History of the one hundred and twenty-eighth regiment : New York volunteers (U.S. infantry) ; in the late civil war, Part 9

Author: Hanaburgh, David Henry, 1839-1907
Publication date: 1894
Publisher: Pokeepsie, N.Y. : [Press of Enterprise Publishing Company]
Number of Pages: 588


USA > New York > History of the one hundred and twenty-eighth regiment : New York volunteers (U.S. infantry) ; in the late civil war > Part 9


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at the time to the President's Cabinet, and was in their minds as a strong influence to decide all the movements of our civil war. There can be no doubt, from the developments of history, that Napoleon was the prime mover in this invasion of our sister Republic and that he drew in, for a brief time, England and Spain. On the pretext of settling the claims of Jecker, who was a wretched swindler and not even a French subject, he entered Mexico with the ulterior purpose of destroying our liberties. John Lothrop Motley, the historian. was at that time the United States embassador at the court of Austria and was personally acquainted with Maximilian and his views. In a letter of the date of September 22d, 1863, to Oliver W. Holmes, and in allusion to the drought then prevailing in Austria, he wrote :


" There is no glory in the grass nor verdure in anything. In fact, we have nothing green here but the Archduke Maximilian, who firmly believes that he is going forth to Mexico to establish an American empire, and that it is his divine mission to destroy the dragon of democracy and re-establish the true church, the right divine, and all sorts of games. Poor young man !"


The Abbé Emmanuel Domenech bore the title of "Senior Director of the Press of the Cabinet of his Majesty, the Emperor Maximilian," and was so appointed by Napoleon for very special service. "He thus occupied" says Dr. William Butler in his volume, Mexico in Transition, "a position between two thrones, was informed concerning all that passed, and had immense influence in molding public opinion in Europe in regard to the Mexican question." # * * In his volume, Mexico as it is, he distinctly avows that the object of Napoleon in the intervention was to checkmate the United States. Our transformation was to be accomplished by overthrowing the Monroe doctrine, and by " giving to the Latin race a career on this continent." That career was to change the repub- lics of Central and South America into monarchies, and thus open the way to monarchize us. We will quote his words :


" If monarchy should be successfully introduced into the Spanish republics, in ten years the United States would themselves declare a dictatorship, which is a kind of republican monarchy adopted by degenerate or too revolutionary republics. (Page 226)."


It is evident that all the republics of Central and South America looked upon this intervention as a direct stroke at self-government. as they, by their representative men, sent words of congratulation


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AND TWENTY-EIGHTH REGIMENT.


and sympathy to Juarey, the President of the Mexican Republic, to cheer him in his dark hour. " Under all the circumstances " says Dr. Butler, " they regarded our United States as within the circle of- danger, should Mexico fall before the remorseless power, which had already its grip upon her life, and which led the venerable Masquera, then President of New Granada, to say to his own congress, " If the United States fails we all go under."


It is evident that Secretary Seward regarded the invasion of Mexico in the same light and intimated the position of the United States government to Napoleon in a letter sent to our minister in Paris, on the 7th of April, 1864.


A resolution passed the House of Representatives by a unani- mous vote, which declared the opposition of that body to a recognition of a monarchy in Mexico. He adds in his letter to the minister these decisive words : "I remain now firm as heretofore in the opinion that the destines of the American continent are not to be permanently controlled by any political arrangement that can be made in the capitals of Europe."


At the same time the southern confederate leaders had the same information concerning the ultimate purpose of the French emperor · and looked to him as a helper in their cause, well knowing that a monarchical form of government would be the final outcome of their success. A few years since, the writer spent some time in conversa- tion with one of the chief officers of General Bragg's staff, and a number of other southern gentlemen. That leading officer stated as a fact, that in 1864, the public sentiment of the south was diverg- ing in two directions. The first was a further development of the "states rights" principle, in accordance with which each state should separate from the confederacy and set up as a nation by itself. This would have resulted in a contest between states, and eventually resulted in a dictatorship and conquest. The other tendency of thought was in favor of a constitutional monarchy being established at once. This latter opinion was advocated by Jefferson Davis and many of the leading officers. It is easy to be seen why the south- ern leaders so cordially welcomed the entrance of a monarchical army on our borders, and from which they anticipated much influence and help.


Texas, the state which so largely led to the civil war by throw- ing so much slave power in the hands of the South ; Texas, out of which Senator Benton, of Missouri, at the time of its occupation,


i


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said in Congress, nine slave states could be made, each equal to the state of Kentucky ; Texas was now likely to become the dangerous battle ground of an international strife, which might also settle the civil contest already being waged. And the people of Texas again seemed willing to bind their necks with still stronger chains of słavery. When admitted within the United States, her people had avowed themselves on the side of freedom by abolishing slavery, but had yielded to selfish influences, until this state swung the scales in favor of bondage and a slave oligarchy. Now, this same people were inviting to their soil a European. army, by which to reduce their rulers to a single tyrant.


How deeply our own government realized the seriousness of the state of affairs is shown by the language of General Grant, in the last pages he ever wrote, when dying at Mount McGregor. He says: " Under pretense of protecting their citizens these nations seized upon Mexico as a foot-hold for establishing a European monarchy upon our continent, thus threatening our peace at home. I, myself, regarded this a direct act of war against the United States by the powers engaged, and supposed as a matter of course that the United States would treat it as such when their hands were free to strike." (Vol. II. page 545.)


A further quotation from the same page of General Grant's Memoirs, will explain the purpose and expectations of our govern- ment in its relation to the Red River campaign :


" The governing people of Mexico (the Imperialists) continued to the close of the war to throw obstacles in our way. After the surrender of Lee, therefore, entertaining the opinion here expressed. I sent Sheridan with a corps to the Rio Grande, to have him where he might aid Juarez, # * much to the consternation of the French troops in the quarter of Mexico, bordering upon that stream. This soon led to the request from France that we should withdraw our troops, and to negotiations for the withdrawal of theirs. Finally Bazaine was withdrawn from Mexico by order of the French govern- ment. From that day the empire began to totter. Mexico was then able to maintain her independence without aid from us."


It has been necessary to give this lengthy description of our border affairs in order to present the cause of the importance, as conceived by the Washington authorities of this Red River cam- paign, and for diverting Banks from what he believed at the time to be the best policy. Direct commands were given by Halleck to


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AND TWENTY . EIGHTH REGIMENT.


carry on a combined naval and military advance up the Red River and on into Texas. This was to be upon a much larger scale than heretofore. Corresponding instructions were sent to Banks to move his forces by the Atchafalaya ; Steele to advance from the line of the Arkansas; Grant to send Sherman from Vicksburg with such troops as he could spare ; and Admiral Porter to co-operate with his Mississippi squadron. All were to be under Banks' control. Sher- man came from Vicksburg to New Orleans, and had a distinct agreement with Banks. This agreement was for Porter's fleet and Banks and Sherman's armies to meet at Alexandria on the 17th of March, while Steele, by moving overland from Little Rock, under- took to unite with the combined forces further up the Red River.


By the 2d of March, Porter had his fleet at the mouth of the Red River. On the 11th, the forces from Vicksburg, including one division of the sixteenth corps, under Brigadier-General Joseph A. Mower, known as " fighting Joe Mower," and one from the seven- teenth corps, under Brigadier-General Thomas Kirby Smith, all under Brigadier-General A. J. Smith, had, by means of transports, reached the same place. Porter, during the few days in this vicinity, had made an expedition up the Black and Washita and destroyed Harris- burg. Supposing that Banks' troops were advancing through the Teche region toward the rendezvous, the combined forces of Smith and Porter advanced upon Fort De Russy and captured it, with 25 officers and 292 men and 10 guns, on the 13th of March. Porter at once sent his fastest boats to Alexandria, which they reached on the 15th, just as the last rebel boat escaped up the rapids. Kirby Smith, with one division of the Vicksburg troops, on transports, arrived at the same place on the 16th, and A. J. Smith, with the balance of his forces, on the 18th. It required a longer time for Banks to gather his scattered troops and push them for one hundred and sixty miles through the low regions of the Teche. The advance of the nine. teenth corps reached Alexandria on the 19th. Banks, himself, arrived at Alexandria by steamer on the 23d, and took command of the combined forces of Franklin and A. J. Smith.


Orders came on the 7th of March for Sharpe's brigade to move from Baton Rouge with the intention for Grover to concentrate his division before moving forward. This plan was changed, and now the troops were to be moved direct by transports to Alexandria. The 128th having been under marching orders for several days, finally broke camp at 8 A. M. of the 23d of March, and in company with the 3Sth Massachusetts and the First U. S. Battery, boarded


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.


the transport Laurel Hill. Considerable familiarity, if not true fellowship, had sprung up between the citizens and soldiers during our several months of wintering at this place, and large crowds came to see us as we passed through the streets, and gave us loud cheers as we sailed away. About sunset we passed Port Hudson with its impregnable river cliffs and frowning guns. It no longer laughed defiance at us as one year before. The blue coats of the North were standing quietly on its ramparts. The 24th was spent in ascending the Red River. The passage of this crooked stream was necessarily slow, as often the turns were so short that the engineer would back water with one wheel of his steamboat while he moved forward with the other, the wheels being so attached as to work in this manner. Not reaching Alexandria until II P. M., we did not disembark until the morning of the 25th, when we went into camp in a corn field about two miles from the town. Shortly after taking possession of our camp, an entrance into the village was made by that portion of Banks' troops which had marched through the Teche region, with ranks steady, bands playing, and all showing they were in fine spirits. The 26th was spent in changing our camp within the limits of the village, as our regiment had been ordered to garrison the place, which had been selected as a base of supplies for the army. The town was deserted almost entirely by white men. Many negroes had congregated from the vicinity, and were put to work in loading and unloading vessels. A church edifice was opened on Sunday in which one of the army chaplains conducted divine service, but the bats were flying about the room during the exercises, and the walls were covered with cob webs. April Ist found us moving our camp again to another part of the town for more convenient quarters.


Severe blame was cast upon General Banks for his delay in forwarding his troops, and in meeting A. J. Smith and Porter at Alexandria at the appointed date, and also in not more rapidly pushing forward his troops beyond this point. But at this place was manifest the real difficulty of the campaign. Every reliance had been placed upon the water of the river rising, so as to allow the gun-boats to co-operate with the land forces, and also the provisions to be transported by water. The river was gradu- ally rising, but so slowly that no forward movement could be pushed. The first gun-boat attempting the ascent of the rapids, the Eastport, was caught on the rocks on the 26th of March, and. after three days, was hauled off, only by the combined force


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of a whole brigade swinging on the hawsers. The hospital steamer Woodford, attempted to follow, and was wrecked. Five boats more exhausted three days in making this dangerous ascent. By the 3d of April twelve gun-boats and thirty trans- ports had been conveyed above the obstructions. Several trans- ports and seven gun-boats were too large to permit them to pass the rapids. It became evident that no great rise could be expected in the waters of the river. It was necessary to land the supplies at Alexandria, hawl them by wagons above the rocks, and re-ship them to points above. This necessitated the establishment of a depot of supplies at Alexandria, and the leaving of a strong guard for the place, and for the protection of the wagon trains. Grover's division was accordingly assigned to this work. With the various changes made in the re-enforcements, etc., Banks is reported to have had, at the end of March, 31,000 officers and men for duty, with ninety guns. Steele was expected to add 7,000 more men at a further point. As this magnificent army of over thirty thousand men lay on the plains about Alexandria, the writer ascended to the top of a high building which gave a complete sweep of the country for many miles. The smoke was ascending from the many cooking fires of the regiments, the tents whitened many a camp, and the Stars and Stripes floated in the breeze at various points. Long lines of men could be seen, with the pickets standing at their posts around the whole place. Turning to the river front, there could be seen the fleet of gun-boats and many transports loaded with provisions, while regiments of men were unloading the steamers and assisting in getting the boats above the rapids. It was not the exciting scene of a battle, but one of activity in preparing for future contests.


General Banks here met with still other embarrassments from the government in carrying out his designs. Congress conferred the grade of Lieutenant-General upon U. S. Grant, and he assumed the command of all the United States forces on the 17th of March, 1864. Henceforth, and wisely, all the troops in the field were to be directed by one man and concentrated upon certain points. Along the whole line of the Union forces a combined movement was planned for the early part of May. This, however, seriously interfered with the plans already on foot as projected by other men. According to the new plan, General A. J. Smith was to join the Army of the Tennessee for the movement upon Atlanta, Banks must go to Mobile, showing that even Grant thought the threat made against the French in Mexico might be sufficiently executed in a brief space of time, and then the


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Gulf Army be turned to more effective work. Sherman's loan of A. J. Smith and his troops could not be extended later than the 25th of April. The whole meaning of these orders could be summed up in this : that Banks must go forward with the project under way, but this could not occupy more than a month at the longest. This abbreviation of the time for carrying out the campaign under way was received by Banks at Alexandria on the 27th of March. Already, on the 26th, had he set forward his column. A. J. Smith led and was followed by Franklin and the main supply train on the same day.


On the 7th of April, the enemy under Green, comprising Major's and Loomis' brigades, were met at Pleasant Hill and were put to flight. Meanwhile the confederates had been concentrating their forces until within a supporting distance. Taylor had about 16,000 men, and so distributed as to take advantage of his position, while Banks' men were largely drawn out in support of the transportation train and marching over a single narrow road through a dense pine forest. On the Sth, at Sabine Cross Roads, in a place where it was impossible to bring a large force into action at one time, a battle was unexpectedly brought on which proved a severe reverse to the Union troops. Emory's division, by their heroic fighting, saved the day from a complete rout. The loss in the Union Army was reported as 2,186 in killed and wounded and twenty guns, the most of the latter becoming entangled with the provision train. This disastrous day deeply affected the spirit and enthusiasm of the men and even the Commanding General himself. Being obliged, by the instructions sent him from Grant, to return to Vicksburg the part of the forces under A. J. Smith within two days, Banks determined to abandon any further advance upon Shreveport and to retreat to Grand Ecore. He accordingly sent messengers to Porter and to the forces under Kilby Smith on the transports with the fleet, announcing what had taken place and what he intended to do.


BANKS RETREATING.


On the morning of April 9th, Banks started on his retreat. closely followed by the enemy, enthused by their success on the previous day. Taylor came upon the Union forces in the afternoon when they were drawn up in line of battle near Pleasant Hill. He waited several hours in order to rest his troops and then made the attack upon the Northern Army about 5 o'clock. After most severe fighting in a very difficult place for moving armies, the confederates were repulsed and five guns captured. Kirby Smith, who came on


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the field that evening after the battle, made a report near the last of August in that year, and says : "Our troops were completely paralyzed by the repulse at Pleasant Hill." This battle was fought by nearly equal numbers on each side as shown by later estimates and with about equal casualties to either side. The Union loss was reported at 1,506 in killed, wounded and missing.


Although the question of advancing was discussed by Banks and his division commanders, quite a hasty leave was taken at midnight. The afternoon of the 11th found the army encamped at Grand Ecore. But this retreat had left Porter's fleet and the transports in great peril. The orders for a retreat reached Porter on the roth. He be- gan at once to retrace his steps. The confederates under Green attempted to cut off the fleet but ineffectually, and to themselves with the great loss of their brave and impetuous commander. The crooked and shallow river delayed the vessels so that it was the 15th before all the fleet lay in safety at Grand Ecore. As the river was falling, it was necessary to send away the larger gun-boats. During these days Banks entrenched his army and sent urgent orders to Alexandria, New Orleans and Texas, for re-enforcements.


Word reached Alexandria on the 11th of the repulse at Sabine Cross Roads, and orders were issued by Birge for his brigade, and the 38th Massachusetts and the 128th New York to be ready, with three days' rations, to move at once to the assistance of the retreating army. Nickerson's brigade was ordered up from New Orleans to Alexandria. The 12Sth broke camp at 6 p. M. on the 14th, and marched above the rapids, where they embarked on the transport Chenango about midnight. Starting at daylight the next morning they reached Grand Ecore at 10 P. M., but did not leave the boat until 2 A. M. of the 16th. Disembarking on the right bank of the river, where was a part of General A. J. Smith's forces, we remained here until the afternoon when we crossed to the south bank by means of a pontoon bridge, and marched through the so-called town and bivouacked in a pine forest about two miles from the river. The new troops were set to work at once in strengthening their position. The 17th and ISth found us at work on the breastwork of logs. The trees of this section of country were very large and had the appearance of belonging to the primeval forests. Great firs that had withstood the storms of a century were cut so as to fall parallel with the line of works. The trunks, remaining as they fell, made a most massive structure for defense. The tops were chopped off and used for the abatis in front.


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GRAND ECORE.


" At 3 A. M. of the 19th, we were called out under arms and remained in line of battle until after sun-rise, expecting an attack for which a very elaborate reception had been arranged. When the rebels failed to avail themselves of our sanguinary hopitality we were all greatly disappointed." This extract from Comrade Benson's journal refers to the feelings of the re-enforcements who had felt none of the discouragement of those who had been so roughly handled by Taylor's men a short time before. The regrets on the part of Banks for not having an attack evidently were not very great as, in the afternoon of this day, we received orders to have four days' rations cooked and in our haversacks ready for a move at short notice, and this movement was a fleeing one from the face of the foe. In taking the gun-boats down the river the big Eastport had been sunk to her gun-deck, about eight miles below Grand Ecore. It had been necessary to bring up the pump-boats and remove the guns before the iron clad could be floated. As soon as this was ac- complished, Banks gave orders for his whole force to begin the retreat to Alexandria. The unfortunate Eastport continued her journey to meet with many obstructions and then at last, on the 25th, becoming immovably wedged upon a raft of logs, her crew gave her to the flames.


At 4 P. M. of the 21st the assembly was sounded, and within one hour's time the whole army turned their faces southward, or as the regimental poet expressed it :


" In eighteen hundred and sixty-four We all skedaddled from Grand Ecore."


But this forced march at night was conducted with great delibera- tion and perfect order, as was to be expected from the splendid discipline of the bronzed veterans of the sixteenth, seventeenth and nineteenth corps, of which the army was at this time composed.


The order of march as given by Irwin is as follows : " Birge led the main column with a temporary division formed of the 13th Con- necticut and the ist Louisiana of his own brigade under Fiske, the 38th Massachusetts and the 128th New York of Sharpe's brigade under James Smith, and Fessenden's brigade of Emory's division. Next were the trains in the same order as the troops. Emory fol- lowed with the brigades of Beal and McMillan and the artillery reserve under Closson. Then came Cameron, and last A. J. Smith. in the order of Kilby Smith and Mower. Crossing Cane River,


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which is one branch of the Red River and called the Old River, about two miles below Grand Ecore, the line of march traversed the length of the long island formed by the two branches of the Red River, and re-crossed the right arm at Monet's Ferry. For the whole distance the army was once more separated from the fleet."


The army moved by the flank in heavy marching orders, each man carrying five days' rations of coffee, hard bread and bacon, and an extra 100 rounds of ammunition. The march was continued for fifteen consecutive hours, when it was estimated that twenty-four miles had been covered, and we went into bivouac with four hours for sleep. At 11 A. M. we were on the march again. We made twenty three miles and halted at 9 P. M. Our line of march had been through great forests of pine trees, a perfect wilderness, the only roads being trails, over which the artillery and trains moved. The soil was sandy, ankle deep and burning hot. To add to our dis- comfort the country was almost destitute of water and the suffering from thirst was most intense. Frequently, when striking a more solid soil, the men would lie down and lap the muddy water from a hoof- print where rain had settled.


CANE RIVER.


On the 23d reveille sounded at 5 A. M. and we marched at 6. We had made not more than three miles when the advance of the army was furiously attacked by the enemy at the Cane River Crossing, and we came to a halt. This, however, was of a brief duration as an "Aid" brought orders for our division (Grover's) to face about and march back three miles to a ford. Here we plunged into the river waist deep and took good long draughts of the cooling fluid on our way. After crossing, we made a detour of several miles over swampy ground and through much underbrush, to get in the rear of the eneniy. On the 14th of April, Kirby Smith had withdrawn Churchill and Walker from Taylor and sent them to assist in checking the advance of Steele, who was moving toward Texas. This left with Taylor the Infantry of Polignac, about 2,000 strong, and the cavalry troops under Wharton. With this small force Taylor under- took to impede the retreat of Banks and to cause him as much trouble and loss.as possible. The sudden movement of Banks brought him in the face of the two confederate cavalry divisions of Bee and Major, consisting of four brigades and four batteries, on the high ground at Monet's Bluff, commanding the ford and the ferry. At 3 P. M. of the 22d, a slight skirmish had been indulged in for an hour between




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