USA > New York > The natural, statistical, and civil history of the state of New-York, v. 3 > Part 30
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The distress which the Americans suffered from the diminish- ed value of the paper currency, though felt in the year 1778, and still more so in 1779, did not arrive to its highest pitch till the year 1780. Under the pressure of sufferings from this cause, the officers of the New-Jersey line, addressed a memorial to their state legislature, setting forth the pecuniary embar- rassments under which they laboured. They urged, that unless a speedy remedy was provided, the total dissolution of their line was inevitable. In addition to the insufficiency of their pay and support, other causes of discontent prevailed. The origi- nal idea of a continental army to be raised, paid, subsisted and.
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· regulated upon an equal and uniform principle, had been in a great measure exchanged for state establishments. Congress not possessing the means of supporting the army, devolved the business on the different states. Some states, from their ability, furnished their troops not only with clothing, but with conve- niences. Others supplied them with some necessities, but on a contracted scale. A few, from their particular situation, could do little or nothing. The officers and men mixed daily, and compared circumstances. Those who fared worse than others, were dissatisfied with a service which made such distinctions. From causes of this kind, and a complication of wants and sufferings, a disposition to mutiny began to show itself in the army: This broke forth into full action among the soldiers stationed at Fort Schuyler, on the Mohawk. Thirty-one of the men of that garrison went of in a body. Being pursued, sixteen were overtaken, and thirteen of them were instantly killed. About the same time, two regiments of the Connecticut troops mutinied and got under arms. They determined to re- turn home, or to gain subsistence at the point of the bayonet. Their officers reasoned with them, and after much expostulation they were prevailed upon to return to their huts. It is remark- able that this mutinous disposition of the Connecticut troops . was, in a measure, quelled by the Pennsylvania line, which, in a few months, planned and executed a much more serious one. While the army was in this state of discontent from their dis- tresses, a printed paper, addressed to the soldiers of the army, was circulated in the camp. This was in the following words :
" The time is at length arrived, when all the artifices and falsehoods of the Congress, and of your commanders, can no longer conceal from you the miseries of your situation. You are neither fed, clothed, nor paid. Your numbers are wasting away by sickness, famine and nakedness, and rapidly so, by the period of your stipulated time being expired. This is now the period to fly from slavery and fraud.
" I am happy in acquainting my old countrymen, that the affairs of Ireland are fully settled, and that Great Britain and Ireland are united as well from interest as affection. I need
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not tell you, who are born in America, that you have been cheated and abused. You are both sensible, that in order to procure your liberty, you must quit your leaders and join your real friends, who scorn to impose upon you, and who will re- ceive you with open arms, kindly forgiving all your errors. You are told you are surrounded by a numerous militia. This is also false. Associate then together, make use of your fire- locks, and join the British army, where you will be permitted to dispose of yourselves as you please."
But such was the firmness of the soldiery, and so strong was their attachment to the cause of their country, that though danger impelled, want urged, and British favour invited them to change sides, yet on the arrival of but a scanty supply of meat, for their immediate subsistence, military duty was cheer- fully performed.
So great were the necessities of the army, that Washington was obliged to call on the magistrates of the adjacent counties, for specified quantities of provisions, to be supplied in a given number of days. At other times he was compelled to send out detachments of troops to take provisions. This expedient at length failed, for the country in the vicinity afforded no further supplies. These impressments tended to alienate the affections of the people. Washington, whom the inhabitants hitherto had regarded as their protector, had now no alternative but to disband his army or to support it by force. The army looked to him for provisions, the inhabitants for protection. To sup- ply the one and not offend the other, seemed an impossibility. To preserve order and subordination in an army, even when well fed, paid, and clothed, are works of difficulty ; but to re- tain them in service, and restrain them with discipline, when destitute, required address and abilities of such magnitude as are rarely found in commanders.
So great a scarcity, in a country usually abounding with provisions, appears extraordinary ; but various cases had con- curred to produce a deficiency. The seasons, both in 1779 and 1780, were unfavourable to the crops. The labours of the husbandmen had been frequently interrupted by the calls
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for milita duty. The depreciation of the paper currency in duced many to hold back supplies. ,
In addition to the disasters from short crops, and depreciat- ing money, disorder and confusion pervaded the department, for supplying the army. Systems for these purposes had been hastily adopted, and were very inadequate to the end propos- ed. Abuses crept in, frauds were practised, and economy was exiled.
To obviate these evils, Congress sent a committee from their own body, consisting of Messrs. Schuyler, Peabody and Mat- thews, to the camp of the main army, to make enquiries, reform abuses, alter preceding systems, and establish new ones. These gentlemen proceeded to the camp in May 1780, and thence wrote letters to Congress and the states. They stated that the army was unpaid for five months. That it seldom had more than six days provision in advance, and had, on several occa- sions, for sundry days, been without meat : that the army was destitute of forage : that the medical department had neither sugar, coffee, tea, chocolate, wine, nor spiritous liquors of any kind : that every department of the army was without money, and had not even the shadow of credit left. That the patience of the soldiers, born down by the pressure of com- plicated sufferings, was on the point of being exhausted.
A tide of misfortunes from all quarters was at this time pour- ing in upon the United States. There appeared not, however, in their public bodies, the smallest disposition to purchase safety by concessions of any sort. They seemed to rise in the midst of their distresses, and to gain strength from the pres- sure of calamities. When Congress could neither command money nor credit for the subsistence of the army, the citizens of Philadelphia formed an association to procure a supply of ne- cessary articles for their suffering soldiers. The sum of three hundred thousand dollars was subscribed, and converted into a bank, to purchase provisions for the troops. 'The advantages of this institution were great. The loss of Charleston, and the victories of the British in South Carolina, produced effects the reverse of what were expected. The flame which had blazed
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forth in the beginning of the war was rekindled. A willingness to do and to suffer was revived in the breasts of many. These -dispositions were invigorated by private assurances, that the French would, in the course of the campaign, send a powerful armament to their aid.
The powers of the committee of Congress in the camp were enlarged. They wrote sundry letters to the states, stimulating them to exertions. It was agreed to make arrangements for bringing into the field thirty-five thousand men, and to call on the states for specific supplies of every thing necessary for their support. To obtain the men, it was proposed to complete the regular regiments by drafts from the militia, and to make up what they fell short of thirty-five thousand effectives, by calling forth more of the militia. Every motive concurred to rouse the .activity of the inhabitants. The states, nearly exhausted with the war, wished for its termination. An opportunity now offered for striking a decisive blow. The only thing re- quired, was to bring thirty-five thousand men into the field, and to make arrangements for their support. Accurate esti- mates were made of every article of supply for the ensuing cam- paign. These, and also the numbers of men wanted, were quoted on the ten northern states. In conformity to these re- quisitions, vigorous resolutions were adopted for carrying them into effect. Where voluntary enlistments fell short, the defi- ciencies were, by the laws of the several states, to be made up of drafts from the militia. The towns in New England, and the counties in the middle states, were called on.
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Such was the zeal of the people in New England, that neigli- bours would often club together to engage one of their number to go into the army. Being without money, they paid for mili- tary duty with cattle. 'Twenty head were frequently given as a reward for eighteen months' service. Maryland directed her lieutenants of counties to ciass all the property in their respec- tive counties into as many classes as there were men wanted, and each class was obliged, within ten days thereafter, to fur- nish a recruit to serve during the war. Virginia also classed her citizens, and called upon the respective classes for every fif- VOL. III.
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teenth man. Pennsylvania authorized Joseph Reid, her press dent, to draw forth the resources of the state, and, if necessary, to declare martial law. The legislative part of these arrange- ments were speedily passed, but the execution lingered for some time.
While these preparations were making, the armament which had been promised by the king of France was on its way. The disposition to support the American revolution was not only prevalent in the court of France, but it animated the whole na- tion. The winds did not second the wishes of the French troops. Though they sailed from France on the first of May, they did not reach a port in the United States till the tenth of July. On that day M. de Ternay arrived at Rhode Island, with seven sail of the line and five frigates, besides smaller armed vessels and transports, having on board six thousand troops, under the Count de Rochambeau. In a few days after their arrival, an address of congratulation from the assembly of Rhode Island was presented to Count Rochambeau. In his answer, the Count declared that he only brought over the van- guard of a much greater force, which was destined for their aid ; that he was ordered by the King to assure them, that his whole power should be exerted for their support.
Admiral Arbuthnot had only four sail of the line at New- York, when M. de Ternay arrived at Rhode Island. This in- feriority was in three days reversed, by the arrival of Admiral Greaves, with six sail of the line. The British admiral, now having a superiority, proceeded to Rhode Island, but he soon discovered that the French were secure from attack. Sir Henry Clinton embarked about eight thousand men, and proceeded as far as Huntingdon Bay, on Long Island, with the design of con- curring with the fleet in attacking the French. When this movement took place, Washington set his army in motion, and marched to Peekskill, in order to attack New-York in Clinton's absence. The latter, however, on being apprised of this move- ment, returned.
In the mean time the French fleet and army being blocked up at Rhode Island, were incapacitated from co-operating with the Americans.
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The state of New-York continued to suffer from the depre- dations of the tories and Indians. These, in the month of Au- gust, burst into the Mohawk and Schoharie countries, and burnt many houses and barns, destroyed much private property, and killed numbers of the inhabitants. In the towns of Canajoharie and Schoharie alone, eighty houses and seventy barns were de- voted to the flames. A party of the same incendiaries went from Schoharie to Norman's Kill, in the county of Albany, and burnt twenty houses.
In the month of October of the same year, they made a se- cond irruption into these countries, and laid them entirely waste. They killed a number of the settlers, and made many prisoners, whom they carried into Canada. Between Stone Arabia Church and Palatine Bridge they defeated a detachment of continen- tals, consisting of nearly three hundred men. In this action Major Brown, the commander, and about forty soldiers, fell. While ravaging the parts contiguous to the village of Johns- town, Colonel Willet attacked them with great spirit, and com- pelled them to withdraw, but he was unable to push his advan- tage, owing to their superior numbers. In this inroad the ene- my fired not only houses, barns, and mills, but grain in the stack. The commanders were Sir John Johnson and Colonel Brandt. The former was the son of Sir William Johnson, who had so greatly distinguished himself in the conquest of Canada. The wanton destruction of private property, and the murder of individuals, without any justifiable cause, in these inroads, made in his native country, have very justly brought great odium on the character of Sir John Johnson. The inhabitants, in their persons and property, were entitled to that treatment and re- spect which the usages of modern warfare prescribe.
The American government, by its agent, General Schuyler, had respected the person and property of Sir John Johnson in 1776, and this at a time when he was plotting machinations for its destruction. It had set him at liberty, after he had stipulat- ed to take no part in the existing contest. This alone ought to have induced a different course of conduct on his part.
The campaign, in the northern states, passed away, in a mea-
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sure, in disappointments and distresses. The country was cx- hausted. The army, for want of subsistence, kept inactive and brooding over its calamities. While the disasters were menac- ing the ruin of the American cause, treachery was silently un- dermining it. That distinguished officer, General Arnold, en- gaged, for a stipulated sum of money, to betray into the hands of the British, an important post committed to his care. He had been among the first to take up arms against Great Britain. His distinguished military talents had procured him every ho- - nour a grateful country could bestow. He possessed an elevat- ed seat in the hearts of his countrymen, and was in the full en- joyment of fame. His country had loaded him with honours. Though in his accounts against the states, there was much room to suspect fraud, yet the recollection of his gallantry and good conduct, in a great measure, served to cover the whole. He, who had been prodigal of life in his country's cause, was in- dulged in extraordinary demands for his services. The gene- rosity of the states did not keep pace with his extravagance. A sumptuous table and expensive equipage, unsupported by the resources of private fortune, unguarded by economy and good management, soon increased his debts beyond a possibility of his discharging them. His love of pleasure produced the love of money, and that, as is but too often the case with men, extin- guished all sensibility to the obligations of honour and duty. The calls of luxury were various and pressing, and demanded gratification, though at the expense of fame and country. Contracts were made, speculations were entered into, and part- . nerships instituted,, which could not bear investigation. Op- pression, extortion, misapplication of public money and proper- ty, furnished him with the further means of gratifying his pas- sions. In these circumstances, a change of sides afforded the only hope of evading a scrutiny, and at the same time held out a prospect of replenishing his exhausted coffers. The disposi- tion of the American forces, in the year 1750, afforded an op- portunity of accomplishing this, so much to the advantage of the British, that they could well afford a liberal reward for the beneficial treachery. The American army was stationed in the
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strong holds of the Highlands on the river Hudson In this arrangement, Arnold solicited for the command of West Point. This fort was built after the loss of Forts Montgomery and Clin- ton, on that river, for the defence of the same, and was deemed the most proper for commanding its navigation. Though some, even then, entertained doubts of Arnold's fidelity, yet Washington, in the unsuspecting spirit of a soldier, believing it to be impossible that honour should be wanting in a breast which he knew was the seat of so much valour, cheerfully grant- ed the request, and intrusted him with the important post. General Arnold, thus invested with command, carried on a negotiation with Sir Henry Clinton, by which it was agreed that the former should make a disposition of his forces, which would 'enable the latter to surprise West Point, under such cir- cunistances, that he would have the garrison so completely in his power, that the troops must either lay down their arms, or be cut to pieces. The object of this negotiation was the strongest post of the Americans, the thoroughfare of communi- cation, at that time, between the eastern and middle states, and was the most important depot belonging to the United States.
The agent employed in this negotiation, on the part of Sir Henry Clinton, was Major Andre, adjutant- general of the Bri- tish army, a young officer of great hopes. Nature had bestow- ed on him an elegant taste for literature and the arts, which, by cultivation, he had greatly improved. He possessed amiable . qualities and great accomplishments. His fidelity to his mas- ter, together with his place and character, eminently fitted him for his business-but his high ideas of candour, and his abhor- rence of duplicity, made him inexpert in practising those arts of deception which it required. To favour the necessary commu- nications, the Vulture sloop of war had been previously station- ed in the Hudson, as near to Arnold's posts as practicable, with- out exciting suspicion. Before this, a written correspondence between Arnold and Andre, had been for some time carried on, under the ficticious names of Gustavus and Anderson. A. boat was sent at night from the shore to fetch Major Andre. On his return, Arnold met him at the beach, without the posts
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of either army. Their business was not finished till it was too near the dawn of day for Andre to return to the Vulture. Ar- nold told him he must be concealed till the next night. For that purpose he was conducted within one of the American posts, against his previous stipulation and knowledged, and con- tinued with Arnold the following day. The boatmen refused to carry him back the next day, as the Vulture, from being ex- posed to the fire of some cannon, had changed her position. Andre's return to New-York, by land, was then the only prac- ticable mode of escape. To favour this he quitted his uniform, which he had hitherto worn under a surtout, for a common coat, and was furnished with a horse, and under the name of John Anderson, with a passport to go to the White Plains, or lower it" he thought proper, he being on public business. He advanced alone and undisturbed a great part of the way. When he thought himself almost out of danger, he was stopped by three of the New-York militia, who were scouting between the posts of the two armies. Major Andre, instead of producing his pass, asked the man who stopped him, " where he belonged to," who answered " to below," meaning New-York. He replied, " so do I," and declared himself a British officer, and pressed that he might not be detained. He soon discovered his mistake. His captors proceeded to search him-sundry papers were found in his possession. These were secreted in his boots, and were in Arnold's handwriting ; they contained exact returns of the state of the forces, ordinance and defences at West Point, with the artillery orders, critical remarks on the works, &c.
Andre offered his captors a purse of gold, and a new valu- able watch, if they would let him pass, and permanent provi- sion, and future promotion, if they would convey and accom- pany him to New-York. They nobly rejected the proffered bribe, and delivered him a prisoner to Lieutenant-colonel Jamesou, the commandant of the scouting parties. The cap- tors of Andre were John Paulding, David Williams, and Isaac Van Wert. Congress resolved, that each of them should re- ceive annually, during life, two hundred dollars. Andre, when delivered to Colonel Jameson, continued to call himself by the
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name of Anderson, and asked leave to send a letter to General Arnold to acquaint him of Anderson's detention. . This was in- considerately granted. General Arnold, on the receipt of this letter, abandoned every thing, and went on board the Vulture sloop of war. Colonel Jameson forwarded to Washington all the papers found on Andre, together with a letter, giving an account of the affair ; but the express, by taking a different route from that of the General, who was returning from a con- ference at Hartford, in the state of Connecticut, with Count de Rochambeau, missed him. This caused such a delay as gave Arnold time to effect his escape. The same packet which de- tailed the particulars of Andre's capture, brought a letter from him, in which he avowed his name and character, and endea- voured to show that he had not come under the description of a spy.
Washington referred the whole case of Major Andre to the . examination and decision of a board, consisting of fourteen general officers. On his examination he voluntarily confessed every thing that related to himself, and that he did not come on · shore under the protection of a flag. The board did not ex- amine a witness, but founded their report on his own confession. In this they stated the following facts :- " That Major Andre came on shore on the night of the twenty-first of September, in a private and secret manner, and that he changed his dress within the American lines, and under a feigned name, and dis- guised habit, passed their works, and was taken in a disguised habit, when on his way to New-York ; and when taken several papers were found in his possession, which contained intelli- gence for the enemy." From these facts they farther reported it as their opinion, " That Major Andre ought to be consider- 'ed as a spy, and that agreeably to the laws and usages of na- tions, he ought to suffer death."
Sir Henry Clinton, General Robertson, and General -Arnold wrote pressing letters to Washington, to prevent the decision of' the board from being carried into effect. Arnold, in particular, urged that every thing done by Major Andre was done by his particular request, and at a time when he was the commanding
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officer in the department. He contended that he had a right to transact all these matters, for which, though wrong, Major Andre ought not to suffer. An interview also took place be- tween General Robertson, on the part of the British, and Ge- ueral Greene on the part of the Americans.
Every thing was urged by the former that ingenuity or hu- manity could suggest, for averting the proposed execution. Greene made a proposition for delivering up Andre for Arnold, but found this could not be acceded to by the British, without offending against every principle of policy. Robertson urged " that Andre went on shore under the sanction of a flag, and that being then in Arnold's power, he was not accountable for his subsequent actions which were said to be compulsory. To this it was replied, that he was employed in the execution of measures very foreign from the objects of flags of truce, and such as they were never meant to authorize; and that Major Andre, in the course of his examination, had confessed that it was impossible for him to suppose that he came on shore under the sanction of a flag. Robertson proposed, that since they differed so widely, the opinions of Knyphausen and Rocham- beau might be taken. He offered, that in case Andre was per- mitted to return with him to New-York, any person whatever, that might be named, should be set at liberty. All these argu- ments and entreaties having failed, Robertson presented a letter from Arnold, in which he exculpated Andre, by acknowledging himself the author of every part of his conduct, and insisted on his coming from the Vulture, under a flag which he had sent for that purpose. He declared, that if Andre should be execut- ed he should think himself bound to retaliate. He entreated Washington, by his own honour, and for that of humanity, not to suffer an unjust sentence to touch the life of Andre, but it that warning should be disregarded, and Andre suffer, he called Heaven and earth to witness, that he alone would be justly answerable for the torrents of blood that might be spilt in con- sequence." 1
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