USA > New York > The natural, statistical, and civil history of the state of New-York, v. 2 > Part 33
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To effect this purpose, he put himself at the head of one hun- dred warriors and marched to intercept the Agoneasean ambassa- dors, who were repairing to Montreal to perfect the peace lately began with the French. At one of the falls of the St. Law- rence river he' fell in with them, killed some, and took others pris- oners, and informed them that it was the French governor that had given him intelligence that fifty of their warriors were coming that way.
As the Dinondadies and the Agoneaseah were then at war, the ambassadors were astonished at the perfidy of the French gover- nor, and could not help communicating the design of their journey. Adario counterfeited the utmost distress, anger and shame, at being made the ignominious instrument of the French governor's treach- ery : and then addressing himself to Dekanesora the principal of the embassy, he said, " Go, my brethren, I untie your bonds and send you home again, though our nation be at war. The French governor has induced me to commit so black an action, that I can never be easy till the Agoneaseah shall have taken full revenge."
Tuis outrage and indignity upon the rights of ambassadors, the truth of which they did not in the least doubt, animated the Agone- aseah to the keenest thirst after revenge. Accordingly, twelve hundred of their warriors assembled, and agreed upon making an irruption into Canada. On the 26th of June, 16SS, they landed on the island of Montreal, while the French were in perfect security, burnt their houses, sacked their plantations, and put to death nearly
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all the men, women and children, whom they came across. The number amounted to one thousand, if the historian Smith is to be believed ; and three hundred, if Charlevoix gives a correct ac- count. That the former has exaggerated the French loss, we are disposed to believe, because in almost every thing relating to that people he seems to have laboured under the strongest prejudices. The loss, however, was severe, and the attack unexpected.
In the month of October, they made another descent on the same island, and took some prisoners. ,
Numerous marauding parties of the Agoneaseah continually, for some time after, infested their borders, and prevented them from the cultivation of their lands. This occasioned a famine, and well nigh proved fatal to the colony. Nothing but the ignorance of the assailants, in attacking fortified places, saved Canada from ruin.
Dongan has been very highly complimented by his countrymen, for his interference with the affairs of the Agoneaseah, and for his endeavouring to prevent them from treating with the French, with whom they were at war. But these compliments might as well have been dispensed with. Humanity required a different course : the French cultivators of Canada desired peace : their go- vernors laboured for a long time, before they obtained it. The English governors and traders were opposed : they averred that it would be ruinous to the colony-subsequent events, however, have disproved it.
After the French had subdued the Agoneaseah, and compelled them to treat, there was an uninterrupted tranquility for nearly sixty years ; during which time they did not excite them to commit dep- redations on our exposed frontiers.
The peace was equally advantageous to the inhabitants of both colonies. It was during this peace that settlements were extended on the Hudson northwardly to Saratoga ; and on the Mohawk west- wardly to the mouth of Fulmer creek. Schoharie was colonized in the same period.
The Agoneaseah observed a strict neutrality. When the English attempted to stimulate them to war they declined. " We," say they, " want peace. It is not our interest to engage in the con- tests between England and France. We desire commerce with
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both nations, but we will have nothing to do with their disputes They must settle these between themselves. The French and English are both our friends : why should we wish to injure either? Why should we break with the one because the other desires it? Could we be benefitted by quarrelling with our friends and shed- ding their blood ? Englishmen and Frenchmen are dear to us :-- they bring us guns, ammunition, and hatchets, to hunt with; these we stand in need of. They do well-we pay them. We wish the trade of both natious-it is to our advantage. We can buy cheaper and sell dearer, because these nations compete with each other. English traders, and French traders, care nothing about us beyond their interests ; and if we can have them arrayed one against the · other, with their strong national prejudices, we shall be able to pur- chase from them on better terms ; since the traders of both nations are guided entirely by interest."
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Such were the reasonings of the unlettered" Agoneaseah. The merchants.of these nations occasioned most of the differences.
While these scenes were going on in Canada, disaffection to the government was growing up in the province of New-York. Some papists had settled in the colony, under the auspices of Col. Don- gan. A latin school had been opened in New-York, and the teach- er was strongly suspected, by the bigots of the times, of being at- tached to the doctrines of Rome. The people of Long Island, who had more fanaticism than religion, had become the personal enemies of the governor. The whole body trembled for the prot- estant cause, as though there could not be dupes here as well as elsewhere.
The intelligence from England, of the designs there in favour of the prince of Orange, fanned the coals of discontent here, and ele- vated the hopes of the demagogues of faction.
Among the discontented, Jacob Leisler, a merchant, was the most active. He was a man in considerable esteem among the people, but illy qualified to head a faction. Millborne his son-in- law, an Englishman, controuled all his councils.
Bent upon mischief, the first thing they contrived, was to sieze the garrison in New-York. Colonel Dongan, who was about to leave the province, then lay embarked in the bay; having a little
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before resigned the government to Francis Nicholson me lieuten- ant-governor. It may not be out of place to mention here, that it was customary to guard the infant city of New-York, every night with militia, in order to prevent attacks, and surprisals, from the Mohiccons and Wabingas, who still viewed, this place with envy, and as the centre of the power of the strangers.
The council, civil officers, and magistrates of the city, who seem to have had more discretion than Leisler and his deluded followers, were opposed to him. Leisler, however, having got possession of the fortress, issued a declaration in favor of the prince of Orange ; but the people were still not determined how to act. On the one hand, they were importuned by Leisler, and on the other, menaced by the constituted authorities. While laboring under importunities and menaces, Leisler caused a report to be circulated, that three ships were coming up with orders from the prince of Orange. This report although false, subserved his purpose : for on that day, it being the third of June, 1689, he was joined by six companies of New-York militia, amounting to four hundred men, and a com- pany of seventy men from East Chester. Nicholson and the ma- gistrates being unable to resist, had to abscond. 1
Leisler now in possession of the fort, the city and government sent home an address to king William, and queen Mary as soon as he had received the news of their accession to the throne. This address was soon followed by a private letter to king William, which informed him of the state of the garrison, and the temper of the people, and concluded with strong professions of loyalty. Jost Stoll an ensign, delivered this letter to the king ; but Nicholson, the lieutenant-governor, and one Ennis a clergyman, had arrived be- fore him in England, and made an untrue misrepresentation of the late proceedings in New-York, so that Leisler and his party missed the rewards which their over-strained zeal had promised them.
Leisler's sudden investiture with supreme power over the pro- vince, excited the envy and jealousy, of the late magistrates. Co- lonel Bayard, and Courtlandt, the mayor of the city were at the head of his opponents ; but finding it impossible to raise a party against him in the city, they retired to Albany; and there fomented the op- position against him.
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Leisler on the other hand, fearful of their influence, and to ex- tinguish the jealousy of the people, thought it expedient to admit several trusty persons to a participation of that power which the militia had committed to him.
In conjunction with these, he exercised the government, assum- ·ing to himself only the honour of president. This model continued till the month of December, when a letter from the English govern- ment was brought in a packet, directed to Nicholson, or to such as for the time being had the charge of the province.
Nicholson being absconded when the letter came, Leisler con- sidered it as directed to himself, and from this time issued all kinds of commissions in his own name ; assuming the title and authority .of lieutenant-governor. On the 11th of December, he summoned the committee of safety, and swore the following persons for his council :- Peter Delanoy, Samuel Staats, Hendrick Jansen, and Johannes Vermilie, for New-York ; Gerardus Beekman, for Kings county ; Samuel Edsel, for Queens ; Thomas Williams, for West- chester ; and William Lawrence, for Orange.
Except the eastern inhabitants of Long Island, all the southern part of the colony submitted to Leisler. The latter in the end also submitted. The people of Albany, in the meantime were deter- mined to hold the city for king William, and on the 26th of Octo- ber, which was before the packet arrived, formed themselves into'a convention for that purpose. A resolution was passed to keep and preserve the city of Albany for their majesties. A protest was also entered against Leisler and his adherents.
. Nothing could have been more foolish than the conduct of both parties. Each was in favour of the revolution. Both professed loyalty to their majesties-and yet they were violently opposed to each other. Prudence ought to have dictated to the Albanians submission till the pleasure of their majesties was known. The peace of the province ought to have prevented Leisler from coer- cion. Bayard, Schuyler, Courtlandt, and others, were headstrong, passionate, and vindictive ; they would not submit to a man whom they supposed inferior to themselves. Leisler could not brook opposition. Animated by these principles so dangerous to the peace, welfare, and happiness of society, both parties prepared, the
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one to retain the city and garrison, and the others to reduce them. Jacob Milborne was commissioned for the reduction of Albany. Upon his arrival there some of the inhabitants armed themselves, and repaired to the fort then commanded by Mr. Schuyler, while others followed the other members of the convention to a confer- . ence with him at the city hall. Milborne, to proselyte the people, declaimed much against king James popery and arbitrary power : but his oratory was lost upon the Bearers, who still adhered to the convention. Milborne then advanced with a few men to the fort and entered it. Schuyler soon after departed from Albany.
In the following spring Milborne made a second expedition against Albany : the garrison surrendered, and the members of the conven- tion fled. He arbitrarily seized and confiscated their effects, which highly exasperated the sufferers.
In the midst of these intestine commotions, the people of New England were engaged in a war with the Owenagungas, Ourages. and Penecooks. Between these and the Schakooks* (probably Schauwunks on Hoosack river) there was a friendly communica- tion ; and the same was suspected of the Mohawks, among whom some of the Owenagungas had taken sanctuary.
This gave rise to a conference between several commissioners from Boston, Plymouth, and Connecticut, and the Aganuschioni, at Albany, in September, 1689. The former endeavoured to en- gage the latter against those Indians who were then at war with New England. Tahajadoris, a Mohawk Sachem answered the English message. The conference did not meet the expectation of the commissioners : the Aganuschioni declined to join in hostilities against their eastern brethren. They however assured them that they were ready and disposed to distress the French.
When pressed to engage in war against the Eastern Indians, the
* The Moheakanneews originally possessed the counties of Columbia and Rensselaer, and the southerly part of Washington. They inhabited the eastern margin of Hudson's river, the banks of Hosack river, and those of Kinderhook and Claverack creeks. The Schakooks, it is presumable, lived at Schaticoke, on Hosack river, and the adjoining parts. The principal seat of the tribe cal- led Moheakanneews was on the Housatonuck, at Stocabridge, in the state of Massachusetts .- See my Tabular Views of the Moheakanneew and Huron na- tions.
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Agoneaseah replied that it was not their custom to go to war with any people from whom they had received no injury : that they were then engaged in a war with the French, the common enemy : and that they believed it would be the best policy for the English colonies first to assist them in subduing that enemy. This not a h :- tle surprised the commissioners. From it they learned that the Agoneaseah understood their own interest and affairs, and that they were disposed to pursue a policy not unlike the English.
De Callieres, who went to France in 1688, projected a scheme for the reduction of the province of New-York, but the plan mis- carried.
The force demanded for this enterprise was one thousand three hundred regulars, and three hundred Canadians. Albany was said to contain only three hundred inhabitants, and to be fortified by an inclosure of stockades, and a little fort with four bastions, and that it contained but one hundred and fifty soldiers. New-York was represented to contain about four thousand persons. -
In 1689, the count de Frontenac the governor of Canada, pro- posed peace to the Aganuschioni who called a grand council at On- ondaga. The chiefs, from the several tribes, convened to the num- ber of eighty, about the 22nd of January, 1690. The people of Albany were notified but did not attend. Sadekanaghtie an Ouon- daga chief, opened the conference. According to the French ac- counts, the whole was managed with great art, and formality, and concluded in showing a disposition to make peace with them with- out perfecting it.
Among other measures to detach the Agoneascah from the Brit- ish interest, and to raise the depressed spirit of the Canadians, count de Frontenac thought proper to send out several parties against the English colonies. D. Aillebout, de Mantel and Le Moyne, com- manded one against Schenectady, consisting of about two hundred French, and fifty Mohawks belonging to the Caughnawaga clan.
The people of Schenectady, though they had been informed of the designs of the enemy, were in the greatest security ; imagining it impossible for any men to march several hundred miles in the midst of winter, through the snow, bearing their provisions, on their backs.
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After a march of twenty-two days, the enemy reached the vicin- ity of Schenectady, on the Sth of, February, 1690, and were redu- ced to such straits that they thought of surrendering themselves pri- soners of war. But their scouts, who were a day or two in the vil- lage, returned with sech favourable accounts of the absolute security of the people, that they determined on the attack. They entered on Saturday night, about eleven o'clock, at the gates, which were found unshut ; and that every house might be invested at the same time, divided themselves into small parties of six or seven men. The inhabitants were in a profound sleep, and unalarmed till their doors were broke open. Before they were risen from their beds the enemy entered and began the work of death. The whole vil- lage was instantly in a blaze. Sixty persons were killed, and twenty- seven carried into captivity. The rest fled, naked, towards Albany, through a deep snow, which fell that night in a terrible storm ; and twenty-five of these fugitives lost their limbs in the flight through the severity of the cold.
Te news of this dreadful tragedy reached Albany about break of day. An universal dread seized the inhabitants. A party of horse · was immediately dispatched to Schenectady. The enemy, in the mean time, pillaged the town till noon the next day ; and then went off with their plunder, and about forty of the best horses. The rest, with all the cattle they could find, lay slaughtered in the streets. Several women and children were released, at the instance of capt. Glen, on the score of his wife's civilities to certain French captives, in the time of Col. Dongan.
A party of Albanians and Mohawks pursued the enemy in his re- treat and either killed or captivated five and twenty.
The taking and burning of Schenectady had such an effect upon the people of Albany, that they were almost on the point of aban- doning it.
In this state, bordering upon despair, several of the Mohawk chiefs arrived, and urged them to stay. They addressed them af- fectionately, recommended a union of the colonies, and a persever- ance in the war. In their native simplicity they say, " the French . have broken open our house at both ends; formerly in the Seneca country, and now here." This expression had reference to enter-
See Smith's Hist. of N. Y. Also Williams' Hist. of Vermont.
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ing both ends of their country. Haughgoghnuchshionee, in their language, meant a long house ; a great many fires. This was the name of their country. Aganuschioni is of the same import. Haughgoghinuchshionee, the long house with many fires, was bro- ken into at both ends.
The French, in this expedition, set out from Chambly, on So- rel, and proceeded up lake Champlain to Wood-creek, or the head of South-bay, from whence they crossed over to the Hudson, at Sandy Hill, and then went down that river on the ice to Saratoga. Here they left it, and marched through the woods to Schenectady. Most of the way was on the ice. The advance went forward on snow shoes. The main followed their trail. Incredible were the hardships suffered by this veteran band.
Another detachment under the Sieur Hertel, set out from Three rivers, and succeeded in destroying the fort at Salmon falls in New Hampshire, on the 1Sth of March ; thirty-four were killed, and fifty-four, chiefly women and children, were led into captivity.
The success that attended these expeditions, was very favorable to the views of count Frontenac, and served to revive the drooping spirits of the Canadians. At the same time, they occasioned an alarm in the provinces of New-York, and New England : and it was apparent, that unless they could be repressed, much greater injuries would be received.
In order to concert measures for the common defence, it was proposed that there should be a meeting of commissioners from all the colonies of New England, and the province of New-York. Agreeably to this proposition, commissioners assembled at the city of New-York, on the first day of May, 1690.
At this meeting, it was the unanimous opinion of all present, that there could be no permanent peace in the colonies, till the French in Canada were subdued ; that the only effectual way would be to engage upon an expedition for this purpose. To effect the con- quest of Canada, they agreed upon this plan of operations ; that eiglit or nine hundred colonists, with five or six hundred of the Ago- neaseah and Moheakanneews, should march by the way of lake Champlain, and make an assault upon Montreal ; while a fleet and army of eighteen hundred men should go up the river St. Law-
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rence, and make an attack upon Quebec at the same time. By. thus penetrating into the heart of the country, and carrying the wal to their two capitols : it was supposed, that the forces of the enemy would be so divided, as to afford a fair prospect of success.
A vessel had been sent to England in the beginning of April, with a representation of the exposed state of the colonies of New- York and New England, and the necessity of reducing Canada ; and earnestly requesting a supply of arms and ammunition, and that a number of frigates might be dispatchied to aid in the attack from the sea ; while the colonial forces, and their allies, should in- vade the country on the side of Montreal.
The English, however, were in no situation at this juncture, to afford the solicited aids. Not disheartened by the failure of aids from England, the colonies determined to prosecute the expedi- tions themselves.
Massachusetts agreed to fit out the force that was to proceed to Quebec ; while New-York and Connecticut engaged to furnish the army that was to advance against Montreal.
The troops of New-York and Connecticut, were put under the command of Jolin Winthrop, Esquire, of the latter province, with the rank of Major general.
Early in the month of August, general Winthrop arrived with the troops under his command, near the falls on Wood creek, hard by fort Ann. This was the place appointed for the rendezvous of the Agoneasea.h But instead of finding a large, body of warriors, as he expected, there were not over seventy Mohawks and Onei- das. A messenger had been sent to the Onondagas, Cayugas, and Senecas, to prevail upon them to send on their warriors ; but they did not come forward to join the army. When the general had procceded about one hundred miles, he discovered that there were Dot bitteaux or canoes, provided sufficient to transport one-half of the army, and that the commissary had not procured supplies of pro- visions for the forces. The Agoneaseah who were with him, told bim, that it was too late in the season to make canoes ; and that it would be the best for him not to attempt Montreal ; but direct his attacks against Chambly, and the French settlements on this side of the St. Lawrence. Discouraged with the obstacles before him,
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General Winthrop called a council of war, at which it was resolved, that the army should return to Albany. Preparatory to his return, · he detached one hundred and forty men, to make a diversion in favor of the fleet.
The army of Gen. Winthrop first opened a road from the navi- gable part of Hudson's river, to Wood creek, which runs into the head of lake Champlain. The army upon its return, wintered at Albany.
Cotton Mather says : In regard to this expedition, there was a horrid mismanagement in the west ; for one thousand English from . New-York, Albany, and Connecticut, with fifteen hundred Indians, were to have gone over land, and fallen upon Mount Royal, (we ·suppose Montreal :) while the fleet was to visit Quebec, and no expedition could have been better laid than this ; which was thus contrived ;- but the English companies in the west, marching as far as the great lake, (Champlain :) that was to be passed, found their canoes not provided according to expectation ; and the Indians, (Agoneaseah) were [how, God knows, and will one day judge] dis- suaded from joining with the English ; and the army met with such discouragements, that they retured. Had the western army done but so much as continued at the lake, the diversion thereby given to the French quartered at Mount Royal, would have rendered the conquest of Canada easy and certain. But the governor of Cana- da being informed of the retreat, had time to get the whole strength of the country into the city of Quebec, before the fleet could come up to it.
About the same time, August the ninth, that general Winthrop set out for Albany, the fleet sailed from Boston, for Quebec. It consisted of between thirty and forty vessels, the largest of forty- four guns, and the whole number of men about two thousand. Sir William Phips, the governor of Massachusetts, had the chief com- . mand. The fleet had a long passage from Boston, and did no · arrive before Quebec, till the fifth of October.
From the lateness of the season, and the retreat of general Winthrop's army, Sir William Phips would have had little pros- spect of success. Count Frontenac had advanced with nearly all his forces to Montreal, to defend that part of the country against
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the army which was advancing by the way of lake Champlain. No sooner, however, had he received advice by his scouts, that the colonial army of New-York and Connecticut had returned to Al- bany, than he retraced his steps with the greatest dispatch to Que- bec, and arrived there before the fleet had come to anchor.
The Baron Le Hontain, a French officer, who was then at Quebec, gives this account of the proceedings ; that Count Fron- tenac was at Montreal, when he heard that the fleet was in the river : and had Sir William Phips made a descent before his ar- rival at Quebec, or two days after. he would have carried the place without any contest, as there were not two hundred French in the city, and it was open, and exposed in every part ; but that he lost the opportunity, by spending three days in consultation before he came to any determination how to act.
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