History of Ohio; the rise and progress of an American state, Volume Four, Part 10

Author: Randall, E. O. (Emilius Oviatt), 1850-1919 cn; Ryan, Daniel Joseph, 1855-1923 joint author
Publication date: 1912
Publisher: New York, The Century History Company
Number of Pages: 744


USA > Ohio > History of Ohio; the rise and progress of an American state, Volume Four > Part 10


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Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24 | Part 25 | Part 26 | Part 27 | Part 28 | Part 29 | Part 30 | Part 31 | Part 32 | Part 33 | Part 34 | Part 35 | Part 36


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sequent year. The Convention declared "that the soil of Nebraska and Kansas shall be appropriated for free homes for free men," and it authorized the appointment of a committee to correspond with the committees of other states on subjects of a National Convention. This committee was composed of Henry B. Carrington of Columbus, and J. H. Baker of Chilli- cothe, Whigs; Joseph R. Swan of Columbus, and Rufus P. Spalding, of Cleveland, Democrats; and Dr. J. B. Coulter of Columbus, Free Soiler. The com- mittee, representing all shades of political interests, foreshadowed that the party was not a mere fusion but a uniting of the sober judgment of men differing on other subjects, for the purpose of establishing a new party opposed to slavery ideas.


On July 13, 1855, in the Town Street Methodist Church in Columbus, was held the first Republican State Convention in Ohio. Like the Convention of the previous year, it was composed of all the different and frequently discordant anti-slavery elements in Ohio politics. There were old time Whigs, Free Soilers, Democrats, Liberty men and "Know Nothings," all differing on many points of policy but united and har- monious in resistance to the spread and extension of slavery. Joshua R. Giddings called the Convention to order; John Sherman, then a young man but recently elected to Congress, was chosen as the per- manent Chairman of the Convention. The controlling idea and doctrine of the new party was opposition to the extension of slavery. Its platform expressed this in the following terse language: "We will resist the spread of slavery under whatever state or color it may


JOSHUA REED GIDDINGS


Born in Athens, Pennsylvania, October 6, 1795, and in 1805 came with his parents to Wayne township, Ashta- bula county, Ohio; served as a volunteer in the War of 1812; admitted to the bar, 1820; elected to the Ohio Legislature, 1826, and served one term; member of Con- gress, 1839-59, being conspicuous as an anti-slavery leader; Consul-General in Canada from 1861 till his death; died in Montreal, Canada, May 27, 1864.


THE RISE AND PROGRES


DICI CA AHOL clared "that t.


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sed of Henry beib ;Atsob ein flit 1081 mort sbsns ni Istonsd-fuero .4081 .TS VSM sbsas Is9HJndM niof Chilli-


W An of Columbus, and Cleveland, Democrats; and Dr. 1 5 Gadus y Alomins, Free Soiler. The com mw l +bades of political interests, Dosudsesil Mat Obe party was not a mere fusion . weget the seber judgment of men differing wifites, he the purpose of establishing a new party oppcanit to slavery ideas.


Dw July 15. 1855, in the Town Street Methodist Church In Columbus, was held the first Republicar Stine Convention in Obio. Like the Convention of Le -rilor vrir. it was composed of all the different wow anti-slavery elements in


old time Whigs, Free Soilers ind "Know Nothings, " all os of policy but united and har to the spread and extension o N Gilddings called the Convention Pharmaag, then a young man by woy -hotell so Congress, was chosen as the per Tai Chairman of the Conyearion. "The controllin Fler a leccine of the dow party was opposition to de sunun af davery Is platiotw expressed thi -Wr will resist th Wponad of slavery andity aharves Me or color it may


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be attempted." On this one question there was abso- lute harmony. The different elements of the Conven- tion all had their different ideas as to the intensity with which the declaration of principle should be laid down and as to who should be the standard bearer.


Joshua R. Giddings, the leader of the Free Soil element, was not satisfied with the plank on slavery. It was too mild. He regarded it as "weak food for men who had bared their breasts to the slave power for twenty years." He thought that the committee on resolu- tions should have emphatically condemned the National administration for the flagrant and unjust acts, but nevertheless he waived his objections and gave a hearty support to the platform. Salmon P. Chase was nom- inated for Governor. Mr. Chase was the best type of the principle on which the new party was founded, and was recognized as the natural leader of the new Republican party. In his career in the Senate he had faithfully carried out the trust imposed in him by the anti-slavery legislature of 1848-9. He led the forces of free speech and free men, molding the sentiment not only of his own State but of the entire country by his battle against slavery. He fought the repeal of the Missouri Compromise; he demanded the exclusion of slavery from National territory, and stood side by side with Sumner, Wade and Hale. With them he opposed the Fugitive Slave Law. All these events had produced the thinking which resulted in the new party organization of which Mr. Chase was the head.


Mr. Chase made an active and effective canvass throughout the State. Governor Medill was the Demo- cratic candidate for reelection, and Allen Trimble,


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who had been Governor from 1826 to 1830, was the American candidate. Against Chase was all the pro- slavery and Know Nothing sentiment of the State; he was elected, however, by 15,751 plurality. Ex-Gov- ernor Trimble received 24,276 votes.


This election marked the passing of Governor Medill from the politics of Ohio. He had exercised a great and beneficent influence in his party. And in this con- nection, it is of interest to note that he and his predeces- sor, Reuben Wood, were the last of the old-fashioned school of Democratic executives that for a long time held the Chief Magistracy of the State. They disap- peared in the stormy period of politics prior to the Civil War, when new issues were developed and radical prog- ress was being made on the slavery question. We have referred to Governor Medill's career (Volume IV, Chapter V), and that of Governor Wood is no less interesting. They represent two eras in our State history; one being the last Governor under the Constitu- tion of 1802, and the other the first under that of 1851. Reuben Wood came of Revolutionary stock, and his father was a chaplain in the Continental Army. He was born in Middletown, Vermont, in 1792. When a young man he was drafted by the British authorities to serve in the English Army for the War of 1812. He had been attending school in Canada when the war broke out. He escaped from the Canadian authori- ties by crossing Lake Ontario in a birch canoe. He was elected to the Ohio Senate from Cuyahoga county in 1825. In 1850, he was elected Governor, defeating Samuel F. Vinton, the Whig candidate. He was again elected in 1852. He resigned the Governorship July 15,


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1853, to be Consul to Valparaiso. He returned in a year to Ohio and resumed the practice of law; during the Civil War he was a pronounced Union man and was expecting to preside at an immense Union meeting at Cleveland about the date of his death, which occurred October 1, 1864.


On January 14, 1856, Governor Chase commenced his gubernatorial term. His election was a national affair; it was national in its importance and in its results. His first term was devoid of events. Under his official oath he administered the Fugitive Slave Law, at the same time doing justice to the poor fugitive, yet fulfilling the obligations of his State to the Con- stitution and laws of the United States.


He was renominated by his party in 1857, and after a short and close campaign-so close that it took nearly a fortnight to determine who had been chosen-he was elected over Henry B. Payne, Democratic candi- date, by 1,503 plurality. The most important measure of Governor Chase's second term and the one which more than any other gave Ohio prominence in succeed- ing years, was his organization of the militia of the State. Whether Governor Chase with prophetic eye saw what three years would develop cannot be said, but at his suggestion legislation reorganizing the militia was passed. A review of the military forces of the State was had in 1858, and the regulation and rules governing military drill were printed and scattered among the militia, thereby creating a martial and patriotic spirit which afterward burst out with almost uncontrollable enthusiasm.


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Slowly the nation was approaching the crisis of its history, and Mr. Chase marched abreast of all the events that led to it. In October, 1859, John Brown made his famous invasion of Virginia, and immediately afterward Governor Henry A. Wise, of that State, wrote to Governor Chase notifying him that Virginia would pursue abolition bands even into sister states to punish them. Governor Chase dignifiedly replied that Ohio would obey the Constitution and laws of the United States, and would discountenance unlawful acts, but under no circumstances could the military of other states invade Ohio territory. This was his last official declaration as Governor; in January, 1860, his term closed, and he left the executive chamber and was again elected United States Senator a month afterward.


William Dennison was his successor. He was a comparatively new man in Ohio politics and his repu- tation was based on his solid qualities of financial ability and business standing, rather than upon the single term that he had served in the State Senate. But he surprised those who had underrated him. In the debates during the campaign with his Democratic opponent-Judge Rufus P. Ranney-he was able to reach the popular heart in a much greater degree and in a much better manner than the acknowledged leader of the Ohio bar. Mr. Dennison assumed the duties of Governor under the most uncertain condition of affairs. The slave power was daily becoming more aggressive, and threats of disunion were rife in the American Con- gress. Little did the new chief executive know of the responsibilities and duties that would be thrust upon


-


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him before his term should expire. He knew the signs were portentous, he felt the shaking of an approaching earthquake, but of the part he was to play in coming events he was wholly ignorant. Under this phase of public affairs in Ohio did the first "War Governor" take his seat.


CHAPTER VII. OHIO IN THE CIVIL WAR THE CALL TO ARMS GOVERNOR DENNISON'S ADMINISTRATION FORMATION OF THE UNION PARTY


T' HE contest growing out of the attempt to extend slavery produced an acute feeling between the North and South, which even- tually broke out in Civil War. The State of Ohio was brought prominently into this contest by reason of the fact that some of the most distinguished figures representing the North were from this State. In the Congress of 1859-60, there was a bitter contest for the speakership of the House, John Sherman being the Republican candidate. He was defeated on account of his opposition to the extension of slavery and because he had endorsed a book that greatly irritated the South. When the second session of this Congress met, in 1860, the country was in an excited and agitated condition on account of the threat made by Southern States to secede from the Union. Before the session had been many weeks old South Carolina had passed an ordinance of secession, and within a few months other slave states followed, and on February 8, 1861, the Southern Confederacy was formed at Montgomery, Alabama. In the meantime every effort was made by Congress to effect some basis of com- promise to avoid the dissolution of the Union. The most important step in this direction was the forma- tion of a "Committee of Thirty-three," consisting of one from each State, and appointed by the Speaker on a vote of the House. Thomas Corwin, former Governor of Ohio, was made chairman of this commit- tee. He was conservative in his spirit and was in favor of conciliation or compromise.


This committee in the interests of peace proposed in its report: (1) An amendment to the Constitution


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to the effect that no amendment having for its object any interference with slavery in a State shall ever be made unless the same shall originate in a slave State and be consented to by all the states. (2) An act for the admission of New Mexico as a slave State without further action of Congress. (3) An amendment to the Fugitive Slave Law so that it shall be more efficient for the arrest of fugitive slaves, and, (4) An amendment of the act for the rendition of fugitives from justice, so as to give the Federal Court exclusive jurisdiction, and make indictments prima facie evidence against the accused. If this report had been consummated into action it would have been a most humiliating abnegation of the North. It was a surrender of every moral conviction on the question of slavery, and a humiliating acquiescence to every demand of the South. Mr. Corwin on January 21, 1861, in a speech in the interests of conciliation, urged all four of these proposi- tions. He was willing to do anything to preserve the Union and call back the seceding states. This was his last formal speech in Congress. The spirit and tone of the northern congressmen in this session were almost appealing in their desire to prevent secession; even an amendment to the Constitution preventing Congress from ever abolishing or interfering with slavery was adopted by the Senate and House, but before it could be ratified by the states all efforts at conciliation were lost by reason of the Southern States seceding. Only two states, Maryland and Ohio, gave their assent to the amendment. In all these com- promise propositions, Mr. Corwin was foremost, and


WILLIAM DENNISON


From a painting by John Henry Witt in the Capitol in Columbus.


Born in Cincinnati, November 23, 1815; was graduated from Miami University, 1835, admitted to the bar, 1840, and removed to Columbus; elected to the State Senate, 1845; Governor, 1860-62; appointed Postmaster-General by Lincoln, October, 1864, and served till July, 1866; died in Columbus, June 15, 1882.


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T RISE AND PROGRESS


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lition of fugitives from justice,


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om in this session were de to prevent secession ; Constitution preventing Chers won w ing or interfering with Senate and House, but below o oild he mond wy the states all efforts at conciborr wowe hill by wwww of the Southern State woofing Only a s Maryland and Ohio, gave In all these com- punthte proponiamo Mi Cin was foremost, and


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OF AN AMERICAN STATE


the willingness of Ohio to adopt the constitutional amendment referred to shows to what extent it was willing to go to preserve the Union.


While Ohio was ready to make every conciliatory endeavor for national peace, the true sentiment of its people was emphatic in the disapproval of slavery and in an earnest feeling for its annihilation. Every movement, looking to the support of the Government, was undertaken. The Legislature which assembled on the first Monday in January, 1860, was confronted with a situation grave both in a national and in a state sense. Governor Dennison, in his inaugural address of January 9, 1860, expressed positive views on the condition of national affairs. He severely condemned slavery for the evils that it had brought upon the country, and pledged Ohio's fidelity to the Union. His address was calm and temperate and evidently he had no expectation of the serious scenes and strife that were to follow. Governor Chase was elected United States Senator February 2, 1860, to succeed Senator George E. Pugh, who had been elected by the Democratic General Assembly in 1854. While there was some opposition to Mr. Chase on account of his abolition sentiments, he was elected easily, he receiving 76 votes, Pugh 53, and Thomas Corwin 5. These last rep- resented conservatives within the Republican party.


As indicative of the desire of Ohio to give every evidence of non-sectional feeling, its General Assembly in January tendered an invitation to the Legislature and State officials of Kentucky and Tennessee to visit Columbus as guests of the State of Ohio. These two legislatures were assembled at Louisville to celebrate


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the opening of the Louisville and Nashville Railroad, and a committee of the Ohio Legislature, with James A. Garfield at its head, was appointed to proceed to Louisville and deliver the message on behalf of their State. The festivities which followed the acceptance of the Ohio invitation gave little indication of the strained relations that were soon to obtain.


On January 26 the Governors of Kentucky and Ten- nessee and the General Assemblies of those states arrived in Columbus, and for three days they were given all possible honors and pleasures. In the evening the hotels and other buildings on High and other streets fronting the capitol were illuminated. The rotunda of the capitol glittered with hundreds of lights. Fire- works were discharged from the statehouse yard, and the night was brightened with colored fire. A levee was held at the statehouse and the officers of state and prominent citizens of the city were present to receive their guests. On the next evening a meeting over which Governor Dennison presided was held, and for hours the delighted multitude listened to the patriotic eloquence of three states. Governor McGof- fin of Kentucky attracted especial attention on account of his patriotic declarations and his repudiation of everything looking to a dissolution of the Union. "Sir," said he, "we have no hearts or arms for fra- ternal strife, but, sir, we have millions of brave hearts and powerful arms ready to preserve this whole Union, and to protect and defend any American citizen of any section from insult or aggression from without." In contrast with this declaration is the subsequent action of Governor McGoffin in openly espousing the


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enemies of the Government in 1861, and his response to the call for troops made by the Secretary of War, April 16, 1861, in which he said: "In answer, I say emphatically that Kentucky will furnish no troops for the wicked purpose of subduing our sister Southern States." If there was anything resultant from the demonstrations of these two states on this occasion but good fellowship and a good time, it was not ap- parent.


When the next General Assembly met on the first Monday of January, 1861, South Carolina had voted herself out of the Union by an Ordinance of Secession, and other states in the South were taking measures in the same direction. The Ohio Legislature, alive to the dangerous situation, was inclined to do every- thing to avert the impending danger. It not only adopted the amendment proposed by the "Committee of Thirty-three," but expressed an almost similar spirit of conciliation. On January 12, Senator Richard A. Harrison, a patriotic and conservative member, offered a series of joint resolutions which was unani- mously adopted by both houses. The substance of these resolutions was as follows: I. The people of Ohio believe that the preservation of this Government is essential to the peace, prosperity and safety of the American people. 2. The general Government cannot permit the secession of any State without violating the bond and compact of the Union. 3. The power of the National Government must be maintained, and the laws of Congress enforced in the states and ter- ritories until their repeal by Congress, or they are adjudged to be unconstitutional by the proper tribunal.


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All attempts by State authorities to nullify the Con- stitution and laws of Congress, or resist their execution, are destructive of the wisest government in the world. 4. The people of Ohio are opposed to meddling with the internal affairs of other states. 5. The people of Ohio will fulfill in good faith all their obligations under the Constitution of the United States, according to their spirit. 6. Certain offensive laws in some of the states are rendered inefficient by the Constitution and laws of the Federal Government which guarantee to the citizens of each State the privileges and immunities of the several states. The several State Governments should repeal these offensive laws, and thus restore confidence between the states. 7. All Union men con- demn the secession ordinances. 8. We hail with joy the firm, dignified and patriotic message of the President, and pledge the entire power and resources of the State for a strict maintenance of the Constitu- tion and laws by the general Government, by whom- soever administered.


These resolutions were adopted with substantial unanimity. Only a few of the extreme Democrats voted against them. The sentiment in the Legislature among Republicans and Democrats was for union, and in opposition to secession, and there was a general agreement of sentiment that it was the duty of the Government to suppress any attempted revolution or rebellion. The Democrats who opposed some of these resolutions did so on the ground of policy or expediency, and not on account of the principle de- clared for. It was difficult to unite the Republicans even on these propositions. It meant that Ohio was


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willing to sustain the Fugitive Slave Law and to repeal any State legislation that had been passed for the purpose of obstructing the operation of that law, and was in favor of other states doing likewise. Copies of these resolutions were sent to the President, both houses of Congress and the Governors of all the states.


Still hoping that an honorable peace might be main- tained and the Union preserved, the Legislature responded to the call of the border states for a peace conference held at the request of the Legislature of Virginia in Washington. The members appointed to represent Ohio were Salmon P. Chase, William S. Groesbeck, Franklin T. Backus, Reuben Hitchcock, Thomas Ewing, V. B. Horton, and John C. Wright, who died during the session, and who was succeeded by C. P. Walcott. This conference met February 4 and adjourned February 27. It accomplished nothing.


Two days after President Lincoln was inaugurated, he nominated Senator Salmon P. Chase, of Ohio, to be the Secretary of the Treasury, and on March 6 Mr. Chase forwarded the resignation of his seat in the Senate to Governor Dennison. On the 26th of March the General Assembly elected John Sherman, who had served in Congress since 1855, to be his successor. Mr. Sherman had become conspicuous in the councils of the Republican party by his pronounced stand against the extension of slavery, and had acquired a national reputation by his service on the committee to investigate the disturbances in Kansas and by his candidacy for the speakership of the House of Repre- sentatives. By his election to the senatorship Mr. Sherman commenced a further career that was to


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THE RISE AND PROGRESS


be marked by great distinction and genuine statesman- ship. It can be truly said of him that from his entrance into the House of Representatives in 1855 to the day that he laid down the portfolio of Secretary of State in President McKinley's Cabinet he was always a com- manding figure in the history of his time. As Congress- man, Senator and Cabinet officer John Sherman reflected great honor on himself and his State. As Secre- tary of the Treasury in President Hayes' Cabinet he took rank as one of the great triumvirate that history has collected from that office to live during our national life. There have been many great men who have been finance ministers of our country, but three have been placed in the Hall of Fame-Alexander Hamilton, Salmon P. Chase and John Sherman.


The strain that had been upon the entire country was broken on Friday, the 12th day of April, 1861. It was the hope of the peace loving people of the Nation that the hostile guns that were trained upon Fort Sumter would by some providential interference be intercepted by some thoughts of peace and pa- triotism that might arise in the hearts of the Southern people. The passage of ordinances of secession one after another by the Southern States dissipated all these hopes. The Legislature of Ohio was considering at this very time the famous compromise resolutions proposed by Mr. Corwin in his celebrated report of · the Committee of Thirty-three, and the constitutional amendments proposed by this committee which would forever protect and save slavery to the Southern States was being favorably debated and voted upon by the




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