The Memorial History of the City of New York: From Its First Settlement to the Year 1892, Volume II, Part 45

Author: Wilson, James Grant, 1832-1914
Publication date: 1892
Publisher: [New York] New York History Co.
Number of Pages: 705


USA > New York > New York City > The Memorial History of the City of New York: From Its First Settlement to the Year 1892, Volume II > Part 45


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1 These quarrels would not have occurred so fre- quently, or perhaps at all, and the "Boston mas- sacre" might have been avoided, if General Gage had been superseded earlier than he was by Major- General Sir Frederick Haldimand, at this time colonel of the Royal American regiment of foot. As will appear later (p. 423), it was his opinion that in the agitations of those times British soldiers should be sparingly brought to the notice of American colonists, even in the latter's support of any scheme against fellow-colonists. It may be


of interest to state just here that General Haldi- mand became governor of Canada after the Rev- olution, and that it was at his instance that Haldimand Castle or Chateau was constructed, an object of signal interest to all tourists visiting Quebec. Early in the present year the château was demolished, but, to judge from the Canadian journals, the regret which this should have caused is much lessened in the opinion of the people at the prospect "of having in its stead a magnificent, first-class hotel." EDITOR.


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In November news came from Boston of the arrival of two more regiments, which were quartered on the town, and that in the spring they would be distributed over the New England seaports; but simul- taneously advices from England reported probable changes in the cabinet, and a more satisfactory disposition of the troops in America, by their withdrawal from the more settled sections. On Monday, the 14th, the Sons of Liberty in New-York paraded the streets, with effigies of Bernard, the obnoxious governor of Massachusetts, and Greenleaf, the sheriff of Boston, and, after publicly exposing them in front of the Merchants' Coffee House, burned them there, with the applause of the spectators, and then quietly dispersed to their homes. Their intention being noised about during the day, troops appeared in arms about four o'clock in the afternoon, and patrolled the streets. Their purpose of intimidation failed, however, and no collision oc- curred. The magistrates had notice of the affair, and sent out the constables from the City Hall to prevent it, but, either by intention or deceived by the officers, they did not reach the scene till it was over; which seems strange, as the Coffee House corner was in full view from the City Hall. A lime-tree in the street in front of the Coffee House was the scene of the burning, and a constant place of rendezvous.


Alarmed, no doubt, at this repetition of the disorder of 1765, a great public meeting of the freeholders and freemen was called for Thurs- day, November 24, when instructions to the city members of the general assembly were adopted and signed by a large number of respectable citizens. These instructions called for a reading in the assembly of the Boston letter which had fallen under the censure of Lord Hillsborough, whose circular forbade an answer to that letter by the sister colonies- the letter, it will be remembered, inviting united measures to obtain redress of grievances.


The newspapers contain no information as to whether these resolu- tions were or were not presented. There is little doubt that they were. Meanwhile the governor sent in a special message to the as- sembly on the subject of the effigy-burning and the danger of a riot, and was answered that the disorders were not approved by the inhab- itants nor by themselves, and that provision would be made for the money reward offered in his proclamation. An interesting incident in the history of this assembly was the charge of corruption brought by John Morin Scott, a defeated candidate, against James Jauncey. The assembly decided, by a vote of eighteen to three, that the charge was not proved, but by a similar majority refused to declare that it was frivolous, vexatious, and litigious. An act to prevent corruption in elections was, however, framed a few days later.


That the instructions of the meeting of freeholders were not dis- regarded appears by the spirited resolutions unanimously adopted


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by the assembly, in committee of the whole, on December 31, 1768, in which they declared their belief in "an exact equality of rights among all his Majesty's subjects in the several parts of the empire; the right of petition, that of an internal legislature, and the undoubted right to correspond and consult with any of the neighboring colonies or with any other of his Majesty's subjects, outside of this colony, whenever they conceived the rights, liberties, interests or privileges of this house or its constituents to be affected," and they raised a Com- mittee of Correspondence in accordance with this rightful demand. De Lancey endeavored to defeat the declaration of the right to cor- respond, by a general condemnation of the act of parliament suspend- ing the legislature, but he only had the support of his kinsmen, the Jaunceys and Walton, and three others of the representatives. In- clined as Governor Moore was to a peaceful attitude, the boldness of these resolutions was more than he could bear. On January 2, 1769, he summoned the assembly and plainly told the representatives that their resolve had put it out of his power to continue it any longer. He expressed the kindest wishes, and formally dissolved the assembly.


The struggle for control of the next assembly began at once. It instantly assumed the character of a struggle between the citizens of the Church of England faith and those of the various denominations of dissenters. On Wednesday, the 4th, meetings of the opposite parties were held. Those in favor of the late representation met at the exchange; the dissenting party elsewhere, to the number of sev- eral hundred. Philip Livingston was solicited to run on each ticket, but, in view of the "violent heats and animosities" which seemed probable, declined to serve on either. The dissenters, who claimed to be the majority of the electors, had asked for the placing of two of their members on a general ticket, but, being refused this demand, had put in nomination Philip Livingston, Peter Van Brugh Livingston, Theodore Van Wyck, and John Morin Scott. The church party, which met at the exchange, nominated the old members and, in place of Philip Livingston, John Cruger, the late mayor. This meeting, which was held under the name of the freeholders and freemen, voted by acclamation their thanks to the late members for their spirited conduct. Cruger at once accepted the nomination. The sheriff issued his advertisement in pursuance of the king's writ on January 6, and the election was held on the green, near the work- house on the common, on Monday, the 23d of the same month, when John Cruger, James De Lancey, Jacob Walton, and James Jauncey were returned. The dissenting party voted for Philip Livingston, but they fell well behind. The total poll was 1026 votes, De Lancey leading with 612. It seems just to believe that the meeting was determined by the resolve of the citizens to return to the assembly


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their patriotic members. The gentlemen elected were escorted from the City Hall, with music and colors, down the Broadway, and "through the main street" (now Pearl street) to the Coffee House. "The windows were thronged with ladies, and the sight was one of the most agreeable ever seen in the city." The four gentlemen gave two hundred pounds sterling to the poor. In February, Philip Livingston was returned for the manor of Livingston, and Robert Livingston for Duchess County.


In March the merchants of New-York were gratified to hear that at last their fellows of Philadelphia were "about signing articles of non-importation of English goods"; and still further by the appoint- ment of Hugh Wallace and Henry White, both merchants, to his Majesty's council of the New- York province. On March 9, a public notice declared the neces- sity of a "Committee to examine and inquire" as to the manner in which the non-importation agree- ment was kept, and called a meet- ing of the subscribers at Bolton and Sigell's Tavern for the 13th. At this meeting a committee of inspection was appointed to en- force the agreement, and the in- formation given that the Phila- delphia merchants were signing almost without exception. On FRAUNCES' TAVERN. Saturday, the 18th, the anniversary of the repeal of the Stamp Act, the Friends of Liberty and Trade met at Barden's Tavern in the Fields, and another company at Van de Water's, otherwise called Catemut's. This latter was the radical faction of the Sons of Liberty. Some dem- onstrations of accord made to the company met at Barden's were coldly received. Both of these entertainments began at two o'clock, and notice was given that the bill would be called at five. "The Lib- erty Colours," inscribed with "G. R. III. Liberty and Trade," were erected on the ancient liberty pole standing on the common. The "genuine Sons of Liberty," says Holt's account, assembled at the house of Edward Smith (this was Barden's Tavern) before described. The meeting at Van de Water's was probably of the mechanics. The usual toasts were drunk, with the addition on this occasion of one to the ninety-two members of the Massachusetts assembly who voted the famous Boston letter of the last year. The last was "Unanimity, Fidelity, and Perseverance to the Sons of Liberty in America." These


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were drunk at Barden's. Those at Van de Water's were of the same general character.


On Tuesday, April 4, after sundry prorogations, the New-York as- sembly met in answer to the governor's summons, and organized the new session with the choice of John Cruger as their speaker. This, the twenty-fourth assembly, was the last of the colonial period, and is known in history as the Long Assembly. Its last sitting was on April 3, 1775, but its existence was maintained by adjournment till February 1, 1776. In his address the governor objected to the manner of appointment of an agent of the province in England, as against its interests. He then asked for a bill to supply the arrearage in the support of the troops and barracks. In their reply the assem- bly promised concurrence in any measure to make the office of Lon- don agent more effective. The response of the governor was even more brief. At the first meeting the assembly ordered that the peti- tions of the last session be spread upon the journal. They were a bold and clear assertion of the rights and privileges of the province as claimed and maintained from 1683, and a protest against the late acts of parliament as imposing taxes and raising revenue without their consent, and against the suspense of the legislative power until the quartering of the king's troops should be provided for. A few days later they addressed the governor, declining to change the mode of appointing agents to Great Britain, but pledging themselves to act in harmony with his views for his Majesty's service, to which the dip- lomatic governor replied with thanks for their good will, and without allusion to the subject in dispute.


On April 15, on motion of Philip Livingston, they passed a vote of thanks "to the merchants of the City and Colony for their repeated disinterested, public-spirited and patriotic conduct in declining the importation or receiving of goods from Great Britain until such acts of Parliament as the general assembly had declared unconstitutional and subversive of the rights and liberties of this Colony be repealed, and that Mr. Speaker signify the same to the merchants at their next monthly meeting." It appears by the records of the Chamber of Com- merce that on May 2 the president of that body, John Cruger, who was also the speaker of the assembly, delivered the vote of thanks to the merchants assembled. This was the first meeting of the chamber in their new quarters, the large room over the Royal Ex- change, which stood at the intersection of Broad and Dock (now Pearl) streets. Their previous meetings had been held in the Long Room of the Queen's Head (Fraunces') Tavern. After petitioning the gover- nor to assent to the issue of one hundred and twenty thousand pounds in bills of credit, and voting the usual supply bills, the house was prorogued on May 25. A curious instance of the earnest desire for


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home manufactures appears in a resolution of the Cordwainers' So- ciety of the city, on April 13, to eat no lamb in their families till August 1. The Sons of Liberty, on the same day, at the Province Arms, subscribed to a similar agreement, the object being to increase the supply of wool. On the other hand, word came from Boston of the harassing searches by the new customs officials of the incoming vessels for spirits and tobacco, and the libeling of the vessels in ad- miralty. From Philadelphia came the disquieting information that there were breaches of the non-importation agreement, aggravated by an attempt to introduce the obnoxious articles into the New-York province. On the other hand, on the arrival of a vessel from London at New-York, in May, the merchants held a meeting and ordered the storage of the goods without the opening of a package. The merchant who offended by receiving the goods from Philadelphia was compelled to return them, and made humble confession and engagement for the future in the public prints. During the summer the city was agitated by contradictory news from Great Britain, some of the letters pre- dicting an early repeal of the revenue acts, others warning the Amer- icans that there was no such purpose entertained by the ministry, and that the rumors were set on foot to influence the colonies to abandon their restrictions on trade. It was very certain, however, that the almost complete cessation of trade, now that the southern colonies had all come into the non-importation agreement, was caus- ing great distress in England, and as much among the friends as the enemies of America.


On September 11 the city was in deep distress at the death in Fort George of their respected-it may almost be said beloved-governor, Sir Henry Moore. From his arrival at the height of the stamp- act excitement, in 1765, he had borne himself with dignity, and had known how to maintain the prerogative of the crown and at the same time to conciliate the most determined asserters of American rights. The next day his remains were interred in the chancel of Trinity Church. The funeral services were conducted with striking solemnity. Sir Henry Moore died at three o'clock in the afternoon. Lieutenant- Governor Colden was at his country-seat, Spring Hill, near Flushing, Long Island (which he does not seem to have left during Sir Henry Moore's government). He came to town at once, and on September 13 took the usual oaths as lieutenant-governor and commander-in- chief. Watts wrote to General Monckton: "He fairly lives himself into office, being, they tell me, as hearty as when you knew him. . .. The old man seems to be the Son of fortune in his advanced years." On November 1, the anniversary of the day on which the people of New- York "determined not to surrender their rights to any power, however august," the Sons of Liberty met at Barden's Tavern, which had now


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passed into the hands of Abraham De La Montanye, and celebrated the occasion with great rejoicing. Colden had already issued circu- lar letters summoning the assembly for November 21.


In his address Colden announced that there was the greatest prob- ability that the late duties which had caused such dissatisfaction would be taken off at the next session of parliament, and that the trade with the Indians would be left to the direction of the colonies. He called for the arrearage of the supplies to the troops. On the other hand, the Sons of Liberty had recommended that the example of South Carolina and Massachusetts of refusing all supplies for the king's troops should be followed in New-York. The assembly an- swered in a grateful manner, and harmony seemed about to be re- stored between Colden and the assembly. Not so with the peo- ple. On the 18th of December the mayor of the city, Whitehead Hicks,' delivered to John Cruger, the speaker of the house, a print- ed paper addressed to the "be- trayed inhabitants of the City and Colony of New-York," which in the sharpest terms reproved the assembly for voting the supplies to the king's troops, and, accus- ing them of betraying the com- mon cause of liberty, demanded luchead Flicks that they follow the example of the Massachusetts and South Carolina assemblies. The address closed with a summons to the Fields the next Monday, where they would learn the wishes of their constituents. It was signed " A Son of Liberty." The next day the entire house, Colonel Schuyler alone voting in the nega-


1 The Quaker family of Hicks first came to America in 1641, and settled on Long Island, where the village of Hicksville, in Queens County, still bears witness to their presence. There were three brothers-Thomas, John, and Robert. From the oldest of these Mayor White- head Hicks was descended. He was born on Au- gust 24, 1728, studied law in the office of William Smith, Sr., and was admitted to practice in 1750, settling in New-York and marrying the daughter of John Brevoort, a prominent citizen. In the month of October, 1766, when Mr. Hicks was only thirty-eight years old, he received the appoint- ment to the mayoralty, which he held for the rather unusually long period of ten years. At the breaking out of the Revolution he felt that the VOL. II .- 26.


position had become untenable for him. " Mr. Hicks, it is believed, was in favor of indepen- dence ; but being surrounded with difficulties, owing to the difference between his political sen- timents, and his relation to the government, which was still in the hands of the English, he re- signed in the early part of the year 1776, and was appointed Judge of the Supreme Court of this province." But as the war advanced, and es- pecially when the occupation of New-York by the British seemed permanent, he retired to his farm at Bayside, Long Island, where he died on Octo- ber 4, 1780, in the prime of life. Our portrait is copied from the original painting in the possession of his descendant, Buchanan Winthrop, Esq., of New-York. EDITOR.


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tive, resolved to consider whether it was or was not "an infamous and scandalous libel." It was so resolved to be, no one voting to the contrary, and the lieutenant-governor was requested to issue a procla- mation of a reward of one hundred pounds for the discovery of the author. A second paper, which described the action of the assembly as "base, inglorious conduct," was also produced, signed "Legion," which likewise invited the assembly to meet with the people at La Montanye's in the Fields. This, too, was pronounced "infamous and seditious," and the lieutenant-governor was invited to offer a reward of fifty pounds for the discovery of the author. The proclamation was duly issued and widely circulated.


The meeting in the Fields on Monday, the 18th, at noon, was large, not less than fourteen hundred people attending. The vote of the assembly granting money for the troops was discussed and denounced, and a committee of eight was appointed to present the sentiments of the meeting to the city representation in the assembly. The commit- tee named were Jacobus Van Zandt, John Lamb, Isaac Sears, Samuel Broome, James Van Vaurk, Erasmus Williams, Caspar Wistar, Thomas Franklin, Jr., John Thurman, and Alexander McDougall. Thurman declined to serve, but the remainder of the committee presented the resolutions of the meeting. On the 25th the assembly replied by sum- moning to the bar of the house John Lamb, who had proposed the resolution at the meeting in the Fields, to answer for libel. Whereupon all the other members of the committee published a card assuming their share of the responsibility. Lamb attended in obedience to the summons, and, on his declaration that his action at the meeting was not based on the printed libels signed "A Son of Liberty" and "Legion," he was dismissed. Thus closed the eventful but indecisive and anxious year 1769.


The bad feeling between the king's troops and the citizens had steadily increased. The upper barracks of the soldiers were in the common, and the presence of the liberty pole was a constant reminder to them of their discomfiture in 1765. On the night of January 13, 1770, a number of men belonging to the sixteenth regiment of foot, quartered in the city, made an attempt to cut down the pole by sawing off the spars and blowing it up. Their attempt failing, they drew their bayonets, and entering La Montanye's tavern opposite, broke the win- dows, seventy-six squares, and assailed the host himself in one of the passages of the tavern. Their officers appearing on the scene, they withdrew to their barracks. Still another cause of grievance was the employment of the soldiers by the inhabitants, which was held to be an injury to the poor of the city. A meeting was called at the liberty pole for January 17, when about two thousand persons assembled. Attempts had been made on the nights of the 14th, 15th, and 16th to


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cut down the pole. On the 16th the soldiers succeeded in its entire destruction, not stopping until they sawed it into pieces and piled them up before La Montanye's door. The citizens were incensed, and resolved that any soldier found in the night having arms, or out of barracks after roll-call, though un- armed, yet behaving in an insulting manner, should be treated as an enemy to the peace of the city.


The next day, January 18, a scurril- ous placard was posted through the city, signed "The Sixteenth Regiment of Foot," impugning the character and motives of the Sons of Liberty, and defying the citizens. Three of the soldiers, caught posting one of these papers at the Fly Market, were seized by Isaac Sears, Walter Quackenbos, and some others, and carried before the mayor. A number of armed soldiers THE LUDLOW HOUSE. came up from the fort barracks, and, drawing their swords and bay- onets, demanded the release of their companions. The mayor appeared and ordered them to their quarters. They, after some hesitation, moved up the Fly, followed by the magistrate and a large body of citizens to the corner of Golden Hill (now John street), between Cliff street and Burling Slip. Here the soldiers turned, and, the order being given to draw, they attacked the citizens, some of whom de- fended themselves with clubs and canes. Several of the soldiers were disarmed, but not injured. Later in the day, after the action on Golden Hill, still another party of soldiers appeared in the Fly, and another collision took place, which the magistrates, assisted by some of the officers, put a stop to. This affair has been claimed to be the "first conflict of the war of the American Revolution." One of the citizens was killed, three wounded, and a large number injured. Many of the soldiers were badly beaten. The next day, January 20, the troubles were renewed, soldiers and sailors joining in an attack on the citizens at the head of Chapel street (now the lower end of West Broadway), and in the afternoon still another serious conflict took place on the common, when the soldiers were driven to their barracks. The patriots were again, as before, divided into two parties-or perhaps it may more properly be said classes-the "Sons of Liberty" and the "Friends of Liberty and Trade." As early as February 6 the Sons of Liberty issued an invitation to celebrate the repeal of the Stamp Act at La Montanye's tavern, but were met by a card from that host to the effect that his house had been engaged long before, and, as it


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.


appears, to the Friends of Liberty and Trade. Disappointed in their purpose, the Sons of Liberty announced on the 15th the purchase of "the corner house on the Broadway, near Liberty Pole, lately kept by Edward Smith." This henceforth was the headquarters of the organization, and was known as Hampden Hall. Immediately after the destruction of the liberty pole (the fourth), a committee of five, representing a large body of citizens, waited on the mayor and cor- poration with a petition for leave to erect a pole "sacred to constitu- tional liberty on the site of the old pole"; but the request was refused, whereupon "a small slip of land eleven feet wide and one hundred feet long, an undivided right, near where the former pole stood, was found to be private property and immediately purchased for the purpose, and a large mast erected. It was about forty-six feet high, and was surmounted by a topmast twenty-two feet high on which was fixed a gilt vane with the word Liberty upon it." There was great rejoicing, and no disturbance on the part of the soldiers.




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