USA > Oregon > Pioneer days of Oregon history, Vol. I > Part 20
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floating on in the night to hear the elk neigh, the buffalo low or bellow, the great owls hoot and the small ones screech, while occasionally the splash of a beaver was heard as it plunged into the water, a picture of wild life and solitude that cannot now be found, for the elk, buffalo, beaver, no longer haunt the scenes they knew so well in 1833.
When they had gone hungry for a day and a half they killed an elk. November 8, 1833, he was back in Massa- chusetts after nineteen months' absence. He was a plucky man and had lost his all in this venture, but he had seen the paradise of the Willamette and knew how to value the possibilities of the grand region that was then savage and unpeopled and now has a million population. In twelve days he organized a company and chartered a ship, and November 20th commenced to load it with goods for the Indian trade, to sail round Cape Horn for the Columbia River. He showed the solid men of Boston that the immense salmon supply of the Columbia offered a source of wealth sufficient in itself to enrich them, and so indeed it seemed.
The Columbia River Fishing and Trading Company was organized in the best way and all Wyeth's plans were well laid; they seemed to promise success, if ever human plans could. By the middle of March, 1834, he was ready to start from Independence, Mo., with a company of fifty, well organized. In his company were two scientists- Nuttall, a botanist, and John K. Townsend, the naturalist, who afterwards published the narrative of their expedition. Also, there were the members of the first Methodist Mission, Jason Lee and his nephew, Daniel Lee, and three lay mem- bers-Cyrus Shepherd, C. M. Walker and P. L. Edwards. The experience of the two previous years had educated
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Wyeth for such work and he proved to be a competent leader. All had confidence in him and he knew how to man- age them. In his first expedition he became acquainted with Milton Sublette, one of the best of all the mountain men, and he with twenty experienced men were also in company.
On the 28th of April the journey commenced with 70 men and 250 horses in company. The missionaries had some cattle they drove. They crossed the Rocky Mountains with no great danger, but Milton Sublette had to turn back from the effect of a diseased limb, that soon caused his death. Reaching the famous rendezvous on Green River, in Utah, the missionaries and newcomers to the plains had the wild excitement of the occasion when all classes of moun- tain men and fur traders met painted Indians from every- where, and saw all the features of such life with the fierce- ness that alcohol lends to a grand debauch. Wyeth soon left the scene of painted orgies and frantic trading and pushed on down Snake River. They stopped a while to build the trading post long known as Fort Hall, for he saw wisely the need of some post for trade in this wide region and selected this as the most suitable-as it proved to be.
At Fort Hall they met Thomas McKay and his band of hunters and trappers. Jason Lee preached to them ac- ceptably, for he was a man all liked and respected. Half of McKay's men were Indians and were far more devout than the average white men, as they spent one to two hours a day at their devotions, that were conducted very seriously, but after a fashion all their own. Then the mission party went on with their cattle to make easy stages. On the 3d of August the fort was completed and the American flag was flying over it. Leaving a few in charge, Wyeth pushed
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on with thirty men; they were now in the Blackfoot Coun- try and the region was treeless, no water, little grass-and the sun poured down with intense heat. They suffered much, but reached the Boisé where pasture was good for their animals and the river full of salmon for themselves. They reached the Walla Walla valley and found the mis- sionaries and their cattle already there.
They went boating down the Columbia to The Dalles, made the portage there, and took canoes for the lower river. At the Cascades their canoes were smashed and they escaped the rapids with the risk of their lives, but they all got safely to Vancouver and were made welcome. Jason Lee found a good place for his mission in the Willamette valley ; Cap- tain Wyeth located his trading post, Fort Williams, on Sauvie's Island, only a few miles away. The vessel May Dacre, that brought the mission stores as well as the goods for the trading company, was fortunate in arriving in the river just as they were ready to receive her. Matters seemed favorable for Wyeth, but he had a difficult business in hand and was obliged to recognize that while the gentle- men of the Hudson's Bay Company were as kind as possible, in a friendly way, and could exercise a hospitality that was courteous and generous in recognition of all kindly quali- ties, yet, when it came to business they were implacable in maintaining the interests and rights of the Hudson's Bay Company, their employer.
Viewed on its merits, this question presents very in- teresting features. The great corporation had the practical control of an imperial region ; had established trade there, at great expense and by the exercise of the best business qualities, so commanded the respect and confidence of a hun-
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dred different Indian tribes. It was their policy to preserve peace with these tribes. They could brook no interference in their trade, nor afford to permit any invasion by respon- sible or irresponsible traders who could demoralize the na- tives, teach them vice and drunkenness, and disturb rela- tions they had so carefully created. Any reasonable man must see that whatever company had secured such conditions could not permit them to be violated or disturbed.
Corporations have no souls, but their agents and mana- gers may individually be the most genial of men and gener- ous as well. This Wyeth discovered, and while he knew that the genuine characteristics of true manhood he possessed were fully appreciated and valued, and won for his per- sonality as a man every consideration he could ask or ex- pect from the gentlemen at Vancouver, this was only be- tween man and man, while as manager of a trading com- pany, that was aiming to subvert its interests and divide the trade of the region, Dr. McLoughlin would stop at no loss or efforts in business to starve the opposing company and drive it out of Oregon. Wyeth was man enough to see this in a business light and understood that he had no busi- ness interests but the Hudson's Bay Company would destroy by underselling, or in any honorable way in its power pre- vent. It was simply self-preservation and an immutable law of trade.
On this second expedition, in the month of December, Wyeth with four men went up the Deschuttes River, the first stream from the south to the east of the Cascades, and pushed on through winter snow and ice to penetrate to the then unknown region of Middle Oregon. By December 25th, they were in such straits that they killed a horse for
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food. January 2, 1835, they made snowshoes and tried to walk on them and could not. January 5th, they killed two fat swans and had something to eat. Then they abandoned horses and most of their outfit to try to get out of this desert. One of the men had his feet frozen ; killed a deer and were happy; January 25th, they heard a gun, and a Snake Indian came, led them to his camp and brought them a lean dog to eat for supper. February 3d, they came to a hot spring, the same that gives name to the Warm Spring Reservation. Twenty-six years later the writer bathed where Wyeth did in this spring and walked the same trail to Dalles City, on snowshoes. This record shows Wyeth's pluck and what he endured.
Wyeth was finally obliged to sell out his two posts to the Hudson's Bay Company, for they had built Fort Boisé, near by to Fort Hall, and spared no effort to ruin his trade. For two years there was a dearth of salmon where it had been before so plentiful, so that venture also failed and he had only a half a cargo to send back.
Bancroft says he returned to Boston in 1836 and from there made an offer to London to sell his forts on Sauvie's Island and on Snake River; was referred to Vancouver ; came across again in 1837 and made the sale to Dr. Mc- Loughlin ; this time the Hudson's Bay Company sent him to Honolulu by one of their vessels and he went from there back by ocean route. Wyeth was a good man and full of enter- prise. His failure was simply due to the fact that no small company could contend against the Hudson's Bay Com- pany. It is pleasant to know that his enterprise was better rewarded and that he later made a fortune shipping ice to India.
CHAPTER XXXI
THE MACEDONIAN CRY-THE MISSIONARY MOVEMENT
IN the year 1832 there appeared at St. Louis three or four chiefs from the Indians of the Upper Columbia, who said they brought from their people a request that the Father of the white people would send them teachers to instruct thein in the true religion and the white man's God. They had heard of the Christian religion and were anxious to be able to worship the true God.
This appeal went through the length and breadth of the land and struck the highest, truest chord of Christian senti- ment. There was something in this appearance on the busy stage of life of these young Flathead chiefs so dramatic and pathetic as to rouse the religious sentiment of the nation. It is not easy to imagine anything of merely natural origin that could be more effective for human sympathy than the coming of these young warriors from farthest West, who had traversed a thousand miles of wilderness, scaled rugged mountains, crossed weary and often desert plains, often among savage tribes that might be hostile, to make their ap- peal to religious sentiment. It was more forcible than that appeal in early apostolic time : "Come over into Macedonia and help us," for the Macedonians were Greeks, while the Flathead messengers were clad in skins, armed with bows, and spoke only the barbarous tongue of the most distant tribes. That such an appeal should come so far and be so earnest, was an act in the world's wide drama that-incon-
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sequent as it might appear-roused the Christian sentiment of America as of old the tales of the crusades roused the zealots of Europe. Differing in all essentials, causing mis- sions of peace instead of warriors in mailed panoply, but still another feature of the ever-varying tales of the cru- sades.
It must always be a striking feature of that time, that historians will meet and discuss, as to what truth there was in this romance of that past, and to do justice to it. Cer- tain facts are beyond question, and we will trace the story to its source.
In a letter written October 20, 1839, by the Bishop of St. Louis to the Father General of the Society of Jesus, at Rome, he asserts that as early as 1812 Iroquois Indians, from Canada, settled among the Flatheads, married there and were incorporated with that nation. They were Catho- lics, and taught that religion to their families and others. About 1830 some Flatheads came to St. Louis to see if this religion was as represented, and if the white man adopted and practised it. They sickened and died there; but were baptized and died in the faith.
About 1832 another Iroquois was sent East by the Flat- heads, with two of his children, who were instructed and baptized ; he asked for missionaries to be sent to teach them, and started back hoping they would come ; but he was killed by the Sioux when returning.
Still a third delegation arrived in St. Louis in 1839, composed of two Christian Iroquois; they talked French and were very devout. A priest was to go to them in the spring. Of the original twenty-four Iroquois only four then remained alive.
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Rosti-the Jesuit-had another version of the Flathead messengers who went to St. Louis in the early '30's. In 1816 there were religiously educated Iroquois among the Flatheads, who converted the tribe to have respect for the Christian religion. Later a delegation went to St. Louis to learn if the white man really believed as the Iroquois had told them. They died there, converts to the faith; then, in 1832, one of the Christian Iroquois, with two children, visited St. Louis to ask for missionaries to instruct their people. On the way back he was killed by the Sioux. In 1839 came another delegation, in answer to which Peter John DeSmet-the Jesuit-went to them and converted and baptized six hundred of them in two months' time.
That these Indians were actually in St. Louis seems to be well proved, the general date agreed on being 1832, though some authority says 1830 or 1831. As to the num- ber who reached their destination there is a difference, as well as to the number who started. It was generally as- serted that they were from the Flatheads, though some said they were Nez Percés, or Spokanes. As our object is to tell the story and not be wearisome, we will proceed on the sup- position that in 1832 four young Indians, who claimed to be of the Flathead nation, appeared at St. Louis and asked for Mr. Clark, who was stationed there at that time as Superintendent of Indian Affairs. It was consistent that they should seek him on account of his official relations, also because that more than quarter of a century before he had led the first expedition that crossed the Rocky Mountains for this Government, and was the first white man who visited their people to tell them of the Christian religion.
I have shown that the Indians west of the Rockies had
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their great annual gatherings, or fairs, for trade and con- sideration of important questions, where they held a sort of aboriginal parliament that regulated matters between affili- ated tribes. The Flatheads were a widespread family that included the Nez Percés as well as Spokanes; they met in the beautiful Bitter Root Valley, shrined in among the lofty ranges and close to the great divide. At such a meeting held in 1831, it was agreed that a delegation should go East to secure priests or teachers to instruct them more fully as to religious matters, which accounts in a regular way for the appearance of the delegation at St. Louis in 1832. These gatherings were held in the autumn, so the Eastern journey would be made the next spring. This comes in such shape that we can afford to ignore the version told of four wandering Indians who came to St. Louis, with Sublette, from the Rocky Mountains to the Indian agency of Major Pilker. Sublette, refusing to take them farther without a passport from the agent, it was said that Pilcher furnished them the plausible plea that they were in search of re- ligious teachers.
The Flatheads had already received religious instruction from educated Iroquois who went from Canada in em- ploy of the Hudson's Bay Company. Pambrun-an agent of that company-was a Catholic, and did what he could to instruct the Indians when he was stationed at Walla Walla ; others of the agents did something of the kind. Lewis and Clark's expedition gave them some idea of Chris- tianity in 1806, and though Governor McLoughlin always reproached himself that his company and British missions neglected the evangelizing of the natives, it seems that they had a general idea of religious duty as taught in Christian
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churches, and as early as 1820 the Nez Percés, as result of transient teachings, were partly Christianized. Catholic authority asserts that a delegation of five chiefs was sent to St. Louis in 1831, but none reached there; that others came the next year, but the Bishop of St. Louis had no priests to spare.
John W. York, a Methodist minister at Corvallis, in 1876, wrote Judge Thornton-as he tells in his history-that five of these messengers arrived at St. Louis on the 17th of Sep- tember, 1830, and he was a well-known Methodist minister there at the time; that General William Clark-Superin- tendent of Indian Affairs and explorer of 1806-sent for him and two others of his brothers in the ministry-Revs. Alliston and Edmundson-and in an interview explained the coming of this Indian delegation. They were asked as to the probability of the Methodist conference furnishing mis- sionaries. Clark was a Catholic, but was so broad-minded as to appreciate that in all new countries the itinerant Methodists were indefatigable laborers and capable of great self-sacrifice. While the Catholic priest could teach the mysteries of religion, he said the Methodist would teach practical piety and also instruct them in hus- bandry ; he thought the two united would produce the best effect.
A very liberal conclusion, but a painful forgetting of the law of nature, that oil and water never unite without a shak- ing up that produces an unnatural emulsion. They went from this conference to that of their church-that was in session-and repeated their interview. It was considered with closed doors ; the General's proposition was accepted, and a resolution passed to-if possible-send a mission to
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Oregon. Mr. York's story seems plausible and reasonable ; it is probable that information from the Missouri confer- ence gave force to the action of the General Conference that finally sent the mission ; the Missionary Board was impor- tuned to send a mission to the Flatheads and a call was issued that went far and wide.
We cannot easily imagine any incident that could occur at that time to create sympathy and enlist popular interest among the churches more than would such a summons from the unknown West, a region supposed to be barbarous and savage to the last degree. It came to Hall J. Kelley as heaven-sent to further his own views and give him more force to work for Oregon. He was always a zealot as well as en- thusiast ; his recent effort to colonize Oregon had failed, but this call inspired him to renewed action. It seemed a direct message from heaven and he made it the keynote for a bugle call that rang through the North. As a writer he was forci- ble and made eloquent use of this divine providence. His writings inspired Jason Lee, and Daniel Lee-his nephew --- to volunteer in this cause. In his "Oregon and California," J. Q. Thornton asserts that as early as 1831 Kelley's appeal and labors induced the Methodist Episcopal Board of Mis- sions to arrange for a mission to Oregon Indians, and two- Spaulding and Wilson-were outfitted for the purpose, but the expedition they were to accompany breaking up, they were sent to Liberia.
The Presbyterians were not far behind the Methodists in responding to this call. It is easy to picture the force of the plea as it echoed and reverberated among the churches of the land, making people read and reread the story of Lewis and Clark, of the Astor expedition-all that could
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be learned of that farthest West-all that Hall J. Kelley had written-until far and wide the interest spread.
The Dutch Reformed Church of Ithaca, N. Y., resolved to support a mission under the auspices of the American Board. The Rev. Samuel Parker, with two associates, was appointed to cross the continent and explore for a mission site in Oregon-which then meant all the Columbian region. They reached St. Louis too late for the annual caravan, so Mr. Parker returned, but repeated the effort in 1835, making the journey a success.
After the Canadians-who had been in employ of the Hudson's Bay Company-had settled French Prairie, they saw the need of religious and educational teaching and wrote to their bishop-as has been narrated. The arrival of the Methodist mission and its settlement on French Prai- rie in 1835, made them more anxious, so they made a second appeal; but a letter of regret came to McLoughlin that no priests could then be spared-which had been the excuse in 1832, for the Catholic Church never responded to the call of the Flathead messengers, addressed especially to them. In 1836 the Hudson's Bay Company granted passage for two priests from Montreal by its annual express-on con- dition that they should be stationed in Cowlitz Valley, for they thought the British title uncertain south of the Co- lumbia, but safe to the north of that river. On this being accepted Father Blanchet came in charge of the mission, with Rev. Demers assistant.
Thus we see the missionary era begin as commencement of events that were, in time, to result in the settlement of Oregon. While Governor McLoughlin was a Catholic com- municant, he sympathized with all religious effort, kindly
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welcomed and entertained missionaries of all denominations who were capable of the self-sacrifice to surrender their claims on civilization in obedience to the divine command to go and preach the Gospel of Peace to all nations. He keenly felt that he had neglected the spiritual welfare of the natives and that the Hudson's Bay Company and Church should have seen the work carried on.
McLoughlin was truly catholic in the broadest sense of that word; many of his chief assistants-who were members of the Roman Catholic Church-were equally kind to the missions as they came, and no narrow sectarian bigotry was allowed to the detriment of teachers of the Gospel of Christ. It would have been well if the same catholic spirit had ex- isted between the rival churches that was displayed by the so-called "Czar of the West," and the great monopoly whose destinies he wielded. Through all the ages of the Christian era denominational strife and the bitterness of creeds have made heaven to grieve and the world to mourn. Dogma has too often overwhelmed belief, and the meekness of the Christ and His disciples has been ignored by ambitious priests and princes, who made religion a pretence for satis- fying the lust of the flesh and the pride of life by possession of power.
CHAPTER XXXII
EWING YOUNG
ONE of the interesting characters of early Oregon was Ewing Young, who came from California in 1834, one of the first to make the overland journey through the western valleys of the Pacific. In California he met Hall J. Kelley and was influenced to accompany him to Oregon. Ewing Young had been on a trapping expedition to the Oregon line already, and concluded to drive his band of seventy mares and horses to Oregon to make his home there.
I have heard the story of Young's early life, as told by Hugh Harrison, an early comer, who knew him when they both were in the Santa Fe trade. Young was from Knox County, Tennessee, and learned the trade of cabinet making there, but not content with so plodding a life was trading to Santa Fé, New Mexico, as early as 1820, from St. Louis. What kind of a man Young was can be inferred from a story Harrison told: Mexican authorities placed American traders under unfair disabilities that would cause loss and disad- vantage to many of them. Ewing Young resented this treatment, and had so little respect for Mexican sovereignty that he organized a company of fifty determined men who, under his lead, took possession of Santa Fé, the capitol, and gave the hidalgo, who levied the tax, time and oppor- tunity to reconsider his action. It was not an inconsider- able event, that this Tennessee cabinet maker in his younger
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days captured the city of Santa Fé and brought the powers there to terms. It was high-handed justice, but effective.
Trading to Santa Fé was not a success as a financial en- terprise, so Young organized a company for trapping, hunting, and trading farther West, through Arizona and into California, all of which at that time was subject to Mexico. Their headquarters were at Taos, and they tarried there long enough to permit him to wed a Mexican woman and have a son born, who in due time proved his legitimacy and inherited the estate that in 1841, at Young's death, had escheated to the territorial treasury. But the senora's charms were not conclusive, and he was hunting, trapping and trading, all the way from New Mexico to the southern line of Oregon until 1834, when the ill-fated Hall J. Kelley met him in California and persnaded him to emigrate to Oregon. In a note, Bancroft refers to a report that Young had trouble in California with the authorities there, and was loser in some way of a large sum, $18,000 or $20,000 worth of furs, but he started for Oregon at the solicitation of Hall J. Kelley with seventy-seven horses and mules ; and Kelley and five others had twenty-one animals. They were later joined by nine men, they styled "marauders," who had fifty-six head; those were no doubt the horse thieves the governor of California intended to warn McLoughlin against ; they took the trails east and did not enter Oregon.
Mrs. Victor tells it that Young had been robbed of $20,- 000 worth of valuable furs, and when he made complaint to the Mexican Government, a counter-charge was brought against Young of horse stealing, which led to confiscation of his property ; then Fuguera thought proper to warn the chief of the Hudson's Bay Company against Americans who
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