USA > Ohio > History of Ohio; the rise and progress of an American state, Volume Four > Part 26
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The Legislature was responsive to the popular demand for liquor taxation, and on May 14, 1886 (83 Ohio Laws, 157), an act was passed, popularly known as the "Dow Law," from the Senator intro- ducing the same; this act provided for taxing the liquor traffic without conflicting with the constitutional prohibition of license. It provided that everybody engaged in the business of trafficking in spirituous, vinous, malt or any intoxicating liquors should pay into the county Treasury the sum of $200. The general
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effect of this legislation was to eliminate many saloons and at the same time furnish substantial revenue to the county. The returns of county auditors for this year first made under the "Dow Law" showed that the number of saloons taxed $200 each was 8,941 and the saloons taxed $100 each, 2,989, making the total amount of tax assessments collected, including penalties, $2,- 144,129.71. The law was afterwards amended at different times and also decided constitutional (see Chapter XIX.) by the Supreme Court. It still stands as the basis of the taxation of the liquor traffic in Ohio, which may be regarded as the fixed policy of the people of Ohio.
The Administration of Governor Foraker was charac- terized by advanced steps in various directions. Fol- lowing his recommendation, the State Board of Health was established and important laws for registration of voters and for regulating elections in Cincinnati and Cleveland were passed. These provisions were after- wards extended to Toledo, Columbus and Dayton. It was upon his suggestion that the last vestige of the "black laws" was repealed.
At the Republican State Convention held in Toledo July 27th, Governor Foraker was renominated. His opponent on the Democratic ticket was Thomas E. Powell. The campaign which followed was tame as compared with the two former ones in which the Governor engaged. Foraker defended his adminis- tration with great vigor and success, for the election returns gave him a plurality of 23,329 over his com- petitor.
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With the year 1888 came the centennial anniversaries of the settlement at Marietta, April 7, 1788, and the inauguration of law in the Northwest Territory on July 15th following. These centennials were cele- brated throughout the State at different points and by different methods. The second inaugural address of Governor Foraker on January 9th of this year was remarkable in that it contained no reference whatever to official matters relating to State government. It was an oration, historic and literary, treating the important progress that the State had made in its first hundred years since the settlement at Marietta and drawing lessons from the hardships and fidelity of its founders. The tone of the inaugural was keyed upon a lofty scale and was an appeal to the spirit of patriotism of the State to make itself worthy of the example set forth by the fathers. With this official enunciation of the centennial the first celebration was at Marietta April 7th, to commemorate the landing at that place of the first colony. The occasion was national in its scope and brought together conspicu- ous men from New England, New York, and Virginia. The formal address of welcome was delivered by Governor Foraker, and during the celebration learned and eloquent orations were delivered by Senator George F. Hoar and Dr. Edward Everett Hale, of Massachu- setts, former President Rutherford B. Hayes, Hon. J. Randolph Tucker, of Virginia, and Dr. Henry M. Storrs, of New Jersey. A second celebration was held on July 15th-19th, commemorating the establishment of civil government in the Northwest Territory. On this occasion an equally fitting program was carried
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out, Governor Foraker as before representing the State, and addresses were delivered by Hon. John W. Daniel, of Virginia, Mrs. Mary A. Livermore, of Massachusetts, Hon. William M. Evarts and Thomas Ewing, of New York. In addition to these there were a number of speeches by eminent citizens of Ohio. Another form of the centennial celebration was projected and carried out at Cincinnati, under the form of an exposition representing the Ohio valley and the central states. Its main purpose, in addition to its historical import, was to show the progress and present prosperity of the states represented. The exhibition opened July 4th with exercises in which the states of Kentucky, Pennsylvania, Indiana and Nebraska were represented by their respective chief executives and other officials, together with many distinguished citizens.
The third centennial celebration was at Columbus in the form of an industrial exposition, showing the progress of a hundred years in the sciences of agricul- ture and mechanics. It was conducted jointly by the State Board of Agriculture and the citizens of Colum- bus, taking the place of the annual State fair. The exposition opened September 4th in the presence of a vast concourse of people. The two states that were responsible very largely for the early settlement of Ohio at Marietta and in the Western Reserve-Massa- chusetts and Connecticut-were officially represented. In conjunction and contemporaneous with this cele- bration was the National Encampment of the Grand Army of the Republic. This added to the interest of the celebration, both from a material and patriotic standpoint. The exposition closed October 19th.
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In the latter part of this year there developed in Southern Ohio organized bands of lawless men that made it necessary for the Governor to interfere in the interests of peace and order. On the night of Novem- ber 17th there suddenly appeared in the town of Sar- dinia, Brown county, near the line of Highland county, a band of horsemen, variously reported as numbering from thirty to fifty persons, wearing masks, and calling themselves "White Caps"; they proceeded to the residence of a humble citizen by the name of Adam Berkes, whom they aroused from his slumbers, took from his bed and house, and whipped with a number of lashes, because he had not, so far as any cause was assigned, in some way particular, real or imaginary, lived as they claimed he should. It was a startling crime, calculated, if allowed to go unchallenged, to lead to a rapid spread of such practices, to a shameful disgrace to our State and ultimately to bloodshed and general demoralization and disregard of law and of the established legal tribunals and methods for the redress of grievances. This practically states the occurrence as given by Governor Foraker in his annual message of January 8, 1889. The Governor took immediate cognizance of the situation and ordered an investigation, from which he discovered that a regular organization had been formed of a secret oath-bound character, with a growing membership, including in its ranks some prominent, respectable and responsible citizens; they were going upon the theory that they were strong enough to take the enforcement of the law into their own hands, defy the legal authorities and prevent prosecutions against them if instituted. The
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Governor finally discovered the individual membership and secured from them an agreement to disband their organization and refrain from any more raids, whip- pings, threatenings and intimidations, in consideration of which the Governor pledged immunity from further proceedings against them. The earnest position taken by the State authorities and the knowledge on the part of the offenders that they would be summarily dealt with in the future brought peace and quiet to a section of the State that hitherto had been governed by a reign of terror.
In the Republican National Convention held this year, Ohio again represented the name of John Sherman as a candidate for the nomination for President. Those prominently mentioned for the nomination were, James G. Blaine, John Sherman, Benjamin Harrison, William B. Allison and Russell A. Alger. Mr. Sherman was considered the leading candidate, and from the first ballot until the sixth polled the largest number of votes in the Convention. On the eighth ballot Benjamin Harrison, of Indiana, and a native of Ohio, was nom- inated. Ohio impressed the National Convention with two striking occurrences. The first was the speech of Governor Foraker seconding the nomination of Senator Sherman, and the second that of Major William Mc- Kinley, who, in the midst of a roll-call, arose and, in a remarkably impressive protest, requested the delegates to cease voting for him.
The two terms of Governor Foraker had made him a conspicuous character in his party both in a State and National sense. His administration of State affairs had been successful and creditable, but nevertheless
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he was subject to attack on account of his prominence as a party leader. In two National conventions he had won the admiration of the Republicans of the country. In addition to his power of oratory he had developed great intellectual strength, which was demon- strated by the force and character of his public expres- sions, both oral and written. During this time he had also attracted to him a large element of the younger portion of the Republican party. Won by his attract- ive personality and held by the force of his individ- uality, he soon built up a following that was entirely his own. His rapid rise to prominence and influence in the country was viewed with feelings akin to jealousy by the older leaders of his party in Ohio, and it was noticeable that at this time commenced a cleavage in the Republican party of Ohio that divided into separate followings the friends of Governor Foraker and those of Senator Sherman and congressional leaders like William McKinley, Benjamin Butterworth and Charles H. Grosvenor.
As the time approached when the Republicans should select a successor to Governor Foraker many candidates offered themselves, but it was apparent that among the enthusiastic supporters of Governor Foraker it was the desire to confer upon their leader the unprec- edented honor of a third term as Governor of Ohio. When the Republican State Convention assembled at Columbus, June 25, 1889, there were seven candidates for Governor presented for its consideration. All were men of fine qualities and high character, but most of them enjoyed merely a local reputation and had a following that was confined almost entirely to their congressional
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districts. On the first ballot the showing for none of them was such that indicated any prospect of a nom- ination, and the support of most of them seemed to be merely perfunctory. On the second ballot the work of Governor Foraker's friends became apparent and the result of his superb organization first manifested itself. He received 254 votes, and before the result was an- nounced the abandonment by the delegates of their local favorites commenced, with the result that Gov- ernor Foraker was nominated for the fourth time by the Republicans of Ohio as their candidate for Governor. The nomination was received with great disfavor by the old-time politicians of the State, and they viewed with concern and distrust a political organization that could accomplish so smoothly and effectively an object never before attained in Ohio politics. When the delegates separated, the Repub- lican members of Congress, all of whom were members of the Convention and at that time constituted a very formidable and influential body, were silently, almost to a man, opposed to Governor Foraker's reëlection.
The Democratic State Convention met also at Colum- bus on August 28th. On the second ballot, James E. Campbell, of Hamilton, was nominated for Governor. He was a new man in State politics but was extremely popular in Southwestern Ohio and had served as mem- ber of Congress from the Butler county district for three terms. He was an able debater and possessed an attractive manner of discussing public questions, being especially effective in gentle sarcasm and ridicule. On the whole he was recognized as a strong candidate, his record in Congress being especially favorable to
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the soldiers. In addition to these qualifications, like his competitor he was a man of great personal attract- iveness, winning friends readily and holding them steadily.
The canvass which followed was very exciting and the speeches of the candidates were characterized by aggressive criticisms of their respective political records. The objections urged against Governor Foraker were, first, the third term and the methods by which the nomination was secured. It was claimed by his opponents within the party that the Convention was controlled and manipulated by the Governor's friends and did not represent the sentiment of the Republican party at large. The Governor's efforts to secure a modification in the taxation laws, which would be more equitable to all the people and looking to the payment by every citizen of his just share of taxation, were used against him. Every recommendation that he made in his famous special message of April 6, 1886, in which he favored uniformity of the valuation of real property and a more complete listing of personal property, has since been embodied by legislation in our State policy; but in this campaign appeals were made to the farmers that Governor Foraker's proposed methods would increase their taxes. This had substantial effect in the country.
The most sensational feature of the political canvass was what was known as the "ballot box forgery." On the evening of September 28th Governor Foraker made a speech at Music Hall, Cincinnati, in which he arraigned Mr. Campbell for having introduced in Congress a bill authorizing the purchase of the Wood
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and Hall ballot box, and exhibited one of the boxes. On October 4th there was published in the Cincinnati Commercial Gazette a fac simile of a contract which purported to be signed by Mr. Campbell for a three- twentieths interest in the ballot box which he was supposed to be trying to have adopted by Congress. This publication, involving directly Mr. Campbell's integrity, as a public official, created an intense sensa- tion throughout the State. Mr. Campbell promptly pronounced his signature to the contract published as a forgery, and denied completely that he had any improper interest, directly or indirectly, and directed his attorneys to bring suit against the Commercial Gazette unless it unequivocally retracted its charges. Mr. Campbell submitted to Murat Halstead, its editor, evidence that satisfied him (Halstead) that the con- tract was fraudulent and a forgery. Thereupon Mr. Halstead, in his paper of October IIth, over his own name, stated that from evidence submitted to him he was satisfied that Mr. Campbell's signature to the paper was a forgery. Subsequent investigation showed this to be correct. It appears that one R. G. Wood, who was the patentee of the ballot box in question, was desirous of procuring a political position at Cincinnati and was anxious to secure Governor Foraker's influence to that end. He felt it incumbent upon himself, therefore, to do something that would aid in the Gov- ernor's election. Thereupon, with the assistance of some younger men innocent of his purpose, he con- cocted this contract and deliberately forged the signa- ture of Mr. Campbell, and in addition thereto were attached to the false document the names of William
JAMES E. CAMPBELL
Born in Middletown, Ohio, July 7, 1843; served in the United States navy from 1863 to 1865; admitted to the bar, 1865, and practiced in Hamilton; Prosecuting Attorney of Butler county, 1876-80; member of the forty-eighth, forty-ninth and fiftieth congresses; Governor, 1890-92; resides in Columbus.
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and Hall ballot box, and exhibited one of the boxes On October 4th LHEIMAYs .L &UMHled in the Cincinnati ni bov192 : CA81 .5 vlul roidO nwotelbbiM mi mod- Comme Estfimbs :2081 of 2081 moit vvon asjet2 befint simile of a contract which purpgritossaid nothingHem besitosis basedgod for a three twentieth pdm8-8tudo vendita he was ; go dfsiffit bas drin-vtiof , didgis-vtiot supposed to be trying toandmed mobistarpops Congress . This publication, involving directly Mr. Campbell' integrity, ar a public official, created an intense sensa tion throughout the State. Mr. Campbell promptly pronounced his signature to the contract published a a forgery, and denied completely that he had any improper interest, directly or indirectly, and directed his attorneys to bring suit against the Commercial Gazette unless it unequivocally retracted its charges Mr. Campbell submitted to Murat Halstead, its editor evidence that satisfied him (Halstead) that the con tract was fraudulent and a forgery. Thereupon M Halstead, in his paper of October 1Ith, over his ow name, stated that from evidence submitted to him h was satisfied this Mr. Campbell's signature to tl pape www a forgery. Subsequent investigation show this Da be onmeer. It appears that one R. G. Wood who was the pitenter ol the ballot box in question, was desirous of procuring a political position at Cincinnal and was anxious to secure Governor Foraker's influene to that end. He felt it incumbent upon himse therefore, to do something that would aid in the Go ernor's election. Thereupon, with the assistance some younger men innocent of his purpose, he com cocted this contract and deliberately forged the signa ture of Mr. Campbell, and in addition thereto win attached to the false document the names of William
Engraved By Chas.b. Tali N.Y.
Janelleampling
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Mckinley, Jr., Justin R. Whiting, B. Butterworth, John Sherman, S. S. Cox, W. C. P. Breckinridge, William McAdoo, John R. McPherson and F. B. Stockbridge. All were forgeries, being tracings of their signatures obtained from franks used in mailing their congressional literature. This paper in the height of the canvass was given to Governor Foraker by Wood. Bearing every evidence of genuineness, the Governor was startled at the information it contained, and declined to use it, nor did he refer to it at any time in the canvass. He showed the paper to Murat Halstead, who insisted that he would make use of it on his own responsibility, expressing the view that as Mr. Campbell was the only man on the paper who was then a candi- date before the people, it was a public duty to keep such a man from being Governor of the State. With this idea the forgery was published. That it had some effect on the election there is no doubt. It at least served to give Mr. Campbell additional strength and confidence before the people and to hold the support of his own party. On December 12, 1889, the National House of Representatives ordered, by resolution, an investi- gation of the ballot box contract, and after a most complete examination and cross-examination of wit- nesses the committee unanimously reported in exonerat- ing both Governor Foraker and Murat Halstead from any improper motives in the publication of the forgery, and found that they were deceived by Wood through his adroit manufacture of the signatures. The com- mittee further found that none of the persons whose names appeared on the alleged contract had any inter- est, directly or indirectly, improper, corrupt or unlawful,
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or any other connection with or interest in the ballot box in controversy. Thus ended an incident that for a time created great commotion in the politics of Ohio and added more sensationalism to the campaign, rather than any material effect in its result. The promptness with which the forgery was repudiated and the charges retracted by the Commercial Gazette destroyed much of its evil effects at the polls.
At the election Governor Foraker was defeated, James E. Campbell's plurality being 10,872. The fact that the campaign was deeply interesting, that both candidates were brilliant stumpers, that Foraker was made an especial target also from a National standpoint, brought out a very large vote, both parties polling a much larger vote than was cast in the gubernatorial campaign of 1887.
The Legislature chosen at this election was Demo- cratic in both branches; the Senate containing 19 Democrats to 17 Republicans and the House 64 Democrats to 50 Republicans. On January 13, 1890, James E. Campbell was inaugurated Governor of Ohio. He entered the office possessing in a great degree the confidence of the people of his State. He had established himself as the leader of his party in a campaign against one of the most brilliant Republicans of the country. He came out of the conflict with his honor untarnished, his ability as a debater well established and his leadership undisputed. In his inaugural address he took a firm stand for ballot reform, and to him is entitled the credit of having first urged and insisted upon the adoption of the Aus- tralian ballot in Ohio. His inaugural address treated
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the subject in full, earnestly arguing for its adoption and setting forth numerous reasons for its success. Another subject that he dealt with in no uncertain tone was the matter of municipal government, and, as we shall see later on, engaged with his party in severe difference and conflict on this subject. On January 14th the two Houses of the General Assembly balloted separately for United States Senator, and on the suc- ceeding day met in joint convention and elected Cal- vin S. Brice to that office.
Responsive to Governor Campbell's suggestions and due largely to his instrumentality, a new ballot law embodying the Australian system was passed. It was the first law of this kind passed in Ohio that conferred opportunity for independence in the voter and secrecy in the ballot, and was the beginning of a series of legis- lative ballot reforms that have done much to dignify elections and preserve the independence of the voter.
The most important event of Governor Campbell's Administration was the extraordinary session of the General Assembly called by him and assembled on October 14, 1890, to consider the municipal affairs of the city of Cincinnati. On that day, when both Houses had convened, a special message was received from the Governor in which he stated the object of the session, saying that it was called "on account of the deplorable condition of public affairs in the city of Cincinnati, which, it is believed, can be partially remedied by enabling the people of that city to choose certain important boards at the approaching Novem- ber election." The message then proceeded to set forth that at the regular session of the General Assembly
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the law providing for the creation of a Board of Public Improvements and the decennial board of equaliza- tion had omitted to provide that the people should choose those bodies. The Governor asked the General Assembly to abolish the existing boards on the ground that they were corrupt and dishonest and 'remit the choice of their successors to the people of Cincinnati. In compliance with the suggestion of the message, the Senate, on October 16th, by a vote of 19 to 17, passed a bill providing for an election in April, 1891, of a Board of Public Improvements for Cincinnati and giving the Governor power to remove in the meantime any member of the existing board, "for any reason that may to him seem sufficient." A resolution was adopted providing for a joint committee of investigation into the municipal government of Cincinnati. The bill failed to pass in the House. On October 20th the Governor sent another message to the General Assem- bly, saying that, as it had failed to accomplish the pur- pose for which it was called, "some further suggestions are in order." In this he stated that inasmuch as there would not be sufficient time to prepare for an election in November, as was originally contemplated, he therefore recommended that a non-partisan board of improvements be created, to be appointed by the mayor. In his message he urged the Legislature as follows: "Do not swerve a hair's breadth from your purpose to wipe out the board and eventually submit the whole question to the people. From this time on any and all propositions, other than this, are made for partisan advantage only. There is no middle ground. To delay longer is confession of incapacity. To refuse
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the passage of the bill is a confession of infidelity." Responding to this, a bill was introduced "to create and establish an efficient board of city affairs in the cities of the first grade of the first class." This abolished the existing Board of Improvements and gave to the mayor the appointment of the new board until the spring election in April, 1891, when it was to be elected by the people. In this form the bill became a law. This extraordinary session closed Octo- ber 24th. It was the cause of a breach between Gov- ernor Campbell and the active politicians of his party in Hamilton county, but he maintained his stand from the first in favor of good government and upright officials and won a great victory for civic decency in securing the legislation designated. The sequence, however, proved unfortunate for the success of the law. The Supreme Court, subsequently, in 1891, decided the law unconstitutional on the ground that it was special legislation. The general effect, however, of Governor Campbell's fight for decent government in Cincinnati against his own appointees strengthened him with his party, notwithstanding that the quarrel was between himself and members of his own political organization. The public credited Governor Campbell with upright purposes and believed his charges of cor- ruption, and, while the campaign of 1890 was com- paratively mild and without excitement, the vote was much larger than customary in an "off year." This was due to the fact that the canvass was made largely upon National issues. The passage of what was known as the "Mckinley Tariff Bill," which became a law on October Ist and had been introduced on April
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