USA > New York > History of the one hundred and twenty-eighth regiment : New York volunteers (U.S. infantry) ; in the late civil war > Part 13
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HEADQUARTERS MIDDLE MILITARY DIVISION, 1 CEDAR CREEK, VIRGINIA, August 16th, 1864. )
GENERAL:
In compliance with instructions of the Lieut-General command- ing, you will make the necessary arrangements and give the necessary orders for the destruction of the wheat and hay south of a line from
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Millwood to Winchester and Petticoat Gap. You will seize all mules, horses and cattle that may be useful to our army. Loyal citizens can bring in their claims against the government for this necessary destruction. No houses will be burned, and officers in charge of this delicate but necessary duty must inform the people that the object is to make the valley untenable for the raiding parties of the rebel army.
Very respectfully, P. H. SHERIDAN, Major-General Commanding.
Brig-General A. T. TORBERT,
Chief of Cavalry, Middle Military Division.
WASTING THE HARVESTS.
It was only fair that the infantry should have a share in helping to carry out this order as far as our needs demanded. At no time did the writer see the order violated by any soldier trying to set fire to a house or did he ever see a house burning. So much blame has been heaped upon Sheridan for causing so much destruction in this valley, even down to the present time is this sharp criticism so kept up, that the testimony of eye witnesses is not out of place. It is claimed that many of the settlers were from Maryland and Pennsyl- vania, and were of strong Union sentiment. Nevertheless, many of Moseby's officers and daring men were from this valley and were making constant depredations upon our wagon train and doing all the injury possible to the Union cause. No Union soldier ever felt himself safe to rest for a night within one of these homes. The confederate General John B. Gordon, says : "In the Shenandoah Valley we were among as good friends as the southern cause could boast." There were some Union men and these realized the importance of this destructive work. One of these patriots said : " If you do not burn my grain the rebels will take it when they come this way; and I will help you." At the same time he lighted a match and set fire to the only stack of wheat he had and upon which he depended to feed himself and family. Sheridan himself expressed in a despatch, after the work was accomplished, his idea of the necessity of the times that this country must be laid so bare "that a crow flying over it must carry its rations."
The 18th still found us retreating, with a long halt during which we were drawn up in line of battle with the expectation of a skirmish, as the enemy were pressing our rear guards. We were
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met to-day by General Grover, and the balance of the second! division, nineteenth army corps, which had come from the Jame. River by the way of Leesburg and Sericker's Gap.
AT SHERIDAN'S HEADQUARTERS.
During the forenoon of the 19th, the 128th received orders to report for duty at the headquarters of General Sheridan. We proceeded at once and reported to the General about 3 P. M. and were assigned to a camp on a knoll in view of Charlestown. We relieved the other guards and took upon ourselves for a few days. this new duty and new honor. Two stands of rebel colors were carried through the camp, having been captured by the 4th New Hampshire Cavalry on the 17th at Front Royal.
Early followed close upon the heels of our retreating army and took up his position at Bunker Hill and Winchester. On the 21- he began an attack upon the eighth corps. The sixth and nine- teenth were brought up as a support, but neither came into action. The 21st was the Sabbath, and as orders were issued granting the privilege to the men of attending church in Charlestown, about fifty soldiers, including the writer, were found at the Presbyterian church. A few women were present, the men being conspicuous by their absence, and doubtless an absence from the town in the confederate service. The worship was interrupted by the noise of artillery on the right of the line and quickly followed by the rattling fire of musketry. The churches were soon emptied, and the me .. hastening to their ranks. The fighting of the day resulted in the capture of quite a large number of prisoners by our cavalry. At 1 P. M., the 128th started as guards for Sheridan's train and marched back until we reached the rifle-pits on Bolivar Heights. The whole army moved back during the afternoon and night, to Halltown.
HALLTOWN.
The attack of the enemy was renewed at sun-rise of the 223 by firing upon our cavalry while they were at their breakfas: Considerable skirmishing with some cannonading, was carried o :. throughout the day without bringing on a general engagement although Sheridan extended his flanks and retreated with the centre in order to lead to this close contest. The wily Early knew we were too well posted for him to make the attempt. A view from: Bolivar Heights at 10 A. M. showed our lines three or four miles distant, the sixth corps on the right, the eighth in the centre, and ti :-
-
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nineteenth on the left. The 23d released us from the position of Headquarter guards, and at 7 A. M. we returned to our place in the brigade line, on a hill to the east of Halltown. We at once went to work throwing up breastworks, using rails and ground, and made as strong a defense as that of the other regiments. At II A. M. of the 24th, the 128th and 159th New York, and the 11th Indiana Veteran regiment, were ordered to make a reconnoissance in force and ascertain the position of the enemy. To our left was another extemporized brigade. About noon we found the rebels posted in the edge of a wood. Between us, on the border of another wood, and the confederates was an open field. In this the enemy advanced a line of skirmishers to await us. Our skirmish line drove that of the "Johnnies " until they reached the woods, when we were obliged to fall back, as the enemy was making a strong effort on each of our flanks for the purpose of capturing us. Hold- ing our line on the edge of our wood until 3 P. M., and having accomplished our purpose, we withdrew, after suffering a loss to our battalion of three or four killed, twelve wounded and six missing. There was no loss in the 128th. On the left of our line more was accomplished, as a stronger force went out and captured three pieces of artillery and some cattle.
The 25th was spent by the regiment in strengthening our defenses. Our cavalry to-day was fiercely engaged, and Custer, in order to save his brigade of cavalry, retreated across a ford at Shepherdstown ; but Sheridan brought him out of his difficult posi- tion. On the 26th, the enemy, under Anderson, who was in charge in front of Halltown, was driven back by Crook on our left with great loss. Orders were now received to be in readiness with three days' rations for a forward movement.
BERRYVILLE.
Several regiments moved out in order of battle at ten o'clock on the 27th, as far as the picket line, and finding no enemy, they returned to their camp again. Our cavalry pressed the confederates into a skirmish at Charlestown. On the 28th of August, Sheridan moved his army forward to Charlestown. Here we remained five days strengthening our earthworks, while the cavalry and small forces of infantry and artillery kept up constant scouts and skirmishes to feel the position and strength of the rebels. On the 3d of Sep- tember, Sheridan again moved forward his forces to "the Clifton- Berryville line. " This was not done, however, without a strong
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protest from the enemy. Halting about 6 P. M., as we supposed for the night, and making arrangements for our quiet evening meal, we were greatly annoyed that the unmannerly rebs should not allow us to drink our coffee in quietness. They made a furious charge upon the eighth corps. The nineteenth was now hastily ordered forward to support our lines. The battle was hot until darkness put an end to the hostile attempt. In order not to be caught napping, one company from each regiment in our brigade was ordered forward in the darkness and deployed at close. intervals as pickets and skirmishers, with orders to be extremely watchful. Company H., being designated from our regiment, reported that they "had not the slightest difficulty in keeping awake as it rained in torrents throughout the entire night, and between the dodging of the rain and the bullets a reasonable degree of alertness was displayed." At daylight the line of skirmishers being very much exposed to the fire of the enemy, a charge was ordered across an open field to the cover of a stonewall. This was reached without loss. Here a heavy skirmish fire was kept up throughout the day with an occasional shot from the artillery of the enemy. Some changes of divisions and positions were made during the day, and all the army worked vigorously in strengthening the breastworks. Reconnoiter- ing, heavy picket duty, turning out under arms at 3 A. M. each day and remaining until after daybreak, inspections, and some drilling, made up our programme for the next two weeks.
During this time, on Sunday, the 11th, Rev. Harrison Hermance, a reformed preacher from Rhinebeck, was introduced to us at our dress parade as our chaplain. Since Rev. John Parker left us at Chalmette we had been without a regimental chaplain. Mr. Her- mance was a large, robust looking man, full fifty years of age. He offered prayer, made a few remarks, and read President Lincoln's proclamation appointing that Sabbath day one of special thanks- giving for the success and triumph of our cause thus far. It was evident, however, that this proclamation for thanksgiving did not express all the feelings of the United States authorities at Washington or of the Union men of the north. Underneath, at this time, there were the gravest apprehensions as to the results of the civil war. The nearly six weeks, during which Sheridan had been in the valley, seemed an age to the impatient people at home. The newspapers asked, "Why doesn't Sheridan do something?" "Stocks," says a writer in the New York Sun, since the death of Sheridan, " began to decline, and gold, already alarmingly high, to rise stili higher,
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which showed with unmistakable certainty how anxiously the business men had come to regard the situation of military affairs. There was marching and counter-marching ; an advance and a counter-advance; then a demonstration and a retreat from Winchester to Harper's Ferry, followed by louder mutterings of discontent, and a still higher rise in the price of gold." It is well known that the gold market was the most sensitive thermometer of public sentiment, and doubtless the most powerful influence to produce a public sentiment in political crisis. It will be remembered that just at this time in 1864, there was, notwithstanding the all absorbing work of the war, a most heated political campaign in progress, and that the fires of this campaign were kindled by the prospects of success on the part of the Union army. Frequently General Grant declared that the wisest policy for the confederacy would have been that suggested by General Joseph E. Johnson. That policy was to avoid battle as much as possible and produce by delay a change of sentiment in the north, and then the United States government would admit the right of the States to secede and set up for themselves. Notwithstanding that the tide of battle had largely changed in favor of the Union army and that the area of the confederacy had been greatly dimin- ished and almost limited to Virginia and Georgia, yet the north was growing weary of the struggle, and of the heavy tax upon its resources. Already there had been attempts to resist the draft for soldiers. General Halleck had sent word to Grant that it might be necessary to send troops to New York City, to suppress the riots. The convention of one of the political parties, which had met and nominated its candidate for the presidency, had declared the war a failure. Treason was talked as boldly in Chicago as ever it had been at Charleston. The administration at Washington, says Grant in his Memoirs, shrank from having a decisive battle fought for fear a defeat would destroy its power and that the opposite party might gain the November election. It was a question whether the government would dare to arrest those talking treason and those opposing the draft and the continuation of the war. The governor of New York State had declared against such arrests. It is evident from the historical and later study of the condition of affairs, by competent authorities, that the turning point in the tide of the nation hinged on the work done in the valley by Sheridan. The operations at Richmond and Petersburg must be slow, fighting it out on one line and a steady battering against walls of adamant. It is not surpris- ing that the time seemed long while Sheridan was studying his
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ground and his forces in order to make no mistake, and that even the president, with grave fears yet strong hopes, wished for a sudden stroke which would cleanse the sultry atmosphere and bring in some ozone and sunshine. It was not without many intimations of the state of affairs that Sheridan and his whole army eagerly awaited a suitable opportunity with the determination to do their best.
THE OPEQUAN BATTLE.
Early in September, Grant felt the pressure of circumstances, and determined on an immediate advance in the Valley. He tells his own story in his Memoirs. " Knowing that it was impossible for me to get orders through Washington to Sheridan to make a move because they would be stopped there, and such orders as Halleck's caution (and that of the Secretary of War) would suggest, would be given instead, and that they would, no doubt, be contradictory to mine, I therefore, without stopping at Washington, went directly through to Charlestown, some ten miles above Harper's Ferry, and waited there to see Sheridan, having sent a courier in advance to tell him where to meet me."
When these generals met, Grant, though he had a plan of battle in his pocket, asked Sheridan if he had one. From Sheridan's pocket at once came map and plan, anticipating all the ideas of the Lieutenant-General All the minutia were so thorougly worked out that Grant gives Sheridan all the credit of what was afterward done. After a careful consultation of all the plans, and learning that Sheri- dan was but waiting orders to "go in," according to Grant's summing up, the order " go in" was given. This "go in" policy was just what Sheridan had been planning during six weeks, just as soon as the proper opportunity offered itself. Now it was at hand. Early, hearing that the railway was being repaired, sent, on the 17th, the two divisions of Rhodes and Gordon to Bunker Hill and Martinsburg. These drove Averell with his Union forces out of Martinsburg. Although Sheridan was planning to drive Early by a flank movement out of Winchester, yet learning that the confederate troops were strung along from Winchester to Martins- burg, he changed his plans which led to the battle of Opequan.
On the evening of September 18th, we received orders to have four days' rations in our haversacks, and to be ready to march. Reveille sounded at 1 A. M., Monday, the 19th. At two o'clock, and three hours earlier than Sheridan had told Grant he would be ready to move, the army was in motion. Wilson's cavalry were sent
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ahead rapidly to carry the ford of the Opequan, and to seize the long and deep defile on the east bank through which the main column would have to pass. Wright was to follow with the sixth corps partly across the country. He was delayed in this movement so that his column ran into the nineteenth corps near the ford. Wright, with the authority of his rank, ordered Emory to halt his column, and allow the sixth to pass. This, with an extra large wagon-train of Wright's, caused a long delay, somewhat frustrating Sheridan's plans. The Berryville road, which was being followed by the Union army, crosses the Opequan creek, at a comparatively shallow ford, which flows at the foot of a broad and thickly wooded gorge with rugged and steep banks. It then ascends a hill in nearly a northwesterly course, but soon after reaching the high ground bends rather sharply toward the left, and crosses the ravine called Ash Hollow, and forming the head of Berryville Canon. This Hollow winds among hills so steep and thickly wooded as to be impassable for any troops save infantry. "It then debouches into 'an irregular undulating valley, forced on the south by an amphi- theatre of stony heights, laid with regard to each other like detached forts." The purpose of Sheridan was to pass through this ravine, deploy on the open rolling ground of the valley, amuse the enemy's right, fight his centre vigorously, turn and force his left. The object of Early, the rebel commander, was to allow us to deploy to a certain extent, then to beat in our attacking columns, and throw them back on our lines of advance, and finally, to complete our ruin by pushing his left to the mouth of the gorge, and cut off all chance of retreat.
At day-break, Wilson's cavalry was over the Opequan and in possession of the narrow gorge. In this sortie the cavalry swept all before them till they secured a space within two miles of Winchester and sufficiently large for the deployment of our forces. As for the opposition of the enemy at this time, Wilson might have swept on over the three miles to Winchester. The delay of the sixth corps, and the orders to pass the nineteenth prevented the line of battle being formed until twenty minutes before 12 o'clock. As there is such a wide difference expressed by writers on the time of crossing the ford, the writer, though in the ranks and not able to make as wide observations as a staff officer, or a reporter who is ranging at pleasure, would state the facts as taken and recorded at the time. The 128th of Sharpe's brigade, nineteenth army corps crossed the ford at 8 A. M., and continued to march through the gorge, and then
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turning to the right of the pike, were formed in line of battle. After a short advance of this line, we halted while a battery was placed in position and began quite a lively tossing of shell upon the enemy.
The sixth corps was on the right and formed across the Berry- ville road; Wilson's cavalry extending on its flanks ; Emory held the centre and left ; Sharpe's and Birge's brigades of Grover's division were in front with Molineaux and Shunk in the second line. " Dwight s two brigades formed on the right and rear of Grover in echelon of regiments on the right, in order not only to support Grover's line, but to cover the flank against any turning movement by the confederates or an attack by their re-enforcements coming straight from Stephenson's. Crook's eighth corps was held in reserve on the start. In the early morning, the confederate forces, under Ramseur on the Berryville road, and the cavalry of Lomax to the right of this line, were the only forces in front of Sheridan. During the long delay, Early had been hurrying back from Stephenson's, some five miles away, all the forces of Gordon, Rodes and Wharton, and placed his entire force into a strongly fortified position on a series of detached hills northwestward of Winchester. Gordon came up at nine o'clock and took his position opposite Emory's right. Rodes followed and formed next to Gordon, opposite the extreme right of Emory and left of Wright, while Ramseur was to the right and Lomax on the flank.
Between the two positions held by the opposing parties the ground was uneven, and in places heavily wooded. The left and centre of Early's position seemed to be the only weak points. But to reach these our troops must pass through a narrow defile flanked by wooded hills. At a quarter before twelve o'clock, upon Sheridan's signal, the whole Union line moved forward at a double quick and became engaged. Wilson pushed Lomax back on the extreme right of the enemy's line. The struggle of supreme importance came in the centre. Upon the nineteenth corps and Ricket's division of the sixth corps devolved this bloody task. These must sustain the burden of the day. Sharpe's brigade moved forward in line of battle in the following order : The 156th New York, 38th Mass., 128th and 176th New York. The movement was through a thick woods of young trees to open ground. On the opposite side of this open space lay the most of Gordon's rebel forces covered by a thick wood and ledges of rocks, strongly supported by several pieces of artillery. The woods and nature of the ground prevented
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Grover from supporting his men with his batteries. Scarcely could muskets be used to an advantage. It was a charge with bayonets set along the whole line of our division. We pushed back the advance line of confederates and threw them somewhat in confusion. Rodes, in planting a rebel battery, had been killed. Comparatively few men fell until we were within 100 yards of the rebel lines, when the enemy poured upon us a most deadly volley of musket balls and of grape and canister. So many of our men fell that the lines swayed and weakened. The command came from an officer to " lie down," but the enemy now made a charge upon our weakened lines. We could only give way and fall back in considerable disorder. Major Keese, who had command of the 128th, had been wounded and taken from the field. Sharpe and his staff bravely tried to rally the men about the flags. A hundred men halted about the 12Sth colors, but the enemy was now too close to allow a halt. Sharpe soon fell wounded and the command of the Brigade devolved upon Colonel Neafie of the 156th New York. The line serged back under . the murderous fire to a ridge that ran parallel to the wood, and here, partly protected by this rise of ground, a temporary stand was again made. Birge's brigade and Ricket's division were also beaten back by this sudden and impetuous onset of Early. Our temporary stand at the ridge allowed Grover time to order up two guns of the First Maine battery, Captain Bradbury commanding. This fire checked the progress of the enemy. The 131st New York now took advantage of a little wooded ravine and made a flank movement upon the rebel advancing column and poured into it such a volley that it recoiled. A second volley sent the confederates backward with quite a squad of prisoners left "gobbled " between that advancing regiment and our brigade.
Emory now ordered Dwight to deploy his first division to sup- port the wavering columns. Our old friends of the 114th New York came up steadily while we were re-forming, and, marching to the front of the woods, lay down on the grass and opened fire. Then regiment after regiment was quickly thrown into position on a line of battle. Now, with Grover's reduced but re-formed lines, all moved forward again and pressed back the opposing forces beyond their former position. Up to the previous confederate line Wright and Emory now followed, and correcting their allignment, awaited events and orders. Fierce as had been this one hour's fight and dreadful in its carnage, with the results almost equal on each side, except a slight retreat of the enemy at the close, Early dare not make another
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attack. Sheridan also saw the necessity of changing his plans. For two hours of intense suspense the lull in the battle continued. . it three o'clock the turning point came. On our right the dense woods obstructed our view of the movement of the troops. Crook had moved up the right bank of the ravine, called the Red Bud, and attacked the right flank of Early. This movement now silenced the battery which had been enfilading Emory's line. "The eighth corps was met by a tempest of fire from the dense forest which lay toward the rear of the enemy, as seldom beats on brave men. It was a continual roar as of a conflagration, no let up in the explosion. but one awful wail of musketry swelling up from the tangled wood." Soon we could see Crook's men gallantly making headway against the storm, yet dropping by scores. It was too much for our boys to stand, and the entire division, without orders, opened a tumultuous fire and advanced. About this time Sheridan, on his black charger so famous in history, rode along the lines, and swinging his hat, cried out to us : "Give them hell, boys, my cavalry is in the rear." With a shout we bounded a rail fence which impeded our pro- gress for a moment and rushed forward with double energy, pushing the rebs before us until their men were formed on the ridge over- looking Winchester, and partly entrenched by the works of Fort Colyer. We were crowding forward with bayonets fixed, making short halts at the fences to take breath, when the most exciting and inspiriting scene ever witnessed in battle broke upon our view. Crook had made a half wheel with the eighth corps and was flanking the enemy, while still further to the right, and almost in their rear, Torbert was just emerging from a thick wood with a long line of cavalry in battle array. Rapidly and with seemingly an ever increasing speed, these horsemen drew nearer the retreating con- federates. The guns, which had been seriously impeding our way. now were turned on these intrepid cavalrymen, but not to check their progress. With a wild rush, our long line of infantry closed in on the bewildered foe. As Torbert's horsemen came near the fort and the enemy, they drew their sabres, which flashed in the glowing sun, and began the work of dreadful carnage. The whole left wing of Early gave way in great confusion, the centre was pressed back by Emory and Wright, and the left wing followed in the great rout. Early vainly strove to halt his shattered forces, but the battle was over. The " Johnnies" went wildly rushing from the field, pressing their way through the streets of Winchester, crowding the roads, and fleeing with the utmost speed to save their lives. Torbert pursued
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