USA > New York > New York City > History of the city of New York : its origin, rise, and progress. Vol. I > Part 59
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From this troublous epoch arose two great parties, differing materially from those which had shaken New York in the years gone before, and
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FIRST CITY POOR-HOUSE.
which ever afterwards divided the people of the province. Both pro- fessed the utmost loyalty to the British Constitution, and claimed and upheld the rights of Englishmen. But one was conservative and the other radical. As in England, the religious element entered largely into politics. The Episcopalians and many of the Dutch were conservative, while the remainder of the Dutch, and the Presbyterians, almost to a man, might have been found among the radicals. There were wit, taste, subtlety in drawing distinctions, and stubborn resolution on both sides, and each contending party had always some advantage over the other.
Meanwhile the city progressed slowly. Paul Richard was the newly elected mayor, and was soon after recommended by Cosby to the Lords of Trade as a fit man to appoint to the council. Cortlandt Street was laid out during the summer, and Beekman Swamp sold for £100. The city watch was increased to ten, and two constables appointed. On the 16th of July, Governor Cosby, with imposing ceremonies, laid the corner- stone of a new Battery on Whitehall Rocks. A terrible accident occurred on this occasion through the bursting of an old cannon. Three persons were instantly killed, one of whom was the daughter of Colonel Van Cortlandt; the others were John Syms, the high sheriff, and a son-in-law of Alderman Reimer.
A poor-house, which was also a house of cor- rection and a sort of cala- boose for unruly slaves, was erected in 1734 on 7.75 the Commons- City Hall Park -alongside of the gallows; the latter retired shortly afterward into the valley near Fresh Water Pond. This building was 46 feet long, 24 wide, and two stories high. Some KA ST of the quaint regulations First City Poor-House. of this institution are flashed upon our notice, through the following ex- tract from the minutes of the Common Council, March, 1736 : -
" As provision is made for the poor, the committee recommend that all beg- gars on the streets be put to hard labor; that parish children be religiously educated, taught to read and write, and cast accounts, and employed in spinning, knitting, and sewing, to qualify them for being put out apprentices ; that fet- ters, gyves, shackles, and a convenient place, or whipping-post, be provided for
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HISTORY OF THE CITY OF NEW YORK.
the incorrigible ; that a garden be fenced in for raising roots and herbs for the poor ; that the inhabitants of the city have free license to send to the said house all servants and slaves, there to be kept to hard labor, and punished ac- cording to the directions of any one justice, with the consent of the master or mistress ; that the master or mistress pay 1 s. entrance, and 1 s. 6 d. for whip- ping, and for discharge 1 s., and 7 d. per day during confinement."
New York was pronounced at that time one of the most social places on the continent. The gentlemen collected themselves into weekly even- ing clubs, and both gentlemen and ladies were often entertained with concerts, assemblies, etc., as well as private parties. An elegant ball was given at the " Black Horse," on the evening of January 19, 1736, to cele- brate the birthday of the Prince of Wales. The dress and appearance of the guests was reported by the press as magnificent. The fête was opened with French dances. Mrs. Captain Norris introduced a new country dance which captivated the whole company. At the conclusion of a sumptuous banquet, the "Hon. Rip Van Dam, President of his Majesty's council, began the royal healths, which were all drank with bumpers." On the morning of the same day, the members of the council, and the principal merchants and gentlemen of the city, had assembled at the fort, and " drank the royal healths "; but, owing to the illness of Gov- ernor Cosby, other customary public demonstrations on such an occasion were omitted.
It is curious how the feud between Cosby and Van Dam smouldered, and widened in its proportions as months rolled on. The latter, although president of the council, rarely attended its meetings. He wrote repeat- edly to the Lords of Trade, endeavoring to impress upon their minds the condition and wants of New York, and the total unfitness of their gov- ernor for his responsible position. Cosby was in constant correspondence with the same parties, and used the most extravagant language in accus- ing and abusing Van Dam.1 Dr. Colden resided out of town, and only made his appearance occasionally. But he so far sustained Van Dam in the position he maintained, that Cosby declared him unworthy of confi- dence. In one of Cosby's letters to the Duke of Newcastle, he said that Colden was closely linked with the opposers of the government, and acted as their spy upon the transactions of the council ..
Cosby's illness continued all winter. At times he was able to attend to business ; but he, as well as his physicians, was apprehensive of serious
1 Articles of Complaint against Governor Cosby by Rip Van Dam, Esq. New York Col. MSS., V. 975 - 978. Governor Cosby to the Duke of Newcastle, December 17, 1733. Gov- ernor Cosby to the Lords of Trade, December 7, 1734, and Same to Same, June 10, 1735. Col. MSS., VI. 24- 26, 31, 37, 38.
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DEATH OF GOVERNOR COSBY.
results. When it first dawned upon his mind that his life was in actual danger, he summoned a few of the counselors to his bedchamber, and secretly suspended Van Dam, in order to prevent the latter's assumption of the government as president of the council, in case of his death. He lingered until the 10th of March. When he died there was an 1736. outward show of sorrow and much inward joy. The people who March 10. were smarting under the expectation of having their land-patents invali- dated, thanked God fervently for having rid them of a monstrous tyrant. The political party, not in power, exulted over the prospect of Van Dam's speedy occupancy of the chair of state. They had long since despaired of any relief through the exertions of Lewis Morris in England; now their hour of triumph had come.
But early the next morning, even before the news of the governor's death had been put in general circulation, the council met and proceeded to administer the oaths of office to George Clarke, who was next to Van Dam in the order of age. There were present at this meeting, besides Clarke, James Alexander, Abraham Van Horne, James De Lancey, Archi- bald Kennedy, Philip Van Cortlandt, Henry Lane, and Daniel Horse- manden. The suspension of Van Dam was necessarily made public. Alexander declined to give his opinion concerning the singular and cow- ardly act of the late governor, but the other gentlemen were united in their belief that the administration of the government under the circum- stances devolved upon Clarke, who at once issued a proclamation announ- cing the governor's death, and continuing all officers in their places.
In the afternoon, Van Dam called upon Mrs. Cosby to obtain the great seal of the province, also the commissions and instructions from the king. He was denied access. He then demanded them in writing of Clarke, to whom he found they had been delivered. Clarke refused to surrender them, and quoted the act of suspension by which Van Dam's claim was annulled. Van Dam indignantly assailed the validity of such an act at such a time. He declared that Cosby was delirious and irresponsible at the moment of the suspension; and that if he had been in the full pos- session of his faculties, his power was only sufficient to exclude him from acting as counselor, and could not interfere with his succession to the command. The simple authority of the governor was extinguished by his death, and thus, he said, the council could not legally qualify Clarke.
The sympathy of the community was chiefly with Van Dam. He was a man of sterling sense as well as strong character, and his reputation for honesty was unimpeachable. He inspired confidence. The people knew him and believed in him. They felt that he had been grievously wronged. They were disposed to support his claims at any cost. Men gathered
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HISTORY OF THE CITY OF NEW YORK.
in knots on the streets and talked in loud tones. An insurrection at one time seemed imminent.
Clarke adjourned the Assembly, and Van Dam issued a printed protest denying Clarke's authority in the matter, and insisting that the body was virtually dissolved, therefore could no longer legally sit or act. The members met on the day to which it had been adjourned, but before the speaker had taken the chair, they were each served with a copy of Van Dam's protest, enclosed in a printed letter, which warned them against the consequences of attempting the transaction of business. Lewis Mor- ris, Jr., stepped forward and spoke for half an hour to the same effect, and then produced a "Declaration," denouncing the action of Clarke and the council, which he appealed to the members to sign. The majority of those present were disinclined, and he, with a few others, left the chamber in high temper. The remainder were considerably bewildered by the turn events were taking, and quite unwilling to involve them- selves in litigation ; they returned to their homes, and the House con- tinued under repeated adjournments until the late autumn.
The unrest in the atmosphere caused serious fears. There were covert threats of open violence among the common people. Clarke was attacked by writers in the Weekly Journal, Zenger's paper, and boldly menaced with a prosecution. The public memory was constantly refreshed through the same source with distorted accounts of "high crimes " in high places, and Bradford, in the New York Gazette, retorted in similar absurd exagger- ations. Clarke earnestly implored the Lords of Trade to protect him by removing Van Dam from office, thereby admitting his own doubts of the validity of the governor's secret suspension, unless the act was sustained and reacted upon by the crown. "He will sue me," continued Clarke, "for the profits of the government, if you do not silence him, and I shall be undone." 1
As a specimen of the " freedom of the press," so recently guaranteed by the acquittal of Zenger, the following extract from the columns of the Weekly Journal is given :-
" Whatever desire some of the subjects of the British Dominions may have to be above the law, and tread it under foot, yet the law will, in the long run, get above them. It is too strong to contend with, and he who does contend with it will hardly escape a fall. Of this the Hon. Francis Harrison, counselor, is a recent example.2 All the power he had to support him could not prevent a fall. If
1 President Clarke to the Duke of Newcastle, March 16, 1736.
2 " Harrison went privately to England in 1735. It was imagined that Cosby sent him to watch and oppose the movements of Colonel Lewis Morris, and that the governor's death plunged him into poverty, and prevented his return. He did not long survive that event." - Smith's New York, Vol. II. p. 29.
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CONTEST BETWEEN VAN DAM AND CLARKE.
Mr. Clarke be not entitled to the administration, I believe a grand jury of New York will think him guilty of high treason for usurping, and indict him accord- ingly. I do not believe that they will think his superiority or their subordina- tion will excuse them for not doing it. Their oath is to present all offenders. I hitherto have not heard of any exception in it, either of counselors or com- mander-in-chief. They are as subject to law as the meanest man in New York, let their desire be ever so strong to be above it ; and if the grand jury indicts, I doubt not the court will issue the process thereof to apprehend him and try him by twelve lawful men of New York, where the fact was committed. If he is
taken, I doubt not but that he will have the liberty of pleading his superiority, and the subordination of the court and jury against their jurisdiction. I doubt not but that the plea will be fully heard as it ought to be, and that his lawyers may speak freely in support of it, notwithstanding all the part he had in making of such precedents ; and if his lawyers can make it out, that he is above and out of the reach of the law, the court ought to allow the plea ; but if they can't, as I believe they cannot, he must there hold up his hand, as well as the meanest and most arch pickpocket that ever was in New York, and either confess and be hanged, or say not guilty, and put himself for his trial on God and his country ; and if such be the case, I hope justice he may depend upon. But what charity twelve good men of New York, sworn to try him, will have for him, he, by run- ning over his past services to the properties, liberties, and privileges of this coun- try, may in some measure, be able to judge. But, however, as a Christian, I shall be obliged, in that case, to join in the clerk's prayer, and say, God send you a good deliverance."
Odious nicknames were given to the counselors. They were often in- sulted in the streets. Alexander, at his quiet country-seat in New Jersey, refused to attend the meetings of the council. Thus the summer passed away.
Meanwhile Lewis Morris returned from England, reaching Morrisania by the way of Boston on the 7th of October. His purposes had been well- nigh defeated several times, but, nothing daunted, he had with charac- teristic spirit and pertinacity stood his ground until his triumph was complete. Peter Collinson wrote to Alexander, saying, "the Duke of Newcastle (to whom Cosby was indebted for his appointment) was strong in the governor's interest, and also Lord Halifax, a relation of the governor; but the governor's spleen, pique, and prejudice were so noto- riously seen through the whole charge against Morris, that there was no supporting it." Notwithstanding the strongest efforts to the contrary by the friends of Cosby, the committee of Lords who had given the affair a final hearing on the 7th of November, 1735, pronounced the governor's reasons for removing Morris from the chief-justiceship, insufficient. Fer- dinand John Paris wrote to Alexander, on the 21st of the same month, " I am inclined to think his Excellency shakes."
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HISTORY OF THE CITY OF NEW YORK.
The advantage gave Morris increased consideration among the lords. It was henceforth advisable to approach him with caution. The slum- bering question of a separate governor for New Jersey, was revived, but not acted upon, until February, 1738, at which time he received the appointment, and shortly after entered upon his duties. He sailed for America, however, as soon as he heard of the death of Cosby.
News reached New York in the evening that Colonel Morris was at his mansion in Morrisania. The next morning he was waited upon by Oct. 8. some of the leaders of the popular party, and conducted to the
city to attend a public meeting preparatory to the approaching appointment of city officials. He was met by crowds of people, who in- dulged in the most enthusiastic cheers of welcome. When he learned to what extremes the controversy had advanced, he expressed his opinion gravely and with resolute firmness ; Van Dam had a right to the admin- istration, and he was willing to execute the office of chief justice under him. As for the Assembly, he pronounced it dissolved, and said that force ought to be opposed to force, if Clarke continued to claim authority. "Be sure of one thing," he remarked with emphasis ; "if you don't hang them they will hang you."
The pivot upon which matters seemed likely to turn was the action of the corporation of the city. In the election of aldermen the Van Dam party had prevailed. Among those elected were John Aspinwall, Jaco- bus Rosevelt, Stephen Bayard, Gerardus Beekman, John Pintard, and Gerardus Stuyvesant. The 29th of September was the day provided by the charter, on which the commander-in-chief of the province should nominate the mayor, recorder, sheriff, coroner, etc., for the ensuing year, and the 14th of October was the day for them to be sworn into office. Clarke and Van Dam each summoned a meeting of the executive council, and each made out their list of appointees.1 The Common Council met in great tribulation, and sent the mayor, with one or two attendants, to both Clarke and Van Dam, to beg that all appointments might be re- voked while there was so much uncertainty about who was entitled to supreme authority, as it would endanger the charter to accept new city
1 Van Dam caused the following paper to be served upon Clarke : -
"New York, September 29, 1736. .
"His Majesty's council of the province being duly summoned to attend me in council, as commander-in-chief of the province, and James Alexander appearing, and the rest neglecting to appear according to the said summons, so that a quorum could not be made to give me their advice concerning the appointment of the following magistrates of this city, I have, in their default, appointed Cornelius Horne mayor, William Smith recorder, Richard Ashfield sheriff, and Richard Nicolls coroner, for the ensuing year.
RIP VAN DAM."
565
CLARKE PRESIDENT OF THE COUNCIL.
officers. During the election of the aldermen in the different wards, a paper had been circulated for signatures, declaring that Van Dam had a right to the administration. The Weekly Journal was filled with inflammable articles tending to persuade the people that every man had a right to judge to whom the administration of the government belonged, with significant hints that if a governor misbehave they were at liberty to depose him. The meeting on the 8th of October, was of such a character that Clarke, knowing the majority of the corporation were of the popular party, retired from his elegant city residence into the fort, and prepared for defense in case of a resort to arms, which was confi- dently expected.
The magistrates chosen by Van Dam had actually resolved to meet the issue. Private conferences had been held; Alexander, Smith, and Morris had each given legal advice; and steps had been taken to overpower the soldiers on duty if they interfered. Twenty-four hours more, and New York would be plunged in civil war.
Just at this crisis the brigantine Endeavor arrived from England, bring- ing despatches from the government to Clarke, which clearly established his authority as president of the council, and commander-in-chief of the province. The city officers whom he had appointed were duly sworn, and the machinery of municipal affairs remained intact. Oct. 14.
Clarke summoned the Assembly on the same day, and delivered a speech which was remarkable for the temperate manner in which he re- ferred to the late unhappy divisions in the colony. He invited attention to ship-building, which had become very lucrative in some of the neigh- boring colonies, and sadly neglected in this; also to the expediency of encouraging domestic manufactures in various departments of industry.
For four years, little or no attention had been given to Indian affairs. The incessant quarrels of Cosby with the people and their representa- tives had left him apparently no time to bestow upon the frontiers. The Six Nations, in the absence of other employment, had resumed hostilities against their enemies at the south. One of their expeditions, directed against the Chickasaws, was shockingly disastrous; they fell into an ambuscade, and fought until all but two of a strong band of warriors were slain. One only of these returned to tell the mournful story. Another expedition had been sent against the Catawbas and Cherokees. A fierce battle was fought in Kentucky, at a place called the "Bloody Lands," and although the Six Nations were victorious, it was with terrible loss. Clarke recommended the raising of money to repair the forts, as they were very dilapidated, and suggested the erection of a new one at the carrying-place leading into Oneida Lake, and thence through the Oswego
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HISTORY OF THE CITY OF NEW YORK.
River into Lake Ontario; he thought it would be well to transfer the garrison from Fort Hunter to this new and commanding position. And to humor the clamor within the House, he consented to introduce the practice (which has since prevailed) of absenting himself from the council, whenever it should sit as a branch of the Legislature. Chief Justice De Lancey was immediately appointed speaker of the council during the session.
The concession so pleased the Common Council, that the next morning they sent a committee to offer one of the chambers in the City Hall for the sittings of the Legislative Council, which was graciously accepted. The following was accordingly placed upon their records : -
Oct. 21. " At a Common Council held at the City Hall on Thursday the 21st day of October, 1736.
" Present, Paul Richard, Esq', Mayor, Gerrardus Stuyvesant, Esq", Deputy Mayor, Daniel Horsemanden, Esq", Recorder, (with the aldermen and assist- ants.)
" Forasmuch as his Majesty's Councill of this Province are to sit and act in their Legislative capacity, during the sessions of the General Assembly (without the presence of the Governor or Commander-in-chief of this province) and where- as, a convenient room or chamber in the City Hall, under the same rooff where the General Assembly do usually meet and sit is for the better expediting the publick affaires of this Colony, that both Houses may have speedy recourse to each other for their greater ease and more speedy accomplishing of business ;
" Resolved and Ordered, That the said Chamber in the City Hall of this City, commonly called the Common Council Chamber, be with all convenient expedi- tion handsomely fitted up and furnished, and a convenient closet or more made in the same, and that the Chamber be adorned with pictures, maps, prints, and appropriated for the use and service of his Majesty's Council of this province, at all times during their sessions in General Assembly, and not otherwise, reserving to this corporation the property and use thereof at all other times.
" Order of Common Council,
WILL SHARPAS, Clerk."
The Supreme Court was in session, where De Lancey as chief justice was in constant attendance. He consequently declined the honor of act- ing as speaker of the council, and a resolution was passed that the senior counselor present should at all times preside. Hon. Cadwallader Colden, who had returned to the city, accordingly took the chair.1 Oct. 30. A few days later, Clarke received a commission from the crown,
1 The council, as will be observed, acted in a twofold capacity : first, as advisory or privy council to the governor, and second (during the sessions of the Assembly) as a legislative council, in which they exercised similar functions as the Senate of the present day.
CLARKE LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR OF NEW YORK. 567
dated July 30, constituting him lieutenant-governor of the province. This gave him additional power and consequence.
The reaction from chaos to order was so sudden and pronounced that there was a general lull in the political world. The Assembly had an inactive and peaceable session, and on the 7th of November was prorogued until April. The winter was given to social gayeties and popular amuse- ments. Clarke was immensely gratified with his honors. His immediate connection with some of the prominent lords at Whitehall (he was a nephew of Blathwayt, to whom, indeed, he was indebted for his appoint- ment in 1703 as secretary of the province of New York,) and through his marriage with the royal family itself, had given tone to his aspira- tions. He was by no means a brilliant man, but thirty-four years of active public service in the colony had rendered him well acquainted with its affairs. He was tall, straight, with a military air and mien that made a favorable impression upon every one at first sight. He was not a man of letters ; his mind was filled with schemes for increasing his fortune, rather than in lines of study. But he was intelligent, sensible, and cau- tious. He had perfect command of a haughty, overbearing temper, and was extremely affable and conciliating in his address.
Mrs. Clarke was one of the most accomplished and charming of women. She was not, strictly speaking, a beauty, but her face was full of expres- sion, and her heart overflowed with keen, quick sympathies. Her sweet- ness of temper was historical. It was said that nothing could ruffle it or draw an unkind criticism from her lips. Her husband's affectionate regard and devotedness to her, and his ready submission to her soothing voice, even when in his most excited and revengeful moods, were among the commendable traits in his character. And it is a strong proof of her clear understanding, excellent judgment, and self-control, that she main- tained through her whole life such a healthful influence over him.
Clarke had so managed hitherto as not to lose the favor of any gov- ernor. He now determined to make peace with all classes of men in the colony. One of his first important acts was to effect a reconciliation be- tween the judges and Alexander and Smith, and restore the latter to their professional rank at the bar. It was a politic measure. But it failed to accomplish the purpose intended. Some of the more conservative mem- bers of the council took exceptions to this seemingly middle course which the new executive had adopted, chief among whom was De Lancey. Their confidence was shaken.
It was quite an event when the two able lawyers once more appeared in court.1 Alexander was no speaker, but his breadth of learning, honesty
1 Historical Sketch of the Judicial Tribunals of New York. By Charles P. Daly.
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of purpose, and depth of thought commanded universal respect and ad- miration. He possessed the knack of throwing terrible significance into a few well-chosen words at certain times, and was always a formidable and much-dreaded adversary. Smith was a born orator. Speaking re- quired no effort with him. His grandest orations were often impromptu. There was always more or less of pathos, humor, scorn, and anger in them. He usually spoke slowly, regularly, distinctly, and smoothly, - as a clock ticks, - and seemed able to continue an indefinite length of time. His voice was musical, which, with an attractive face, fine presence, and great personal magnetism, was very effective upon a jury. He was a man of varied attainments; an excellent theologian, a French, Greek, Latin, and Hebrew scholar, and something of an adept in the sciences.
The hospitalities of society were dispensed by Lieutenant-Governor Clarke, Chief Justice De Lancey, Robert Watts, Abraham De Peyster, Jr., the treasurer of the province, Philip Van Cortlandt, of Cortlandt Manor, James Alexander, Colonel Beekman, Dr. Colden, and others, with a lib- erality and grace which have rarely been surpassed. Drawing-rooms were not filled to suffocation by a promiscuous crowd unknown to each other and scarcely known to the host and hostess. The guests were all of one class, and personally acquainted. The majority of them were re- lated by blood and marriage. Social intercourse was genial and agreeable, with great freedom of conversation. There were certain formalities, how- ever, which were never ignored; and the etiquette of foreign courts was observed with a nicety which we, of this later and more democratic generation, can scarcely comprehend.
Clarke met the Assembly in April, but the august and ancient 1737. body had grown captious ; a respectable minority among the mem- bers were intent upon a dissolution. He finally made a speech in terms of real or affected disgust, charging the gentlemen, of whom he said their constituents were heartily tired, with having neglected the interests of both crown and colony, and dissolved them, issuing writs at once for a new election.
It was nine years since the people had had an opportunity of choosing representatives, and they went into the field with a relish. The radicals won. Among the chosen, were, Colonel Van Rennselaer, Colonel Schuy- ler, Frederick Philipse, lord of Philipse Manor, Philip Livingston, Colo- nel Beekman, David Jones, and Gulian Verplanck. James Alexander was the new member elected by the city of New York. Lewis Morris, Jr., was made speaker of the House, which met in August. The presence of these two leading minds may be traced in nearly all the records of the Twenty-First Assembly. It was resolved to publish in future the names
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SPIRIT OF INDEPENDENCE.
of voters for and against any question. Bills were offered by the speaker for the regulation of elections, for appointing an agent in Great Britain, independent of the governor, for reducing the interest on loans, and others of great variety. Bills were offered by Alexander encouraging the importation of both white and colored servants, the manufacture of iron and hemp, the prevention of frauds in flour and other products intended for exportation, etc.
Beekman Mansion, built by James Beekman in 1763. (It stood near the corner of Fifty-First Street and First Avenue until 1874.)
The response of the House to the address of the lieutenant-governor was somewhat of a revelation. A spirit of independence blazed forth which would have done honor to the best days of Greece and Rome. Some of the vital principles of good government were recognized, particu- larly in reference to the frequency of elections and the danger of trusting the same men too long with power. One paragraph on the hackneyed subject of the revenue deserves notice : -
" We therefore beg leave to tell your Honor that you are not to expect that we either will raise sums unfit to be raised, or put that which we shall raise into the power of a governor to misapply, if we can prevent it ; nor shall we make up any other deficiencies than what we conceive are fit and just to be paid, or continue what support or revenue we shall raise for any longer time than one
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HISTORY OF THE CITY OF NEW YORK.
year ; nor do we think it convenient to do even that, until such laws are passed as we conceive necessary for the safety of the inhabitants of this colony."
The session continued until December. Many bills of the first impor- tance were passed. Paper money was emitted for paying the provincial debt, and a loan-office was erected. The fort at Oswego was once more protected, and Indian trade facilitated. Clarke humored the intemperate zeal of one party, and curbed as far as possible the resentment of the other. He found himself presently regarded with watchful suspicion by both parties.
For a century the feudal estate of the Gardiners on the beautiful island at the eastern extremity of Long Island Sound had steadily flourished. Its proprietors were invested with such authority from the crown as to render it comparatively independent of the government of the province. It was not even connected in its civil concerns with Easthampton, the nearest town on the Long Island shore. It was enveloped in a web of romance, from having been made the repository of the piratical treasures of Cap- tain Kidd;1 and more recently (in 1728) through having been infested and pillaged by Spanish pirates. Yet it was in no way affected by the political controversies of the times. It was now under the rule of David, the fourth lord of the manor.2
1 It was during the life of John Gardiner, the third lord of the manor, that Kidd visited the island. John, third son of the third lord, married Sarah, daughter of Governor Saltonstall of Connecticut (the granddaughter of Sir Of the daughters of lord of the manor, John Chandler of chusetts, and was the Hon. George Ban- and Elizabeth mar- of Boston, and was tinguished Gardiner Elizabeth, daughter Copley, R. A., and hurst, Lord Chancel- BY THE NAME OF diner Family Papers. fourth lord of the GARDI January 3, 1691. On this entry: "1751, diner, aged sixty." ENER in the Gardiner grave- arms, of which the The Gardiner Arms. His sons were John, Richard Saltonstall). John Gardiner, third Hannah married Worcester, Massa- great-grandmother of croft, the historian ; ried Thomas Green the mother of the dis- Green, who married of John Singleton sister of Baron Lynd- lor of England .- Gar- 2 David Gardiner, manor, was born the church records is July 4, died Lord Gar- Upon his tombstone yard is the coat-of- sketch is a fac-simile. Abraham, Samuel, and David. The widow of John (fifth lord) married General Putnam, and died at the headquarters of the army on the Hudson, and was buried in the private vault of Colonel Beverly Robinson.
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