USA > New Mexico > Men of our day; or, biographical sketches of patriots, orators, statemen, generals, reformers, financiers and merchants, now on the stage of action > Part 26
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forward to the field, attracting at all points general admiration and surprise at the perfection of their equipment; and Governor Morton's efficiency was held up as an incentive for other State executives to follow in nearly all the northwestern States ; and hardly had these first troops reached the field, before the ever- thoughtful governor sent agents to follow their footsteps, at- tend to their wants, and see that all their little needs were supplied while in health, and that they were properly cared for when sick. With Governor Morton, indeed, may be said to have originated the plan of sending State agents to visit and care for troops in the field ; and, throughout the war, his agents uniformly distanced those of all other States. A few days after, the governor tendered an additional six regiments to the President. His message to the Legislature, which he had called in extra session, was full of determined and lofty patriotism. Laying aside all party prejudices, he required only loyalty and capacity as the necessary qualifications for positions of influ- ence; and so great, indeed, was the liberality shown by him to the Democracy, as to arouse the jealousy of the Republicans, who criticised his course with much severity during this special session.
Meanwhile, the neighboring State of Kentucky was in a very precarious state. Its governor, Magoffin (at heart a seces- sionist), was endeavoring not only to play into the hands of the South by preventing Kentucky from joining the hosts of free- dom, but to draw Indiana, Ohio, and other northern border States also into their power, by inducing them to hold a po- sition of neutrality, and assume the character of sovereign medi- ators between Government and the seceded States. Governor Morton, however, was not deceived by this specious plea of neu. trality. He firmly rejected all propositions to that effect from Governor Magoffin ; and, desirous of keeping Kentucky “in
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the Union," he dispatched thither numbers of his own secret agents, by whom he was promptly advised of the plans and operations of the secessionists in every part of that State. On the 16th of September, 1861, Governor Morton received from one of these agents, information of Zollicoffer's advance into Kentucky, to a point some fourteen miles beyond the Tennessee line, and of a corresponding advance by Buckner's rebel force towards Louisville. The governor promptly countermanded an expedition under General Rousseau, which was just starting for St. Louis, and ordered the force to cross the Ohio into Ken- tucky-at the same time hastening every available man in Indiana, to the defence of Louisville, the safety of which was thus assured beyond a doubt.
Fully convinced, now, that Kentucky's neutrality was at an end, and that her soil was actually invaded by the rebels, Gov- ernor Morton withdrew his secret agents, and, appealing to his Hoosiers for help, to redeem the sister State from the enemy, he sent forward regiment after regiment into Kentucky, and before many months had passed, the Federals held Bowling Green, Zollicoffer was killed, his troops defeated at Mill Spring, and the soil of Kentucky cleared of rebels. This generous conduct endeared the governor to the Unionists of Kentucky, who virtually adopted him as their governor. We cite an in- cident in point. "Shortly after Kentucky was cleared of rebel troops, a very wealthy lady of Frankfort, the owner of a large number of slaves, visited some friends in Indianapolis, and on the second day of her visit inquired for Governor Morton. Upon ascertaining that he was absent, and would not return for several days, she prolonged her visit somewhat beyond the time she had intended to remain. The day for the governor's return having arrived, and he not appearing, the lady extended her visit still several days more, saying she would not leave In-
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dianapolis until she had seen him. A friend inquiring of her the reason why she was so anxious to see the Hoosier governor, she replied, " Because he is our governor, as well as yours, and has been ever since the beginning of the rebellion." And we are reminded, also, of the Indiana soldier, who interposed to stop an angry altercation in the streets of Frankfort, Kentucky, as to whether Magoffin (de facto), or Johnson (provisional), was governor of Kentucky, by the remark-" Hold on, gentlemen, you are all mistaken. I will settle this controversy. Neither of your men is governor of Kentucky, but Governor Morton, of Indiana, is governor of Kentucky, as his soldier-boys, with their blue coats and Enfield rifles, will soon show you."
Despite the discouraging impressions produced upon the public mind, by the reverses to the national arms in the fall of 1861, twenty volunteer regiments were added to the twenty-four Indiana regiments already in the field by the end of the year, a result of the ever-constant fidelity of Governor Morton in following the absent troops, securing their pay, attending to their personal wants, and providing for their families at home. But the same energy and fraternal care which inspired confidence in the volunteers, also excited envy and detraction at home, among a certain class of ambitious politicians and traitors to the national cause. Charges of mismanagement in State mili- tary matters, of corruption in official appointments and the awarding of contracts, became so frequent that, finally, in December, 1861, a Congressional Committee of Investigation visited Indianapolis, at the urgent and frequently repeated re- quest of the governor, and instituted a rigid examination of the management of the military affairs of the State. Their pub- lished report not only vindicated Governor Morton from all blame, but developed, in the most incontestable manner, his care to prevent fraud, peculation, and waste. It has been well
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said of him, at this period, that, "as the war progressed, and the execution of all plans proposed by him resulted success- fully, he rose in the estimation of the President and Cabinet, until it was finally admitted by the knowing ones at Washing- ton, that his influence with the powers at that city was greater than that of any other man, outside of the national executive department, in the country. His thorough knowledge of the people of the northwest, his ready tact in adapting means to ends, his great forecasting and combining powers, and above all his energy and promptness in the performance of all labor assigned him, secured to him a deference which few men in the nation enjoyed; and more than once was his presence requested, and his counsel solicited, in matters of the greatest importance to the Government."
The depression of the public mind during the winter of 1861-62, seemed only to rouse Governor Morton to still greater resolutions and endeavors ; and by his indefatigable exertions, six regiments, by the last of February, 1862, were added to the number of those already in the service. About the commence- ment of the year, a wide-spread and formidable western con- spiracy, in aid of the Southern Rebellion, was discovered to ex ist in most of the loyal States, known, in some places, as the "Star in the West," in others, as the "Self Protecting Broth- ers," "Sons of Liberty," etc., but most generally, as " The Order of American Knights," in affiliation with the southern society of "Knights of the Golden Circle." The order became quite popular in the southern counties of Indiana, and its members were especially virulent in denunciation of the administration, the "abolition war," and Governor Morton. Against him they especially charged, with a persistence which seemed to be proof against repeated denials, that he was instrumental in pro- curing the imposition, by Congress, of oppressive taxation ; and,
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also, corruption in the appointment of the first State quarter- master-general ; notwithstanding, in relation to the first charge, that he had by good engineering so managed, that Indiana's share of this taxation had been "offset" by the sum due to the State, by the General Government, for advances made by the former in equipping the Indiana volunteers, etc., and in regard to the quartermaster, ignoring the fact, that that able officer, as well as many to whom he had given the best contracts, belonged to the Democratic party. More than this, also, they had the meanness to accuse Governor Morton of appropriating, secretly, to his own use, the county and personal donations made to sol- diers in camp; although, the governor, as was well known, had borrowed on his own responsibility $600,000, with which he had paid bounties to regiments, which had refused to obey marching orders, unless they received the money.
Indiana, indeed, at the commencement of the year 1863, was in a most precarious condition. Secret enemies had succeeded, by the most unscrupulous means, in securing the election, on what was familiarly known as the " butternut ticket," of a Le- gislature principally composed of men determinedly opposed to the prosecution of the war, and who had deliberately sought seats in that body for the purpose of thwarting all loyal effort, and encouraging the cause of rebellion. These men, from the first, evinced a fixed determination to insult the executive of the State, deprive him of all power, and seize in their own hands the entire control of every department of the State government. On the second day of the session, the Senate received from the governor the usual biennial message, and ordered it to be printed; but the House refused to receive it, returned it to the governor, and passed a resolution receiving and adopting the message of the Governor of New York. Beginning its legislative career with this deliberate insult to the executive, it continued, during
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its session of fifty-nine days, to pursue its revolutionary policy with increased violence, and an open disregard of constitutional obligations, and even of ordinary decency. Occupying its time chiefly with the introduction of disloyal resolutions and the ut- terance of factious and treasonable sentiments, which were calcu- lated to incite the people to resistance to Government, all the necessary and legitimate subjects of legislation were disregarded or kept back; and, during the entire session, with a quorum in each House, every appropriation was suppressed until the last day, (when it was known that a quorum could not be had in the House,) except that for their own per diem and mileage, which was passed on the first day of the session.
This dastardly conduct, of course, burdened Governor Morton and the loyal officers of the State government with an immense load of responsibility. The benevolent institutions, the State arsenal, the soldiers in the field and hospital, the soldiers' fami- lies at home, the pay due the "Legion " for services at various times in repelling invasion on the border, the corps of special surgeons, military claims, the State debt, and the numerous other important measures and objects requiring prompt and liberal appropriations, were left utterly unattended to-although there was money enough in the treasury-by a set of men who did not forget to draw their own pay and mileage, and appropriate nearly $20,000 to the State printer.
But the governor was nothing daunted by this disgraceful and perplexing state of affairs. Believing that to close the asylums would be a shame and a disgrace-a crime against humanity itself-and that to call back the Legislature, after their dastardly conduct of the previous session, would be not only useless but perilous to the peace and the best interests of the State, he established a bureau of finance, and so great a degree of success attended his efforts in obtaining money that he was enabled suc-
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cessfully to carry on all the institutions of the State, and keep the machinery of government in motion, until the next regular meeting of the Legislature.
On the 20th of July, 1863, Governor Morton, being in Cin- cinnati, Ohio, received the compliment of a request from the common council of that city, that he would sit for his portrait, to be hung in the City Hall, as a fitting remembrance of the indebtedness felt by the citizens to him for his services during the war. On the 23d of February, 1864, the Union State Con- vention placed his name at the head of the Union ticket for 1864. It was with the commencement of this campaign "that the great work of Governor Morton's life began ; a work more varied and arduous than, perhaps, was ever undertaken by any other State executive." The " Democratic " Legislature of 1863 had, with the aid of the State officers of that period, surrounded him with such embarrassments that the performance of his civil functions was a most difficult and complicated task. Frequent calls for new levies of troops, the organization of regiments, and their preparation for the field, greatly increased his military labors. The wants of the sick and wounded soldiers at the front were daily multiplying, and thousands of dependent families at home had to be supported. The governor's well-known supe- riority in council, the ability which marked the success which attended his plans and measures, induced frequent demands for his presence at Washington. And yet, not only were these du- ties-civil and military, official and extra-official-not neglected, but they were performed with a readiness, skill and complete- ness which marked Governor Morton as one of the most extra- ordinary men of his times, and covered the name of Indiana with glory. In addition to all this, he gave his own personal attention to the campaign, delivering frequent speeches, which were powerful, and productive of incalculable good. Towards
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the close, also, of the campaign, the atrocious designs of the "Sons of Liberty " seemed about to culminate in open revolt and anarchy. Over eighty thousand members, as was afterwards proved, existed in the State, thoroughly armed, waiting for the signal, to rise at the polls on election day, and Governor Morton's life was especially marked. But he was prepared for the emer- geney ; his secret detectives were operating in every part of the State, and by their dexterity, the executive was constantly and promptly advised of all the schemes and designs of the con- spirators. He possessed the knowledge of their financial re- sources, their military force and plans, their places of rendez- vous, their purchases of arms, and, through his agents, was "on hand " at every point, to foil every move, break up every plot, and suppress every incipient outbreak of disloyalty. Yet he wisely deferred any open, complete exposure of the "Sons of Liberty " until after the election, when a military court of in- quiry was convened, before which the Indiana ringleaders of treason were tried, convicted and punished. This detective work was the most important of the many signal services ren- dered to the State by Governor Morton; and not to the State only, but to the Government of the United States itself.
The Governor was re-elected by a sweeping majority, and under the new draft, the men of Indiana sprung promptly for- ward to the aid of Government. It was no longer-thanks to Governor Morton's labors for the soldiers-a disgrace to belong to an Indiana regiment, and soldiers of other States were fre- quently heard to say to the "Hoosier boys :" "We wouldn't mind fighting, if we had such a governor as you have."
" During the winter of 1865," says a friend of the governor, " he was the most ubiquitous man in the United States. First at Washington, in council with the President; then at the front, surveying with his own eyes the battle-field; moving in person
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through the hospitals, ascertaining the wants of the sick and wounded; supervising the operations of his numerous agents; then at home, directing sanitary movements, appointing extra surgeons and sending them to the field, projecting new plans for the relief of dependent women and children, attending personally to all the details of the business of his office." And, when the war came to a glorious termination, he was the first to welcome the returning heroes to the State capital, where they were sump- tuously entertained, at the public expense; promptly furnished with their pay, and sent rejoicing to their homes, with no un- necessary delay-feeling that their governor cared for them, as a father doth for his children. And, then, when the rush of business was over-when, for the first time in five years, he felt in some degree relieved from the immense weight of official responsibility and embarrassment, of gigantic difficulties he had been obliged to combat in placing Indiana in the front rank of loyal States ; of his intense and incessant anxiety for the success of the Union cause-then the high strung frame gave way, and in the summer of 1865, he was attacked with paralysis. Accordingly, by the advice of his physicians, he embarked with his family for Italy, followed by the prayers of thousands of loving hearts in Indiana, and by the respect of the nation. After his return to this country, he was elected to the United States Senate, on the Republican ticket, and as the successor of Hon. Henry S. Lane, for the term ending March, 4th, 1873.
In the Senate, though embarrassed and restrained from the active labors he so much desires to perform, by the still feeble condition of his health, the result of those years of overwork, he has yet rendered excellent service to the country he so ardently loves. As a member of the important Committees on Foreign Relations, on Military Affairs, and on Agriculture, his counsels have been of great advantage to the Senate. His
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speech on reconstruction, delivered in the winter of 1868, was the most profoundly logical and able argument on that subject delivered in the Senate,-and even the enemies of reconstruc- tion acknowledged its power.
When the time shall come, as come it will, when a grateful country shall rear statues to the men whose patriotic loyalty, great executive ability, and active, comprehensive intellect contributed most signally to the triumph of freedom and right, amid that host of heroes and martyrs, two names shall stand forth resplendent with glory and honor, the names of JOHN ALBION ANDREW and OLIVER PERRY MORTON. On these, the highest art of the sculptor shall be lavished, and fair hands shall crown the brows of these impersonations of the most loyal and gifted of American Governors with imperishable laurels.
GOVERNOR RICHARD YATES.
MONG the many loyal governors of States, who seemed, during their country's hour of peril, to be providentially and emphatically "the right men in the right places." RICHARD YATES, Governor of Illinois, was conspicu- ous for earnest patriotism, great executive ability and prudence and burning eloquence. Born at Warsaw, Gallatin county, Kentucky, on the 18th of January, 1818, he became, by his father's removal, a resident of Springfield, Illinois, in the year 1831. Enjoying the advantages of a liberal education, he graduated from Illinois College at Jacksonville; and subse- quently studied the profession of law with Colonel J. J. Hardin, who fell in the Mexican War. Entering upon the active practice of his profession, he mingled also with considerable success in politics, and represented his district in the Illinois Legislature in 1842, 1843, 1844, 1845, 1848, and 1849. In 1850 he received the Congressional nomination of a Whig Convention, and was elected; finding himself, when he took his seat in the Thirty-second Congress, the youngest member of that body. The next year, despite a change in the district, which, it was supposed, secured it to the opposite party, he was re-elected over Mr. John Calhoun, a popular leader of the opposition. At the next election, however, he was defeated; his district sustaining, by its vote, Senator Douglas's Nebraska Bill. In
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Congress he proved himself a stern, persistent, uncompromising antagonist of every movement for the extension of the area of slave territory ; and his opposition to the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, marked him as a firm and able member, whose opinions were entitled to respect. Receiving, in 1850, the nomination of the Republican State Convention, as its candidate for governor, he was elected, after a most spirited and exciting canvass. His inaugural message to the General Assembly of the State, on the 14th of January, 1861, had the ring of true and lofty patriotism. Much space was devoted to a consider- ation of the critical condition of the national fortunes; and in discussing them, he showed that, while disposed to tender to the Southern States every lawful measure of pacification, the State of Illinois, as represented by its chief executive officer, would maintain the Union and vindicate the right of consti- tutional majorities.
The first call for troops, made by the Secretary of War, found Illinois, as well as most of the Northern States, without an available, efficient, armed and organized militia; with an appalling scarcity of arms and munitions of war, and in a general state of unpreparedness. But, on the same day on which the governor received the call of the War Department, he convened a special session of the Legislature, to be held on the 23d of April. His proclamation was itself a stirring, eloquent appeal to the patriotism of the imperial State over which he presided, and it fell with magic power upon waiting and loyal hearts. Within ten days, over ten thousand men had tendered their services. Illinois was "on the border," and liable to immediate invasion, and when, on the 19th of April, Governor Yates received from the War Dapartment, a telegram instructing him to send a brigadier-general to Cairo-a valuable stragetic point, at the confluence of the Ohio and Mississippi
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rivers-he put forth all his energies to meet the demand. Telegraphing to General Swift, at Chicago-that officer, with four pieces of artillery and four hundred and ninety-five men, started at once (on the 2d) for Cairo, followed by other batteries and military organizations, which left as they could get ready, and "stood not on the order of their going," arriving at the rendezvous the morning of the 22d. Others continued to pour in rapidly, until sufficient numbers were on the spot to form the first brigade (six regiments) of Illinois volunteers. The work of arming and defence which had been thus promptly inaugurated by Governor Yates, was speedily indorsed by the action of the Legislature, who made liberal appropriations and left no means untried to place the State on a proper war footing. During the year 1861, Illinois placed at the disposal of the General Government, fifteen thousand more men than had been asked for; and when, in July, 1862, the President called for three hundred thousand volunteers, Governor Yates issued a proclamation to his people, which rang like a clarion note of inspired loyalty through the length and breadth of the State. He also wrote to President Lincoln the following earnest letter.
EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT, SPRINGFIELD, Ill., July 11th, 1862. President Lincoln, Washington, D. C.
" The crisis of the war and our natural existence is upon us. The time has come for the adoption of more decisive measures. Greater vigor and earnestness must be infused into our military movements. Blows must be struck at the vital parts of the rebellion. The Government should employ every available means, compatible with the rules of war, to subject the traitors. Summon to the standard of the Republic all men willing to fight for the Union. Let loyalty, and that alone, be the dividing line between the nation and its foes. Generals should not be permitted to fritter away the sinews of our brave men in guard-
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ing the property of traitors; and in driving back into their hands loyal blacks, who offer us their labor, and seek shelter beneath the Federal flag. Shall we sit supinely by, and see the war sweep off the youth and strength of the land, and refuse aid from that class of men, who are, at least, worthy foes of traitors and the murderers of our Government and of our children. Our armies should be directed to forage on the enemy, and to cease paying traitors and their abettors exorbi- tant exactions for food needed by the sick or hungry soldier. Mild and conciliatory means have been tried in vain to recall the rebels to their allegiance. The conservative policy has utterly failed to reduce traitors to obedience, and to restore the supre- macy of the laws. They have, by means of sweeping conscrip- tions, gathered in countless hordes, and threaten to beat back and overwhelm the armies of the Union. With blood and treason in their hearts, they flaunt the black flag of rebellion in the place of the Government, and threaten to butcher our brave and loyal armies with foreign bayonets. They are enlisting negroes and merciless savages in their behalf.
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