit, laid the foundation for our recent Indian wars, furnishes a marked illustration of the safety of his counsels in these affairs.
As a member of the Senate Committee on Agriculture, he was the earnest advocate of every measure calculated to develop
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and advance that great national interest, and prepared the only report, marked by scientific research, made on that subject by the Senate Committee during the last ten years. He gave his earnest support to the Agricultural College bill, though in con- flict with his views of the proper policy for the disposition of the public lands, because he regarded it as the only opportu- nity for laying firmly the foundation for these nurseries of scientific agriculture, which must prove of vast consequence for good, to the whole people of this continent, and the toiling millions of the old world.
Though never unjust or illiberal toward the older and more powerful members of the Union, he has ever been the vigilant guardian of the peculiar interests of the new States, including his own. He has also been a no less vigilant guardian of the public treasury, though never lending himself to niggardly and parsimonious measures.
His inauguration of the proposition for the construction of a ship canal from the northern lakes to the waters of the Mississippi (see Congress. Globe, 2d session, 36 Congress, Part I.); his opposition to legislation on the Sabbath; his introduc- tion of resolutions on fasting and prayer; his propositions for reform in the chaplain service of the army and navy; in aid of foreign emigration; the reconstruction of the insurrectionary States ; the reclamation of the Colorado desert ; the improvement of navigation of lakes and rivers ; the application of meteorolo- gical observations in aid of agriculture to land as well as sea ; for the support of scientific explorations and kindred measures; for reform in criminal justice in the District of Columbia and in the territories ; and his remarks on such subjects as the bank- rupt bill; the Kentucky Volunteers bill; the bill to re-organize the Court of Claims; on the resolution relating to Floyd's accept- ances; on the bill to indemnify the President; on the conscrip-
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tion bill; on the conditions of release of State prisoners ; on the disqualification of color in carrying the mails ; on the organiza- tion of territories; on amendment to the Constitution; on the district registration bill ; on bill to establish Freedmen's Bureau; on inter-continental telegraph; on bill providing bail in certain cases of military arrests ; on the construction of railroads ; on education in the District of Columbia for white and colored children; on the Income Tax bill; altogether furnish an indica- tion of the range of his acquirements, the tendency of his thoughts, and the breadth of his views, which cannot otherwise be given in a sketch necessarily so brief as to exclude copious extracts from published debates.
Among his numerous eloquent and elaborate speeches in the Senate, we have only room for a brief abstract of one, which must serve as a sample of the whole. It is that delivered in reply to Senator Hunter of Virginia, during the winter of 1860- 61, immediately preceding the first overt acts of the rebellion. This speech was characteristic in clearness, method, directness, force, and conclusiveness, and was regarded, by his associates in the Senate, as the great speech of the session. In the commence- ment, he examined and exposed, in their order, every pretext for secession, and proceeded to charge upon the authors of the then incipient rebellion, with unsurpassed vigor and force, that the loss of political power was their real grievance. He indi- cated the impossibility of any compromise, on the terms proposed by the southern leaders, without dishonor, and pointed out the means of an adjustment alike honorable to the South and the North, requiring no retraction of principle on the part of any one, by admitting the territories into the Union as States. He warned the South against a resort to an arbitrament of the sword; predicted the impossibility of their securing a division of the States of the northwest from the Middle and New Eng-
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land States the certainty and comparative dispatch with which an armed rebellion would be crushed, and concluded with a most powerful appeal to these conspirators not to plunge the country into such a sea of blood. Upon the conclusion of this speech four fifths of the Union Senators crowded around to con- gratulate him, and a state of excitement prevailed on the floor of the Senate for some moments, such as had seldom if ever before been witnessed in that body.
He was selected by the Union members of the House and Senate as a member of the Union Congressional committee for the management of the presidential campaign of 1864. Being the only member of the committee on the part of the Senate who devoted his whole time to this work, he became the active organ of the committee-organized an immense working force, regulated its finances with ability and unimpeachable fidelity, employed a large number of presses in Washington, Balti- more, Philadelphia, and New York, in printing reading matter for the masses, which resulted in the distribution of many mil- lions of documents among the people at home, and in all our great armies. To his labors the country was, doubtless, largely indebted, for the triumphant success of the Union can- didates.
With the foregoing record, it is not remarkable that he should have been selected by that illustrious statesman and patriot, Abraham Lincoln, immediately preceding his lamented death, for the distinguished office of Secretary of the Interior.
Mr. Harlan's nomination was unanimously confirmed by the body of which he was at the time an honored member, without the usual reference to a committee. But, immediately after the accession of Mr. Johnson to the presidency, with a delicacy and sense of propriety worthy of imitation, he tendered his declination of this high office. This not being accepted, Mr.
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Harlan did not deem it proper, in the disturbed condition of public affairs, to make it peremptory, and, in accordance with the President's expressed desire, and the demands of the national welfare, resigned his seat in the Senate, and entered on the dis- charge of the duties of the position, May 15th, 1865. Mr. Harlan's great familiarity with the laws pertaining to the de- partment of which he had now become the leading spirit, not only enabled him fully to meet public expectation in the admin- istration of its affairs, but to establish it upon a basis of useful- ness, hitherto unknown in its history.
The fact becoming manifest to the people of Iowa, that Mr. Harlan could not long remain as a confidential adviser of Presi- dent Johnson, on account of the early and repeated aberrations of the latter from the cardinal principles of the political party by whom he had been elected to the vice-presidency, and not being disposed to dispense with the services of so faithful a public ser- vant, he was re-elected by the Legislature of 1866, to his old seat in the United States Senate. The following August he resigned the office of Secretary of the Interior, and re-entered the Senate Chamber on the 4th of March, 1867, with the full period of six years before him. He was immediately appointed chairman of the Committee on the District of Columbia, also chairman of the joint committee of the two Houses of Con- gress to audit expenses of executive mansion, and was assigned to membership on the important committees of Foreign Rela- tions, Pacific railroad, and Post Offices, and Post roads, respec- tively.
No better evidence can be found in the history of any states- man in the country, whether his public services or his private character be viewed, that the duties of high official position have been ably, conscientiously and faithfully exccuted, than in the instance before us. Even party malignity, seldom scr:pu-
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lous as to the weapons it employs against a powerful adversary, has uniformly been too prudent to weaken itself by charging, even in innuendo, that Mr. Harlan was ever guilty of any of the corruptions, peculations and deceptions that so frequently mark the modern politician.
HON. CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS, UNITED STATES MINISTER PLENIPOTENTIARY TO ENGLAND.
HIS eminent diplomatist comes of an illustrious lineage. The only son of John Quincy Adams, sixth President of the Republic, who survived his father, and the grand- son of John Adams, the second President of the United States, he inherits patriotic sentiments, and has done honor, in his public career, to some of the noblest names in our nation's past history.
CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS was born in Boston, Massachusetts, August 18, 1807. At the age of two years, he was taken by his father to St. Petersburg, where he remained for the next six years, his father being United States Minister at the Russian Court. During his residence at the Russian capital, he learned to speak the Russian, German and French, as well as the English. In February, 1815, he made the perilous journey from St. Pe- tersburg to Paris, with his mother, in a private carriage, to meet his father. The intrepidity of Mrs. Adams, in undertaking such a journey in midwinter, and when all Europe was in a state of commotion, gave evidence that the courage and daring which her son inherited, were not all due to the father's side.
John Quincy Adams was next appointed Minister to England, and during his residence there, he placed Charles at a boarding school, where, in accordance with the brutal practices in vogue in the English schools, he was obliged to fight his English
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schoolfellows in defence of the honor of America. But, young as he was, he was too plucky to be beaten, and maintained his country's cause with as much valor, though probably with less intelligence, than he has since been called to exercise in its behalf.
In 1817, his father was recalled to America, to become Secre- tary of State in President Monroe's administration, and young Adams, on his return, was placed in the Boston Latin school, from whence he entered Harvard College, in 1821, and gradu- ated there with honor in 1825. His father was at this time President, and the son spent the next two years in Washington; but, in 1827, returned to Massachusetts, and commenced the study of the law in the office of Daniel Webster. He was ad- mitted to the bar in 1828, but did not engage actively in practice.
In 1829, Mr. Adams married a daughter of Peter C. Brooks, an opulent merchant of Boston, another of whose daughters was the wife of Hon. Edward Everett. He was nominated, in 1830, as Representative in the Massachusetts Legislature ; but he had no political aspirations, and declined to be a candidate. At his father's request, however, he consented to be a candidate the next year, and was elected for three years successively, and was then chosen State Senator for two years. His sentiments were at this time more decidedly anti-slavery than those of most of the leading Whigs of Boston and its vicinity, and as he avowed them freely, and did not seek or desire political preferment, he was suffered to remain in private life, and busy himself, as he desired to do, with literary pursuits. During this period he edited the letters of Mrs. John Adams, contributed frequent and very able articles to the North American Review and the Christian Examiner, and gathered the materials for his great work, the "Life and Works of John Adams, Second President of the
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United States. In or about 1845, he commenced the publica- tion of a daily paper in Boston, (of which he was also the prin- cipal editor, though aided by Henry Wilson,) bearing the title of the Boston Whig. The aim of this paper was to represent the views of the anti-slavery portion of the Whig party. The paper was edited with decided ability, but never, we imagine, attained to a pecuniary success. It was very useful, however, in rousing and stimulating the anti-slavery sentiment, which was beginning to leaven both of the great political parties.
In 1848, the nomination of General Taylor, by the Whigs, on a pro-slavery platform, and of General Cass, by the Democrats, on an equally southern declaration of opinions, led to a with- drawal of the anti-slavery men of both parties and the formation of the Free Soil party. This party, at their convention in Buf- falo, nominated ex-President Van Buren for the Presidency and Charles Francis Adams for the Vice Presidency. There was, of course, no hope of an election of these candidates, but the party had a respectable following. After the election, the Boston Whig became the Boston Republican, and Mr. Adams, for a time, continued a general supervision over its columns; but General Wilson and Mr. (now Rev.) Lucius E. Smith were the active editors. This paper was the principal organ of the Free Soil party in New England, and laid the foundations, broad and deep, for the Republican party, which came into existence in 1854. After a time, Mr. Adams disposed of his interest in it, and devoted himself with great assiduity to the memoir of his grandfather and the careful editing of his works. This valuable contribution to the early history of our country is written with that elegant scholar- ship which marks all Mr. Adams's compositions, and is remark- ably impartial in its details of the life of the venerable Presi- dent. It occupies ten volumes. In the autumn of 1859, Mr. Adams was called from his literary pursuits to represent his dis-
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trict in Congress. His course there, on the eve of the rebellion, was every way worthy of the great name he bore and of his own previous history. Calm, dignified, yet tenacious in his adherence to the great principles of right, he was such a repre- sentative as it became Massachusetts to have at such a time. He was re-elected to the Thirty-seventh Congress; but, in the spring of 1861, Mr. Lincoln nominated him as minister to England, and he was promptly confirmed by the Senate.
A more trying position than this, during the war, could hardly be found. The greater part of the aristocracy, and a decided majority of both Houses of Parliament, sympathized from the first with the South, most of them openly. The Cabinet, if they did not lean in the same direction, at least had no confidence in the final success of the Government in putting down the Rebellion, and were disposed to wink at violations of the Navigation and Foreign Enlistment acts, while they made haste to acknowledge the South as a belligerent power. This state of feeling engendered a corresponding hostility on this side, and there was a great and constant danger that the two nations would drift into war with each other, an event which must be prevented by any sacrifice short of that of national honor. Our sanguine and impulsive Secretary of State, though aware of the difficulty, seemed, sometimes, to delight in hovering upon the very verge of actual hostilities, and Earl Russell, the British Minister of Foreign Affairs, while really, at heart, more friendly to us than any other member of the Cabinet, was so irascible and impetuous, that he was constantly making the question more difficult and complicated.
Fortunate was it for both countries, that their diplomatic rep- resentatives, Mr. Adams in England, and Lord Lyons here, were men of such calm, clear, cool heads, and of such imperturbable tempers. Mr. Adams could be, and was, firm and decided enough
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upon occasion. His promptness in following up the traces of the purpose for which the Alabama, the Shenandoah, and the other war vessels contracted for by the rebels were build- ing, his energetic representations concerning them to the British Government, and his remonstrances at their unfriendly acts and omissions toward a power with which they were at peace, showed his ability and competency for his position. Un- fortunately, the conclusion of the war did not end the difficul- ties of his diplomacy. The Alabama claims, the Fenian troubles, and the appeals to him to protect American citizens, who had become involved in the Fenian riots and uprisings in Great Britain and Ireland, served to enhance the cares and anxieties of his station, and he has, very naturally, after so long and painful a service, asked to be relieved.
It is certainly greatly to his honor, that, in this trying and difficult position, he has won the respect and admiration of his and our political enemies, and that, notwithstanding his firm- ness and decision in exacting the rights of his country, the organs of English opinion should have felt compelled to say that no American minister had ever more thoroughly won the respect and esteem of the English people.
In his manner and address, Mr. Adams has much of the dignity and self-possession of the best class of English gentle- men. He is generally regarded as somewhat cold and unsym- pathetic in his character, but this is, perhaps, in part due to his reticent and self-contained nature. Great emergencies have always revealed a depth in his nature and an earnest sympathy with the right, which ought to satisfy any true patriot. He has certainly proved himself, in his diplomatic career, "the right man in the right place."
JOHN ADAMS DIX.
OHN ADAMS DIX was born at Boscawen, New Hamnp- shire, on the 24th of July, 1798, and is the son of Timo. thy Dix, a lieutenant-colonel of the United States army. Sent first, at an early age, to an academy at Salisbury, he was thence transferred to a similar institution at Exeter, under the well known Dr. Abbott, where he pursued his studies in the companionship of Jared Sparks, John G. Palfrey, the Buckminsters and Peabodys, who have since become eminent men. In 1811, he was sent to Montreal, in Canada, where he continued his studies under the careful direction of the fathers of the Sulpician order. In July, 1812, however, the opening of . hostilities between the United States and Great Britain com- pelled his return to his native country, and in December, follow- ing, he received an appointment as a cadet in the United States army, and was assigned to duty at Baltimore, where his father was then stationed on recruiting service. His duties here being merely those of an assistant clerk to his father, he diligently improved the opportunity which was offered, of continuing his studies at St. Mary's college, in that city. He had already attained high proficiency in the Spanish, Greek, and Latin languages, and in mathematics; and was esteemed, by those who knew him best, as a most highly cultivated and gentle- manly young man. In March, 1813, while visiting Washington, he was tendered, unsolicited, a choice of a scholarship at West
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Point, or an ensign's rank in the army. Selecting the latter, he was commissioned in his father's regiment, the fourteenth infantry, and immediately joined his company at Sackett's Harbor, New York, being the youngest officer in the United States army ; and was shortly made a third lieutenant of the twenty-first infantry. A sad loss shortly after befell the young lieutenant, in the death of his father, in camp, leaving a widow and eight children, besides the subject of our sketch, upon whom now devolved the responsibility of saving, for his loved ones, something from the estate, which had become seriously embarrassed by the colonel's long absence in the service. In March, 1814, he was promoted to a second lieutenancy, and in June, 1814, was transferred to an artillery regiment, commanded by Colonel Walback, to whose staff he was attached and under whose guidance he passed several years in perfecting his mili- tary education, not forgetting his favorite readings in history and the classics. While in this position, he was made adjutant of an independent battalion of nine companies, commanded by Major Upham, with which he descended the St. Lawrence, in a perilous expedition, which resulted in more severe hardship than good fortune.
In March, 1816, young Dix was appointed first lieutenant ; and, in 1819, entered the military family of General Brown as an aide-de-camp, and began to read law during his leisure hours, with a view of leaving the army at an early day. During this period he was, in May, 1821, transferred to the first artillery ; and, in August following, to the third artillery, being promoted to a captaincy in the same regiment in 1825. His health having become seriously impaired, he obtained a leave of absence, and visited Cuba, during the winter of 1825 -26, and extended his travels in the following summer to Europe. Marrying in 1826, he retired from the army, and in
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