USA > New York > The natural, statistical, and civil history of the state of New-York, v. 3 > Part 35
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was carried without a division .. This resolution and the pre-
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ceding address may be considered as the closing scene of the American war. As it was made a parliamentary war, by an address from Parliament for its prosecution, in 1775, it now was no longer so, by an address from the most numerous branch of the same Parliament, in February, 1782, for its discontinuance. A change of the ministry was the consequence of the change of that political system, which for seven years had directed the affairs of Great Britain. A new administration was formed . under the auspices of the Marquis of Rockingham, and was composed of characters who opposed the American war. This was about the first of July, 1782. The Marquis dying soon after, was succeeded by Earl Shelburne. To remove constitu- tional impediments to negotiate with the late British colonies, an act of Parliament was passed, granting to the crown powers for negotiating or concluding a general or particular peace or truce, with the whole or with any part of the colonies, and for setting aside all former laws, whose operation was in contraven- tion to that purpose.
Sir Guy Carleton, who had lately been appointed to the chief command of the royal army in North America, was instructed - to use his best endeavours, for carrying into effect the wishes of Great Britain, for an accommodation with the Americans. He, therefore, in May, 1782, dispatched a letter to Washington, informing him of the late proceedings of Parliament, and of the dispositions so favourable to the United States, which were prevalent in Great Britain, and at the same time solicited a .passport for his Secretary, Mr. Morgan, to pay a visit to Con- gress. His request was refused. The application for it, with its concomitant circumstances, were considered as introductory to a scheme for opening negotiations with Congress or the states without the concurrence of their allies. This caused no - small alarm, and gave rise to sundry resolutions, by which sev- eral states declared, that a proposition from the enemy to all or any of the states for peace or a truce, separate from their allies, was inadmissible. Congress resolved, that they would not enter into the discussion of any overtures for pacification, but in con- fidence and in concert with Louis XVI. his most christian
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majesty. This conduct extinguished all hopes, that great Bri- tain might have entertained. of making a separate peace with the United States. The disposition of Great Britain, however, to acknowledge the independence of the United States, had re- moved the principal difficulty, which had hitherto obstructed a general pacification. Seven years experience had proved to the nation, that the conquest of America was impracticable ; they now received equal conviction, that the recognition of the independence of the United States, was an indispensible prelim- inary to the termination of a war, from the continuance of which, neither profit or honour was to be acquired. The pride of Great Britain for a long time resisted, but that passion was obliged to yield to the superior influence of interest. The feel- ings of the nation were no longer to be controlled by the ho- nour of ministers.
Independence, which was neither thought of nor wished for by the United States in the years 1774 and 1775, became in the year 1776, their favourite object. A recognition of this, which throughout the war had been the object of abhorrence to the British nation, became in the year 1782; a popular measure in Great Britain, as the means of putting an end to a ruinous war.
In the year 1782, there was a barbarous and unprovoked mas- sacre of the civilized Indians, settled on the upper parts of the Muskingum, (in the state of Ohio). The cruelties of the Americans. on this occasion, equalled the barbarities of the tories and Indians at Wyoming. The Indians on the Muskingum, under the influ- ence of some pious missionaries of the Moravians, had been formed into a considerable degree of civil and religious order. They abhorred war, and would take no part therein, giving for reason, that " the Great Spirit did not make men to destroy men, but to love and assist each other." From a love of peace and friendship to the human family, they advised their country- men, who were inclined to make war on the whites, to desist. They were also induced, from principles of humanity, to give intelligence to the white people of their danger, when they knew that their settlements were about to be invaded. This conduct
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provoked the Irostile Indians to such a degree, that they carried these pacific people quite away from the banks of the Muskin- gum to those of the Sandusky, (in the same state). They find- ing corn dear and scarce in their new habitations, obtained lib- erty from their countrymen, to return` in the autumn of the same year to Muskingum, in order to gather the crops they had planted before their removal.
. When the white people, at and near the river Monongahelia, in Pennsylvania and Virginia, heard that the pacific Indians had returned to the Moravian towns, and were engaged in har- vesting their corn, they gave out that their intentions were hos- tile. They accordingly, to the number of one hundred and sixty, assembled, and after crossing the Ohio, they proceeded to the Muskingum, and put to death these inoffensive unsus- pecting people, though no resistance was made. Agreeably to their religious principles, these Indians patiently submitted to their hard fate, without attempting to destroy their savage mur- derers. The number slaughtered exceeded ninety. The per- fidy of the conquerors is not surpassed in the annals of savage warfare. These Indians were deliberately murdered, the next morning after they had been taken.
Soon after this wanton and unprovoked massacre, a party of the Americans set out for Sandusky, to destroy the Indian towns in that part ; but the Delawares, Wyandots and other Indians opposed them with heroic courage ; an engagement ensued, in which the Americans were defeated, and several made prisoners. Among the latter was Colonel Crawford, the com- mander. The colonel and the prisoners were all put to death. The Indians, on this occasion, retaliated for the murder of their countrymen, at the Moravian towns on the Muskingum.
During the revolutionary war, the desolation brought by the Indians, on the border settlements of the United States, and on the Indian towns near those border settlements by the whites, were such as to excite commiseration in the most obdurate hearts.
Not only the men and warriors, but the women and children, and whole districts were involved in promiscuous desolations, VOL. III. 50 .
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The feelings of humanity were often suppressed, and full reign given to the most savage passions.
The commissioners for negociating peace, on the part of the United States, were John Adams, who afterwards was President of the United States, Benjamin Franklin, John Jay, who after- wards was governor of New-York, and Henry Laurens. Ou the part of Great Britain, Mr. Fitzherbert, and Mr. Oswald. Provisional articles of peace, between Great Britain and the United States, were agreed upon by these gentlemen, which were to be inserted in a future treaty of peace, to be finally con- cluded. between the parties, when that between Great Britain and France took place. . By these, the independence of the United States was acknowledged. " This was about the thirtieth of November, 1782. Ample boundaries were allowed them, which comprehended the extensive countries, on both sides of , the Ohio, and on the east side of the Mississippi. An unlimit- ed right of fishery on the banks of Newfoundland, and .on other places, where both nations had heretofore been accustom- ed to fish, was likewise confirmed to the Americans. Five days after these provisional articles were signed, the British Parlia- ment met. They underwent a severe parliamentary discussion.
The ministers of the United States procured for their coun- trymen better terms than they had reason to expect. From the necessity of the case, the loyalists'were sacrificed nothing farther than a simple recommendation for restitution being stipulated in their favour. The case of- the loyalists was a hard one, but unavoidable from the complex constitution of the United States. The American ministers engaged as far as they were autho- rised; and Congress simply recommended their case to the several states. In conformity to the letter and spirit of the treaty, Congress urged the propriety of making restitution to the loyalists, but to procure it was beyond their power.
Treatment of Prisoners, &c .- The first American prisoners were taken on the seventeenth of June, 1775. These were thrown into the jail at Boston, without regard to rank. Wash- ington wrote to General Gage on this subject, but without effect.
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Sir Guy Carleton conducted himself towards the American prisoners with humanity, which reflected honour on his character. Before he commenced his operations on Lake Champlain, in 1776, he.shipped off those of them who were officers, for New- England, but previously supplied them with things to make them comfortable while on their voyage. The soldiers, amount- ing to eight hundred, were sent home by a flag, after exacting an oath from them not to serve during the war, unless- ex- changed. Many of these being almost naked, were clothed by his orders.
The capture of General Lee proved calamitous to several in- dividuals. Six Hessian officers were offered in exchange for him, but this was refused. The British treated Lee as a de- serter : he was confined and guarded. Congress directed Wash- ington to notify General Howe, that should the proffered exchange of General Lee for six. field-officers not be accepted, and the treatment of him be continued, the principles of retali- ation should occasion five of the said Hessian field-officers, to- gether with Lieutenant-colonel Campbell, to be detained, in order that the said treatment which Lee received should be in -- flicted on their persons. General Howe refusing to accept the proffers, or relent Lee's treatment, the resolution of Congress was carried into effect.
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The prisoners captured by Sir William Howe, in 1777, amounted to several thousands. The officers were admitted to parole, and had some waste houses assigned to them as quar- ters, but the privates were shut up in the coldest season of the year in churches, sugar-houses, and other large open buildings. The severity of the weather, and the rigour of their treatment, occasioned the death of many of these unfortunate men. : The filth of the places of their confinement, in consequence of fluxes which prevailed among them, was both offensive and dangerous. Seven dead bodies have been seen in a single building at one time, and all lying in a situation shocking to humanity. - The provisions served out to them were deficient in quantity, and, of an unwholesome quality. After Washington's successes at Trenton and Princeton, the American prisoners fared better.
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Those who survived were ordered to be sent out for exchange, but some of them fell down dead in the streets, while attempting to walk to the vessels. Others were so emaciated, that their appearance was horrible.
The American sailors, when captured by the British, suffered more than the soldiers. They were crowded on board prison- ships in such numbers, and their accommodations were so wretched, that diseases broke out, and swept them off in such a manner as to excite compassion in breasts of the least sensibility. It has been asserted that, in the last six years of the war, up- wards of eleven thousand persons died on board the Jersey, one of the prison-ships, which was stationed in East River, near New-York. This number, it is probable, is considerably overrated. It is, however, certain that several thousand died in that period on board of that ship, and that the rights of se- pulture were never, or but imperfectly conferred. For some time after the war, their bones lay whitening in the sun, on the shore of Long Island.
The operations of treason laws added to the calamities of the .war. Individuals on both sides, while they were doing no more than they supposed to be their duty, were involved in the penal consequences of capital crimes. The Americans, in conformity to the policy of nations, demanded the allegiance of all who resided among them, but many of these preferred the royal go- vernment, and were disposed to support it. While they acted in conformity to these sentiments, the laws enacted for the se- curity of the new government condemned them to death. Hard is the lot of a people involved in civil war ; for in such circum- stances, the lives of individuals may not only be legally forfeited, but justly taken from those who have acted from a sense of duty. Of all wars, civil wars are most to be deprecated : they are attended with the bitterest resentments. In Europe, where military operations are carried on by armies hired for the pur- pose, the people do not partake so widely in its calamities ; but in America, where every able-bodied man was enrolled in the militia, and where both sides endeavoured to strengthen them- selves by oaths and by laws denouncing the penalties of treason
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on those who aided the opposite party, the sufferings of indivi- duals were renewed as often as fortune varied her standard. Each side claimed the co-operation of the inhabitants, and was ready to punish when it was withheld.
In the first institution of the American governments, the boundaries of authority were not properly fixed. Committees exercised legislative, executive, and judicial powers. These committees often injured the cause of America. In many in- stances the members used their power improperly. Private re- sentments were often covered under the specious veil of patri- otism. The sufferers, in passing over to the royalists, carried over with them a keen remembrance of the vengeance of com- mittees, and, when opportunities offered; retaliated. One in- stance of severity begat another, and they continued to increase in a proportion that doubled the evils of war. From one un- advised step, individuals were often involved in the loss of their property. Some, from present appearances, apprehending that the British would conquer, repaired to their standard. . Their return after the partial storm, which intimidated them to sub- mission, had blown over, was always difficult, and often impos- sible. Inadvertent offences were rarely forgiven. Thus, from error in judgment on one side, and that unrelenting spirit of forgiveness on the other, such were often obliged to seek safety by continuing to support the enemy. The embarrassments on both sides, owing to spies and secret informers, were often so great, that men could not tell what course it was best to pursue. Those who made up their minds on the nature of the contest, and invariably pursued one course, were the best off, since they en- joyed self-approbation. Those who changed with the times often missed their object. The whigs were exasperated against those of their fellow-citizens who joined their enemies, with a resent- ment which was far more bitter than that which they harboured against their European adversaries. Feeling that the whole strength of the states was hardly sufficient to protect them against the British, they could not brook the desertion of their countrymen to invading foreigners. They seldom would give them credit for acting from principle, but generally supposed
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them to be influenced either by cowardice or interest, and were therefore inclined to proceed against them with extreme rigour. The royalists raised the cry of persecution, and loudly com- plained that, merely for supporting the government under which they were born, and to which they owed natural allegiance, they were doomed to suffer all the penalties due to capital of- fenders. Those of them who acted from principle, felt no con- sciousness of guilt, and could not but look with abhorrence upon a government, which inflicted such severe punishments on what they deemed a laudable line of conduct: Humanity would shudder at a particular recital of the calamities which the whigs inflicted on the tories, and the tories on the whigs. They, for the most part, on both sides, consoled themselves with the be- lief that they were acting or suffering in a good cause. Though the rules of moral right and wrong never vary, political inno- cence and guilt change so much with circumstances, that the innocence of the sufferer and of the party that punishes are often compatible.
The distresses of the American prisoners in the southern states were great towards the close of the war. Colonel Camp- bell, who reduced Savannah, though he had been very illy treated by order of Congress when he was prisoner, treated all the Americans who fell into his hands with mildness and huma- nity. The American prisoners, with a few exceptions, had but little to complain of, till after the defeat of General Gates. Soon after that event, sundry of them were sent into exile. When an exchange of prisoners was effected, the wives and children of those inhabitants of Charleston and the adjoining parts, who adhered to the American cause, were exiled to Vir- ginia and other places, to the number of one thousand. This severe treatment was the occasion of retaliating on the families of those who had taken part with the British. Governor Rut- ledge ordered that the families of such as adhered to the royal cause, should be sent within the British lines. By this order, several hundreds of helpless women and children were reduced to great distress.
The refugees who had fled to the city of New-York were
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formed into an association, under Sir Henry Clinton, for the purpose of retaliating on the Americans, and for reimbursing the losses they had sustained from their countrymen. The de- predations they committed in their excursions were extensive. Towards the close of the war, they began to retaliate on a bolder scale. Captain Joshua Huddy, who commanded a small party of Americans, at a block-house, in`the county of Monmouth, and state of New-Jersey, was taken prisoner by a party of refugees. He was brought to the city of New-York, and there imprisoned fifteen days, and then told that he was . sentenced to be hanged. Four days after, he was sent out with a party of refugees, and hanged on the heights of Middletown. The following label was affixed on his breast,-" We, the re- fugees, having long with grief behield the cruel murders of our brethren, and finding nothing but such measures daily carrying into execution ; we, therefore, are determined not to suffer without taking vengeance for the numerous cruelties, thus begin, and have made use of Captain Huddy as the first object to pre- sent to your view, and further determine to hang man for man while there is a refugee existing. Up goes Huddy for Philip White !"
Washington resolved on retaliation for this murder, but in- stead of immediately executing a British officer, he wrote to Sir . Henry Clinton that, unless the perpetrators were given up, he should be under the necessity of retaliating. The former being refused, Captain Asgill was designated by lot for that purpose, but his execution was not carried into effect. Sir Guy Carleton, the successor of Sir Henry Clinton, broke up this board of royalists, and being a man of great humanity and excellent character, prevented repetitions of similar excesses. The pri- soners, after he assumed the command of the British army at New-York, were treated with respect and clemency.
Discharge of the American army .- While the citizens of the United States were anticipating the blessings of peace, their army, which had stemmed the tide of the British victories, was unrewarded for its meritorious services. The states, which had been rescued by their exertions from a foreign yoke, were in
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no condition to pay their stipulated due. To dismiss officers and soldiers, who had spent the prime of their lives in serving their country without an equivalent for their labours, and with- out even a sufficiency to enable them to gain a decent living, was a hard case. An attempt was made, by anonymous and seditious publications, to inflame the minds of the officers and soldiers, and induce them to unite in redressing their own griev- ances, while they had arms in their hands. This was March tenth, 1783. As soon as Washington was informed of the nature of these papers, he requested the General and field-ofli- cers, with one officer from each company, and a representation from the staff of the army, to assemble at an early hour, on the fifteenth of the same month. He rightly judged, that it would be much easier to divert them from a wrong to a right path, than to recall hasty steps after once taken: The period pre- vious to the meeting of the officers, was improved in prepar- ing them for the adoption of moderate measures. . Washington sent for one officer after another, and conversed with them in private, on the fatal consequences, and particularly on the loss of character to the whole army, which would result from in- temperate resolutions. When the officers were convened, Washington addressed them, in a speech well calculated to calm their minds. He also pledged himself to exert all his abilities and influence in their favour, and requested them to rely on the faith of their country, and conjured them, as they valued their honor-as they respected the rights of humanity, and as they regarded the military and national character of America, to express their utmost detestation of the man, who was attempting to open the flood-gates of discord, and deluge their rising empire with blood. This speech had the desired . effect. The moment was seized while the minds of the officers, softened by the eloquence of the illustrious chief, were in a pliable state, and a resolution was unanimously adopted, by which they declared, that no circumstance of distress or danger should induce a conduct that might tend to sully the reputation and glory they had acquired ; that the army continued to have an unshaken confidence in the justice of Congress and their
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country, and that they viewed with abhorrence, and rejected with disdain, the infamous propositions in the late anonymous : address to the officers of the army. The author of the address . has consigned his name to infamy. Too much praise cannot be given to Washington for the patriotism, which marked his conduct in this transaction.
To avoid the inconveniences of dismissing a great number of soldiers in a body, furloughs were granted to individuals, and after their dispersion, they were not enjoined to return. The granting of furloughs commenced, May twenty-sixth, 1783. By this arrangement, a critical moment was got over. A great part of an army was disbanded and dispersed over the states, without tumult or disorder. The privates generally betook themselves to labour, and crowned the merit of being - good soldiers, by becoming good citizens. Several of the officers, who had been bred mechanics, resumed their trades. As the soldiers had been easily formed in 1775 out of farmers and mechanics, so with equal ease in the year 1783, they drop- ped the character of soldiers, and resumed their former occupa- tions. About eighty of the Pennsylvania levies formed an exception to the peaceable disposition of the army. These, in defiance of their officers, set out from Lancaster, and marched to Philadelphia, to seek a redress of their grievances from the executive council of that state. This was on the twentieth of June, 1783. The mutineers persisted in their march, till they arrived at Philadelphia. There they were joined by some other troops. The whole, amounting to three hundred men, marched with fixed bayonets and drums to the state-house, in which the Congress and the supreme executive council of Penn- sylvania held their sessions. . They placed guards at every door, and sent in a written message to the president and coun- cil of the state, and threatened them, if their demands were not complied with in twenty minutes. The situation of the Con- gress, though they were not the particular object of the soldiers' resentment, was far from agreeable. About three hours after, the Congress retired, and soon afterwards left Philadelphia,- . and fixed on Princeton in New-Jersey, as the place of their VOL, III, 51
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next meeting. Washington, on being apprised of this, sent a numerous detachment of his army to Philadelphia, to quell the mutineers. Several were taken and tried, and sentenced to death, but subsequently they were pardoned.
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