USA > New York > History of the state of New York, political and governmental, Vol. III 1865-1896 > Part 19
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3Message of March 2. Lincoln, Messages from the Governors, VII, p. 850. 4Report of Railroad Commissioners, April 19, 1883.
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[1883
and the first popular indignation gave way to admira- tion for the Governor's courage.
The session ended with Tammany bitterly opposed to Cleveland. Kelly had thrown some votes for him at Syracuse before the County Democracy supported him, and expected recognition. But to Tammany's dismay Cleveland allied himself with Manning and made Daniel S. Lamont, one of Manning's lieutenants, first his military and then his private secretary. The only conspicuous Tammany appointment made by the Gov- ernor was that of Willis S. Paine to be Superintendent of Banks. Still Tammany did not oppose the appoint- ment of John A. McCall to succeed A. Barton Hepburn in the Insurance department, or of James Shanahan to succeed Silas B. Dutcher as Superintendent of Public Works. But when the Governor took from the McLaughlin organization in Brooklyn William H. Murtha for Commissioner of Emigration, an office that carried with it control of local patronage and contracts of great value to Tammany, Kelly held up the confirmation. He also held up the confirmation of a list of Quarantine Commissioners, Port Wardens, and Harbor Masters.
The Governor on May 4, just before the final adjournment, sent a special message to the Senate urging action on Murtha one way or the other.5 He did not question the Senate's right to reject his nomination, but he commented in severe terms on the Tammany tactics that thus held up the enforcement of new laws for the care of immigrants. This rebuke drew from
5Lincoln, Messages from the Governors, VII, p. 888.
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Thomas F. Grady a speech denouncing the Governor for his language toward the Senate and charging that he was using his power to placate Mclaughlin.6 The nominations were not acted upon. Tammany declared that Grady's course was taken on his own personal responsibility, but the Wigwam approved it neverthe- less. The leaders said they would not have objected to a County Democrat or a man not in politics at all, but they would not have the Mclaughlin organization invading their territory.7 Just before the fall nomina- tions, much to the surprise of his opponents and the County Democracy, Grady retired on the plea of ill-health. On the eve of election it became known that Cleveland had written to Kelly saying that he was "anxious that Mr. Grady should not be returned to the next Senate," for his "personal comfort and satisfac- tion" and also because good legislation was involved.8 So Kelly, anxious to preserve his regularity and avoid a complete break with the administration, temporarily retired Grady. The opposition press made much of the incident, and particularly the phrase about "personal comfort."
The Republicans entered the campaign in a spirit of chastened harmony. Both factions were intent on com- posing their differences. At the State convention held in Richfield Springs on September 19, the Senators representing the two wings of the party shared the honors. Lapham was temporary and Miller perma-
6New York Tribune, May 5, 1883.
7New York Tribune, October 25, 1883.
8New York World, November 2, 1883.
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{1883
nent chairman. Miller's democratic habits and pro- gressive leadership appeared in sharp contrast with Conkling's aloof and dominating manner. He proposed to increase greatly the number of delegates to the State convention and to make the body more democratic by abolishing intermediate conventions and having the State delegates elected directly by the voters. The State committee was ordered to consider this plan and report at the next convention.9 The platform approved Arthur's administration, expressed satisfaction in the progress of civil service reform, asked for legislation to check monopolies, and arraigned the Democratic party for extravagance in the creation of many new offices and for cowardice in failing to deal radically with the contract labor problem. It also favored a reorganization of the party in New York City on a plan that was subsequently carried out. This substituted enrollment and a pledge of general support for the requirement that a voter join a party club and pledge support of all candidates to be nominated. This enroll- ment resulted in an organization of over 23,000 voters, still less than half of the party vote in the city.
The new atmosphere of the convention was empha- sized by the fact that Thomas C. Platt and John F. Smyth were left off the State committee. The only contest was over the nomination for State Treasurer. The New York delegation proposed Ethan Allen, but opposition developed on the ground that he had been a Liberal and a supporter of Greeley, and the nomina-
9New York Times, September 20, 1883.
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tion went to Pliny T. Sexton. For the rest, the old ticket was nominated.10
The Democrats held their State convention at Buffalo on September 27 with Alfred C. Chapin as temporary and Thomas C. Benedict as permanent chairman. Tammany had resisted all the efforts of the State committee to induce it to enter into general primaries and establish a single organization in New York. It sent a separate delegation of its own, which the State committee felt obliged to recognize. The committee gave the County Democracy 38, Tammany 24, and Irving Hall 10 seats on the temporary roll. Edward Murphy, Jr.'s, delegation from Rensselaer was seated, and anti-Manning delegates from Oneida and Onondaga were admitted. Nevertheless, after all these concessions, a test showed that Manning was in control by a vote of 280 to 93.
William Purcell again appeared as a candidate for Secretary of State. G. H. Lapham and Roswell A. Parmenter, his associates on the ticket of 1881, sought to make common cause with him in an "old ticket" campaign, but they had no following and Purcell
preferred to play a lone hand. Notwithstanding Manning's majority, Purcell was an enemy to be reckoned with. He had been chairman of the State committee, and his paper, the Rochester Union and Advertiser, was the leading Democratic organ in that part of the State. He, like the Republican candidate,
10The ticket was: Secretary of State, Joseph B. Carr, Rensselaer; Comp- troller, Ira Davenport, Steuben; Treasurer, Pliny T. Sexton, Wayne; Attorney-General, Leslie W. Russell, St. Lawrence; State Engineer, Silas Seymour, Saratoga.
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General Carr, was a Roman Catholic, and the expedi- ency of pitting them against each other and thus making any appeal to religious prejudice impossible was appar- ent. Moreover, Purcell had a grievance in the refusal of Cleveland to appoint him to the Railroad commission, which it might have been politic to assuage. Manning nevertheless determined to assert his power by nominat- ing Isaac H. Maynard of Delaware. He succeeded by a vote of 209 to 173, though Purcell, besides receiving the Tammany and anti-Manning vote, also had consid- erable support from among the regulars in western New York. Manning also picked Speaker Chapin for Comptroller, obtained for him the reluctant support of the Brooklyn delegation, which really wanted William H. Catlin for Treasurer, and nominated him over James Mackin and Frederick A. Conkling, who was proposed by W .. Bourke Cockran on behalf of Irving Hall. Treasurer Maxwell was renominated by acclamation and Manning was thus assured that one of his most valuable assistants, Edgar K. Apgar,11 would be con- tinued as Deputy Treasurer.12 The platform indorsed the Cleveland administration and pointed with pride to its reforms.
The fire of Cleveland's and Manning's enemies in the Democratic party was centered on Maynard. Tam- many and the Germans, who favored liberal excise laws, charged that in the Legislature he had always
11New York Times, September 27, 1883.
12The ticket was: Secretary of State, Isaac H. Maynard, Delaware; Comptroller, Alfred C. Chapin, Kings; Treasurer, Robert A. Maxwell, Genesee; Attorney-General, Denis O'Brien, Jefferson; State Engineer, Elnathan Sweet, Albany.
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voted against any removal of excise restrictions. Efforts were also made to play upon religious prejudice by representing him as a bigoted Protestant who had been chosen in preference to Purcell. Kelly and Pur- cell both stayed away from the great Democratic gathering of editors and others in Albany on October 12, which was intended to stir up enthusiasm for the ticket, and, by Manning, to bring the Democratic press of the State in line for a Cleveland Presidential move- ment. Erastus Corning presided over this meeting, while Roswell P. Flower, Edgar K. Apgar, and St. Clair McKelway were conspicuous speakers.
The election returns were a severe blow to Manning. He indeed carried the bulk of his ticket through by pluralities ranging from 13,000 to 18,000, but Maynard was beaten by 18,583. The vote stood: Carr, 446,108; Maynard, 427,525; Thomas K. Beecher of Chemung (Greenback), 7,221; Frederick Gates of Herkimer (Prohibitionist), 18,816. The Democrats lost both houses of the Legislature, the Senate standing 19 Republicans to 13 Democrats and the Assembly 72 Republicans to 56 Democrats. Tammany won three of the ten Democratic Senators in New York City and eight of the fifteen Democratic Assemblymen. The proposition to abolish contract labor in prisons was carried by a popular majority of 138,916. Of this 104,476 came from New York City, where among the labor unionists the sentiment against the competition of prison-made goods with the product of free labor was strongest.
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Seth Low was reelected Mayor of Brooklyn over Joseph C. Hendrix by a plurality of 1,842. Though Tammany and the County Democracy fought over the legislative ticket, they joined forces on the local ticket and successfully divided the rich local offices between them, although they had to face much criticism of Mayor Edson's appointments, many of which were bad, not so much because of the nature of his own standards as because of his meeting the standards of the Aldermen who had to confirm them. The County Democracy also had to face the scandal growing out of the discovery of frauds amounting to over $150,000 in the repayment of improperly cancelled coupons by a clerk in the office of Comptroller Allan Campbell, who soon after resigned on the ground of ill-health.
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CHAPTER XXIV THE NOMINATION OF BLAINE
1884
T HE Republican recovery of the Legislature led to a spirited contest for the Speakership. Theo- dore Roosevelt, who had received the compli- mentary minority nomination the year before, made an energetic personal campaign. His achievements as a young reformer, who represented the idea of high- minded legislative efficiency, made his candidacy popularly attractive. Political leaders, however, were loath to entrust the Speakership in a critical Presiden- tial year to a man only twenty-five years old, inclined to upset traditions. Opposed to him were Titus Sheard of Herkimer, George Z. Erwin of St. Lawrence, and DeWitt C. Littlejohn of Oswego. Before the vote was taken in caucus on New Year's eve, Erwin threw his strength to Roosevelt and Littlejohn threw his to Sheard. This gave Sheard the nomination by 41 votes to Roosevelt's 29. Sheard was Warner Miller's candi- date. As Miller was an ardent Blaine adherent the Speakership contest was regarded as a strategic victory for Blaine in the Presidential arena.
Investigations of New York City government occu- pied a large share of the Legislature's attention.
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Senator Frederick S. Gibbs of New York headed a Senate committee that investigated the Department of Public Works without accomplishing substantial reforms. Theodore Roosevelt as chairman of the Assembly city committee conducted an inquiry into the New York county offices, and reported bills placing the County Clerk and Register on salary and turning the fees into the treasury; also bills regulating the fees of the Surrogate's and Sheriff's offices. The collection of unlawful and extortionate fees had come to be one of the crying abuses in all these record offices. The bills were so imperfectly drawn, however, that Governor Cleveland asked to have them recalled for correction and then signed them, despite defects that, though pointed out, had not been eliminated. The Governor also signed a bill giving the Mayor of New York the right to appoint subordinates without confirmation by the Aldermen. Provisions of the Civil Service law were extended to all cities of more than 50,000 inhabitants.
The Presidential election of 1884 brought forward three Republican candidates to contest for the New York delegation. President Arthur was in the field for an elective term, with the support of the Federal office-holders and most of the leaders of his old New York City organization. But he faced the bitter hos- tility of the most influential leaders of the old Stalwarts. Although Arthur had loyally stood by Conkling in his quarrel over Robertson and gone to Albany to aid in his reëlection, the shooting of Garfield worked in him a complete change. He felt that it was no longer seemly
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for him to engage in a factional struggle against the President, whom he might at any moment be called upon to succeed. Cut to the quick by the popular criticism and suspicion naturally evoked by the assas- sin's declaration that he shot Garfield because he was a Stalwart and wanted to see Arthur President, he determined to live up scrupulously to his new responsi- bilities. Conkling and Platt could tolerate this show of respect for public opinion, but when, on the death of Garfield in September, Arthur refused their demands for the removal of Robertson because he felt bound to uphold his predecessor's act and did not think it right to plunge the country again into a factional quarrel, both Conkling's and Platt's wrath was beyond bounds. Conkling still showed the arrogance that had lost him the friendship of every Republican leader of high character and great ability excepting Hamilton Fish.1 He would not see that this was the one thing Arthur could not do for him, coming to the Presidency as he did. Subsequently, on the retirement of Justice Ward Hunt, Arthur offered the appointment of Justice of the United States Supreme Court to Conkling, who repelled the advance, and Samuel Blatchford was appointed in his stead. Conkling took no open part in the fight, but it was noticed that the Utica delegation in the State convention to choose national delegates was against Arthur.
To the standard of James G. Blaine rallied most of the Half-breeds and such anti-Arthur Stalwarts as could forget their animosities, as Conkling could not.
1George F. Hoar, Autobiography, II, p. 57.
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Conspicuous among these was Thomas C. Platt, who afterward said that he took this course not because he cared for Blaine, but because he was determined to beat Arthur.2 Warner Miller led the Blaine forces, and ex-Governor Cornell and Whitelaw Reid worked with him. Senator George F. Edmunds of Vermont had a small body of supporters, mostly younger reformers who disliked machine methods on the one hand and distrusted Blaine's character on the other. They were joined by some practical politicians, who doubted the expediency of nominating either of the leading candidates. Theodore Roosevelt, James W. Wadsworth, George Z. Erwin, Henry F. Tarbox of Genesee, and Theodore B. Willis of Kings were active in the Edmunds leadership. When the State conven- tion met at Utica on April 23, no faction could control it. Blaine had the largest number of delegates, but Miller lacked quickness and skill in leadership. Arthur stood second, while the Edmunds forces held the bal- ance of power. The candidates for delegates-at-large most talked of by the Blaine men were Miller, Reid, Cornell, and Hiscock.
The Edmunds men sought an agreement with the Blaine leaders on a compromise ticket, and on the night before the convention the New York Tribune corre- spondent said that it looked like Miller, Cornell, and two Edmunds men, George B. Sloan and probably Wadsworth. But on that night the Brooklyn delegation by a vote of 20 to 1 decided to back Edwin Packard, an Edmunds man, instead of Benjamin F. Tracy, an
2Platt, Autobiography, p. 181.
WARNER MILLER
Warner Miller; born in Oswego county, N. Y., August 12, 1838; graduated from Union college in 1860; taught in the Fort Edward collegiate institute; enlisted as private in the 5th New York cavalry, 1861; served in the Shenandoah Valley cam- paign; promoted to be sergeant major and lieutenant; taken prisoner at the battle of Winchester; exchanged and honorably discharged ; engaged in the manufacture of paper and farming; delegate to the republican national convention at Philadelphia in 1872; elected to the New York state legislature in 1874 and 1875; elected as a republican to the 46th and 47th congress and served from March 4, 1879 until his resignation before the as- sembling of congress in 1881; elected to the United States senate, July 16, 1881 to fill vacancy caused by the resignation of Thomas C. Platt and served from November 11, 1881 until March 3, 1887; died in the City of New York, March 21, 1918.
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Arthur man. This offer of votes stiffened the Edmunds leaders and they would not agree to Miller's picking Sloan or anybody else for them. They put up four candidates, and then went to Miller asking that he put two of them on the Blaine ticket, in return for which, if after two ballots they did not elect their whole four, they would support the Blaine men for the other two places. This meant for the Blaine people to give something for nothing, since it was evident that their two delegates would never be elected, for the Arthur and Edmunds strength would have been combined on the second ballot to beat Blaine after the Blaine men had been used for Edmunds.3 At the same time the Arthur people sought a combination with the Blaine forces on Henry Ward Beecher and Philip Becker of Buffalo to represent Arthur, with Miller and Reid to represent Blaine.4 But this offer was rejected. Then James D. Warren of Buffalo, chairman of the State committee and leader of the Arthur faction, sought a combination with the Edmunds forces. After Roose- velt and his friends had rejected an offer of two and then three of the four delegates, Warren finally con- ceded them the whole four rather than see any Blaine men elected.
The first trial of strength in the convention came on the election of the temporary chairman. Miller nominated Edmund L. Pitts of Orleans, while Roose- velt proposed Nathaniel C. Boynton of Essex. Some of the Edmunds men in western New York went for
3New York Tribune, April 26, 1884.
4New York Tribune, April 23, 1884.
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Pitts, but the bulk of the Arthur and Edmunds strength was concentrated on Boynton, who won by 251 to 240 votes. For delegates-at-large, Theodore Roosevelt received 472, Andrew D. White 407, John I. Gilbert of Franklin 342, Edwin Packard of Kings 256. These four were elected. Both Roosevelt and White received many Blaine votes. Miller came within a few votes of election, receiving 243, the full Blaine strength, while Cornell had 228. The convention, seeking a union with the Democrats on Judges of the Court of Appeals, the only State offices to be filled, nominated Charles Andrews, Republican, and Charles A. Rapallo, Demo- crat, to succeed themselves. Rapallo was considered the greatest jurist of the original court. Andrews was also a member of the original court, destined after a distinguished career as Associate and Chief-Judge to long years of graceful and venerated eminence. The platform adopted called for a protective tariff, the safeguarding of civil rights of all citizens, and Federal aid to education in recognition of the obligation to care for the uneducated freedmen who were a burden on the southern States. It also called for suspension of silver coinage.
The Blaine men had been outgeneralled in the State convention and had only a minority of the district delegates. Nevertheless they went to Chicago confident of victory. In combination with the Edmunds group they chose George William Curtis chairman of the delegation. Arthur's prestige had at least been broken, and they did not seriously fear Edmunds or a dark horse. The national convention assembled on June 3,
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and the first test of strength came over the selection of the temporary chairman. The national committee proposed General Powell Clayton of Arkansas. The suggestion came from an Arthur man. But when Clayton's friendliness toward Blaine was discovered, the Edmunds people, under the lead of Henry Cabot Lodge and Theodore Roosevelt, who appeared for the first time before a national convention and whose "square head" and "nervously forcible gestures" were even then remarked, arranged a clever stroke in proposing John R. Lynch of Mississippi, an educated negro who had served in Congress, and appealed for him as a representative of the race enfranchised by the Republican party. The friends of Blaine and John A. Logan went for Clayton, but the followers of Edmunds, Arthur, and John Sherman concentrated on Lynch, who was elected, 424 to 384. The New York delegation stood, Clayton 26, Lynch 46. The opposition to Blaine also won a tactical victory in the selection for perma- nent chairman of General John B. Henderson of Missouri, who was nursing a boom for General Sher- man. But there its success ended.
On the first ballot Blaine was well in the lead, with 3341/2 votes. Arthur had 278, Edmunds 93, Logan 631/2, Sherman 30, Joseph R. Hawley 13, Robert T. Lincoln 4, and General W. T. Sherman 2. Two ballots were taken without material change, Blaine's vote rising to 349 and then to 375. He made scattering gains in about equal measure from the other candidates. At the end of the third ballot word was received that Logan had sent a telegram withdrawing and urging
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support of Blaine. This made his nomination certain and brought to him all the seekers for a place on the winning side. The fourth ballot gave him an over- whelming majority, the vote standing: Blaine, 541; Arthur, 207; Edmunds, 41; Logan, 7; Hawley, 15; Robert T. Lincoln, 2. Logan was nominated for Vice- President without opposition.
CHAPTER XXV CLEVELAND BECOMES PRESIDENT
1884
T HE nomination of Blaine and the evident dispo- sition of independent Republicans to desert him if the Democrats should nominate a reformer, gave great impetus to the movement for Cleveland throughout the country. As early as December, 1883, Boston Independents began to organize against both Blaine and Arthur, and on February 23, 1884, a con- ference in New York issued a call to Republicans to nominate a candidate commanding the confidence of the voters in his readiness to divorce public service from party politics, and a committee headed by. General Francis C. Barlow undertook to circularize Republican delegates.1
Soon after Cleveland's assumption of the Governor's chair, Manning began a campaign to make him Presi- dent. The Governor had little faith in the movement and only consented to run in case either Blaine or Arthur were nominated. Manning's work was cleverly organized to secure publicity throughout the country for the Governor's work as a reformer. In creating a widespread interest in and respect for Cleveland as a
1New York Times, February 24, 1884.
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Presidential possibility, Manning, Lamont, and Apgar were highly successful, but the practical task of getting a solid Cleveland delegation from New York was one of extreme difficulty and was only accomplished by the most masterly political tactics, by daring, by conces- sions, and by ruthless abandonment of friends.
Manning was embarrassed in the first place by Tilden's attitude. He knew that Tilden could not run, but from State after State came calls for his leadership. So long as he was not formally out of the field New York could not well present another candidate. Taking advantage of his silence, others were getting second choice pledges. Roswell P. Flower had been partic- ularly active in this respect and threatened to defeat Cleveland in New York if it came to a trial of strength between them. Faced by this emergency, Manning, at the request of Cleveland, went to New York early in June and requested John Bigelow to go with him and ask Tilden for a letter of withdrawal. They found in Tilden the same dislike for finalities that he had shown in 1880. Bigelow thought he felt some delicacy in withdrawing before the State convention had asked him to be a candidate, and likewise thought he had some hesitation in committing himself to a man so little experienced in politics as Cleveland.2 When he was convinced of the need of action, if his friends were not to be committed on second choice to the schemes of Kelly and Flower, he reluctantly promised to write a letter of positive withdrawal, and did so on June 12.
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