USA > Oregon > Pioneer days of Oregon history, Vol. I > Part 21
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were horse thieves. He may have been honest in charging this, as it is possible he supposed the charge against them was valid. It was only reasonable that Dr. McLoughlin should receive this information as satisfactory proof until it could be disproved.
My own notes of pioneer days say that Young had con- siderable of a trading outfit with him, which was probable, as he had been engaged in trading, and seems to have bought beaver skins, whenever he could do so, on the way. The story told of Hall J. Kelley's coming from California has all that is important as to Ewing Young's journey. One of his company was Webly Hawkshurst, who lived in early days near Salem, and was a very devout Methodist, con- verted in 1837, the first-fruits of the mission among the white settlers. Hawkshurst told J. L. Parrish, of the mis- sion, an incident of that time that I will give as Mr. Parrish gave it to me in comparatively early days. In 1834 the Young and Hall expedition reached Rogue River in very bad condition. The nine "marauders" seem not to have fol- lowed them into Oregon. They found the Rogue River Indians friendly and had no trouble, but being many of them down with chills and fever, they remained on an island in the river to rest and recruit until the sick ones could bet- ter travel. On this island they thought their horses would not stray and Indians could not steal anything. As they were thus camped they were visited by two friendly Indians, who remained quite a time. They said their people were in the hills near by ; they themselves had started on a hunt to secure meat for camp. Ewing Young, or some one of the company, became alarmed, and one by one the men were consulted as to the situation. They were in bad shape, all
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feeble and many quite ill; the dastardly suggestion was made that if these two young men went back, told of their sickness and weakness and explained that they had horses and many things of priceless value to their people, the in- evitable result would be that the tribe would come and kill them all ; therefore, self-preservation required that they kill these visitors, hide their remains, and push on out of their country as far as they could get away.
This dastardly advice was agreed on; the two young hunters were killed, their remains covered with rocks and brush, and then, as soon as they could get away, they pur- sued their way northward to the Umpqua. Sick as they were, they stood not on the order of their going, but went at once out of that beautiful but ill-fated region. This. story is not told in any of the accounts given of that jour- ney, for no one was proud of it. Years after, when Hawks- hurst became religiously inclined, the burden of his part in this first of all the fearful tragedies that were enacted on that ill-starred river, weighed so on his mind that he un- burdened his troubled conscience to one of the church peo- ple, and Rev. J. L. Parrish told it to me as it is narrated. When time went by and these young hunters did not return, their people took their trail to follow, and not far found their remains covered as above said. It was easy to see the tracks of these strangers and their animals, but they had passed beyond the territory of the tribe and pursuit was useless. They were not known to be of the regular force of the Huddson's Bay Company, that then were the only traders of that region, and these savages, who would have been friendly and kindly had they been so treated, thence- forth considered it their special and legitimate vengeance
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to slay the travelling white men, who they supposed were affiliated to those ruffians who so ruthlessly slew their brothers. Hawkshurst stipulated that this story should never be told during his lifetime, and only after his death it was told to me. It is reasonable to believe it because he was a very serious-minded and truthful man ; also because it is stated by Kelley that when they were travelling in Cali- fornia some of the "marauders," who left them before they reached the Oregon line, wantonly slew the California In- dians several times, when they hung upon their rear, and Ewing Young approved it because, he said, they were "damned villains and ought to be shot."
No mention is made of any trouble with Rogue River In- dians, or others in Oregon Territory. They met Michael La Framboise, of the Hudson's Bay Company, and Kelley ac- companied him to Vancouver. It was perhaps due to the presence of this company that they had no trouble, for the general discipline and good order in the dealings of the fur company was a guarantee to the Indians that all was right. This ruthless crime was avenged the next year, 1835, when another company of eight was on the way to help colonize Oregon. Four of these were killed and the rest escaped with difficulty. Three of them who escaped were William J. Bailey, George Gay and John Turner; the names of those killed are not given.
Young and his party travelled slowly, trapping and trad- ing for furs as they went ; they had considerable property and were excusable for all due caution, but there were fear- ful stories current concerning Young himself and the con- duct of his party toward the Indians.
It was asserted that they had trouble on Rogue River, and
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going down to the ocean, made their way up the coast, but a man with the sense and strong native judgment Young pos- sessed, could not afford to jeopardize life and property by needless acts of violence when everything they could desire was easily purchasable of the Indians, so we can afford to receive these hard-featured stories with many grains of al- lowance. No doubt his life was a singular one, for a modi- cum of mystery always encircled him. He was a natural leader, and may have done many unscrupulous acts, and no one considered him a pattern of morality or possessed of all the virtues ; but he always had the courage of his convic- tions. As an American, he was loyal to the extreme; as a man, had sterling integrity and honest pride of character; and his word was not doubted. During his life in Oregon he certainly overcame much of the evil report that followed him hither, and was "a man among men."
Imagine such a man, as thus described, coming to Fort Vancouver to find himself proscribed as a scoundrel and horse thief, and outlawed by having those California charges posted in the Willamette region to warn the people against him! The Hudson's Bay Company had much trade with California, and McLoughlin could not ignore the charges officially made, so the denials of Hall J. Kelley and Ewing Young did not count. In time he sent back his statements, and Governor Fuguera made investigation that satisfied him they were only in company with the marauders and not to blame individually, so exonerated both. In time Ewing Young and McLoughlin were reconciled, but the stubborn pride and nature of Ewing Young was not easily satisfied to rest under any implication of dishonor. It was rather amusing, as a fact of history, the condition of non-
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intercourse that lasted for years between the governor of the Hudson's Bay Company and the American citizen, as we shall see.
It is very possible that McLoughlin thought the learning and genius of Hall J. Kelley and the executive ability and stubborn, as well as rather doubtful, qualities of Ewing Young, when in combination, were too much to turn loose in the wilderness of Oregon, and was not sorry for an ex- cuse to make things a little uncomfortable for them. Kelley was powerless; but Ewing Young was not impoverished, if he did desire trade; besides, he was made of sterner stuff than poor Kelley. Young took his horses and mules to the beautiful Chehalem valley, on the west side of the Wil- lamette, not far above the falls, and had all that side of the country for his stock to roam over. When he was in need of supplies he had no recourse but to buy them, as others did, of the great monopoly. He was indignant at the treat- ment received, being posted as a horse thief, and went down to Fort Vancouver and freed his mind-no doubt profanely -but Dr. McLoughlin soon convinced him that he could not recognize a man who came to the country under such a cloud, so that both wrote to Governor Fuguera, and there the
matter rested until the return of the Cadboro brought ex- oneration that was satisfactory. Meantime, Young wanted some necessaries and sent to Vancouver for them, and beaver skins enough to pay for them. The doctor sent all the supplies ordered, also returned the beaver skins. He simply refused trade-but Young shouldn't suffer for want of the supplies. He even sent a few condiments to flavor the supplies, and bottles of wine to wash them down with. But the doctor reckoned this time without his host. Young in-
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dignantly refused to receive the goods or to use the gra- ciously proffered refreshments. Chartering an Indian and his canoe, he went to Vancouver and had it out. So he man- tained his independence-considerably at the expense of his comfort.
While in this state of mind he determined to make him- self obnoxious, so he bought of Wyeth, when he sold out, a great kettle, intended for putting up salmon, that was to be used for a distillery. This was much opposed by Mc- Loughlin, who dreaded the sale of liquor to the Indians, as well as to others. He generously offered to loan Young enough money to go into other business if he would relin- quish the distillery ; the mission people, who were not un- friendly to him, offered to reimburse him for any cost or loss, to the same end. Then the character of Ewing Young was tested; he refused to receive any compensation from Jason Lee, and declined to accept any lean or favors of Mc- Loughlin, though he acceded to his request, saying : "But, gentlemen, the reasons for beginning such an enterprise were the difficulties placed in our way by, and the tyranniz- ing oppression of, the Hudson's Bay Company here, under the absolute authority of Dr. MeLoughlin, who has treated us with more disdain than any American's feelings can sup- port ; but, gentlemen, it is not consistent with our feelings to receive any recompense whatever for the expenditure, but we are thankful to the society for the offer." We must at least concede that if Ewing Young and his associate, Car- michael, were doing an ill thing, they resigned doing it in a very honorable and self-respecting manner.
When Ewing Young saw the beautiful Willamette val- ley, in its primal loveliness and pristine beauty, with luxu-
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riance of verdure, he determined to make a fortune off the growing grass. Hugh Harrison heard him assert this. How to utilize that same growing grass was a question that soon took shape in organizing a company for the importa- tion of cattle. So far, all the cattle in Oregon belonged to the Hudson's Bay Company, and their policy was to sell none. They let settlers have cows to milk and steers to break as oxen, but all the increase of the cows went to the company. How Young succeeded in carrying through his project for the Cattle Company will be told in its turn, for it involves several others. He eventually secured cattle, and then the increase of his herds of mares and cows made him an important character. He was one of the powers; the first being the Hudson's Bay Company; the second the Methodist Mission ; and third-Ewing Young. The cur- rency of the country consisted of the script of these three, that circulated at par.
That Ewing Young would have been an important factor had he lived there is no doubt. He was patriotic, true to his friendships, honorable in trade, and heart and soul Ameri- can. At the time of his death, in 1841, he was the most important American ; he was acquiring wealth and influ- ence ; he had built a saw mill on the Chehalem ; near the Wil- lamette, that was in operation four years, but was swept off by floods in the winter of 1840-41 ; he died a few weeks later. The news of his death was a shock to the few set- tlers, for he was looked up to and relied on for his back- bone and independence. One who knew him well said: "He was a scrupulously honest man, was thorough-going, brave and daring."
His sudden death caused a feeling of mystery, and vari-
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ous rumors prevailed, some refusing to believe he died from actual disease and that he was the subject of some conspir- acy and foully dealt with. There seems no doubt that he died from natural causes. He possessed at death three hun- dred horses, besides many cattle, yet no permanent care has been taken of his burial place. Had he lived to old age he would have been wealthy and have taken a prominent part in making a history for the State.
The first movement for local government took place at the gathering for his funeral. When it was over, the people who assembled remained to talk over the situation and make suggestions as to some way of creating a government. There was a valuable estate left and no way provided for taking care of it. That was the very first of all movements that resulted finally in the provisional government of Ore- gon.
When I came to Oregon there were many left who knew Ewing Young, and while the general opinion of him ex- pressed in this sketch was as already written-that he was honorable and reliable, true to his friendships and thor- oughly loyal to the American feeling, and patriotic in sen- timent-yet he was not a man to found a State, because he was lacking in essentials of morality, and reckless in many respects. It is far more pleasant to draw the veil of charity over his failings, and give him credit for the manhood he undeniably possessed, than to place the bar of opprobrium on his name for obvious defects. He was at least free- spoken and manly; his defects may be imagined when it is known that he left a wife and son at Taos, New Mexico, the last of whom had to prove his legitimacy to finally claim the escheated estate.
CHAPTER XXXIII
WALLAMET CATTLE COMPANY
SUCH was the title of an organization that had an important influence on the prosperity of the early settlers of the Wil- lamette valley. At an early day the Hudson's Bay Com- pany secured a few head of cattle from California that were brought up on the little coasting vessel Cadboro, built on the Columbia for the coasting trade. When making voy- ages to California this vessel brought up a few milch cows for use at Astoria; about 1830, my friend, Dr. Mckay, grandson of Mrs. McLoughlin, saw these same transported to Vancouver on an ugly ark made for that purpose. The Cadboro brought up eight or ten cows and some oxen and horses that formed the nucleus of their stock. It was then hardly possible to drive cattle overland, as was found to be the case years after when the settlers tried to do so, as we shall relate in due time. With but a few cattle the company did not wish to sell, but feeling kindly to the missionaries --- as also to their old servants who desired to commence farm- ing-they would loan to any deserving man two cows and steers to break to the yoke, simply retaining the ownership and increase, not so very illiberal usage ; but the settlers and missionaries naturally wanted cattle of their own. Ewing Young had seen from the beginning that a fortune was to be made by utilizing the pastures of the beautiful Wil- lamette valley, that at his coming only had a few elk and deer, that everywhere abounded. The first missionaries,
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with Jason Lee, brought a number of good cattle across in 1834, but these had not yet yielded any available in- crease. It was important to secure cattle to supply the needs of the country and become independent of what was felt to be the rather odious monopoly of the Hudson's Bay Company.
In 1835 that company had but twenty-seven head of cat- tle in all. McLoughlin claimed that it was more useful for all that they should keep the few they possessed, and ac- commodate all, as they were doing, than would be possible if they sold the stock. Ewing Young seems to have been the mover in the enterprise ; he and Jason Lee worked to- gether to plan a scheme that could supply all who desired with cattle. This would include many settlers on French Prairie, who had money due them from the Hudson's Bay Company. Even after this-as late as 1839-that com- pany refused to furnish beef to British men of war that were in the Columbia River, claiming they had not cattle to spare. Sir Edward Belcher, commander of the squadron, complained of this on his return to England. McLoughlin even refused $200 for cows, so we can accord him the merit of consistency.
All this time tens of thousands of cattle were roaming the vales and pastured the hills of California, six hundred miles to the south. Ewing Young had been there; drove his brood mares from there; knew he could drive cattle. though the road lay over mountains and among savages. It required a man with his indomitable will to do it-he offered himself for the enterprise.
Great as the need was-and desirable as would be the ac- quisition of cattle-it is doubtful if success could have been
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attained only for the fortuitous incident of the presence in Oregon at that time of W. A. Slacom, of the United States Navy, who came as representative of the government, re- sult of publications made by Hall J. Kelley, of which we shall see more as this history proceeds.
The essential point now is, that Mr. Slacom was in Ore- gon-not how he came there-and that he was both able and willing to aid settlers. He was in charge of a small vessel chartered at the Sandwich Islands for the purpose, with means at command to cash the mission draft on the home treasury. A meeting was called at Champoeg; Mr. Lee furnished the draft for $500 that Slacom cashed; the settlers made up $1100 more; the Hudson's Bay Company took $800 interest in the venture, making the total $3000. Various accounts assert that the Fur Company opposed the enterprise, but that is not proved. It was Slacom's aid that made it succeed.
Four days after the Champoeg meeting-at which the company was organized-eleven men, chosen by the Cattle Company, went down the Willamette to where the little Loriot waited for them, and were conveyed by Slacom- who was actual master of it-to California. They landed at Bodega, on the coast, north of San Francisco, where eight of the men found work in a saw mill. Young was captain and manager of the enterprise ; P. L. Edwards was treasurer ; these two proceeded with Mr. Slacom to Monte- rey to interview General Vallejo. There was difficulty in procuring the necessary permission to drive cattle out of the country, but that was accomplished in time, and on the 22d of June-after some unpleasant imposition, in shape of exaction by officials-they got finally under way. Two
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months' time was spent breaking the wild creatures to drive and ford the rivers. The horse loaded with ammunition was mired in tule lake, and the powder was spoiled; Ed- wards had to go back after more. They had bought 800 cattle at $3 a head, and forty horses at $12. Many of these escaped; there was constant loss and continual exposure ; there was vexation and such disappointment as made life a burden. To educate that wild herd and counteract the im- positions and exactions of the Mexicans taxed their re- sources and tested their nerves.
Indeed, any one who has only known civilized life and tame herds can have little idea of those Mexican cattle, identical with the wide-horned, slim-flanked stock that in- habited Texas at the time of conquest. I had some experi- ence with that herd, as I purchased an old cow fifteen years after, that bore the proper name of "Kicker." They were better than no cattle at all-so moved slowly north.
At least an hundred head of these creatures were lost be- fore they were fairly started. Commencing the 1st of June, it was September 12th when they crossed the Siskiyous into Oregon. There had been hard feeling, and Young was a task master they disliked. The mountains were fearful to surmount, the rivers hard to cross. Turner, Gay and Bailey were in a company of eight, of whom four were killed by Indians on Rogue River the year before. An Indian and boy came to their camp one evening and Bailey and Gay wantonly shot the man and tried to kill the boy ; laying deeper the foundation for Rogue River hatred, that was to shed so much innocent blood in years to come. As I have shown, those four men were killed in 1835 as revenge for the killing, without cause, of an Indian in 1834. Thus the
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tale of blood was passed on from year to year, until in 1853-55, murder and fire swept the early settlers from the face of the earth.
Edwards wrote in his journal: "The last month-what has it been? Little sleep, much fatigue, hardly time to eat, mosquitoes, cattle breaking, like so many evil spirits, and scattering to the four winds ; men ill-natured and quarrel- ling ; another month like the past-God avert! Who can. describe it?" Then they were not out of sight of Spanish settlements. I doubt if any action in connection with the. early time entailed more hardships than this that provided cattle for the early settlers of Oregon. Time and again the powers of Young were taxed to preserve peace or to put an end to strife. Then, after the needless and unpardonable murder of that Indian, they had to fight their way and guard the camps. They were ambushed-with their stock -in a narrow ravine, where cattle were wounded and killed. Gay was wounded and Young's horse was shot. About the middle of October they reached the settlements. Edwards wrote in his diary: "Most of the party cursed the day on which they engaged." But the great object was accom- plished, and a road was opened to the south that was used to advantage, as a few years later the Hudson's Bay Com- pany sent experienced men to purchase 4,000 sheep and 2,000 head of cattle.
At least 200 cattle were lost, as they only brought in 630 head. When the expense of the men was added and losses estimated, the stock bought for $3 a head had cost $7.67. The men worked for a dollar a day and took their pay in cattle at cost price. With this number of cattle to range on their fine pastures the few settlers were independent of
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the "monopoly," and able to live much easier, as well as bet- ter. While credit is due to all, it was chiefly due to Young, for his experience in California suggested it and his firm- ness and courage executed the scheme. But the kindness and liberality of Mr. Slacom helped to plan and lent finan- cial aid to make the matter feasible.
WILLIAM A. SLACOM
The presence of Mr. Slacom made an interesting feature of that period. He came in a small vessel-the Loriot-to Vancouver. A gentleman of culture and man of note, he explained his being there as due to private business ; that he was to meet parties who were on the way by land. Mc- Loughlin surmised that he represented the government and treated him with all consideration, sending couriers to the mission to tell of his arrival; thereby making the best pos- sible impression in his own favor. But with him personal considerations were secondary. The publications of Hall J. Kelley had been sent to the departments, claiming that the Hudson's Bay Company was an odious monopoly, and hate- ful tyranny as well, making the joint occupancy a by-word and mere pretence. As a result, Secretary of State John Forsyth-by order of the President-directed Mr. Slacom, of the naval service, to proceed to the Northwest Coast, visit the settlements, learn the conditions, the number of whites and Indians, and all facts of importance relating to British and Russian influence ; as well as all facts and information geographical, physical and political, of general interest.
He proved to be a valuable man to the settlers, and in all respects superior. Proceeding to the Sandwich Islands, he
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chartered the Loriot-a small brig-and entered the Co- lumbia River December 26, 1836. He accomplished much in a brief time, and his official report was accompanied by a statement from Kelley, also containing valuable information. It is noticeable that the Methodist Mission-that had be- fore been very complaisant with the Hudson's Bay Com- pany-was thenceforth quite independent. The fact that our Government had not forgotten, and was not willing to neglect them, made a strong impression on all. By a pru- dent course Slacom strengthened the American feeling, as- suring the Canadian settlers he met at Champoeg that their lands would be confirmed to them by the United States ; en- couraging all he met, he aided to unify sentiment and feel- ing and give a reliable tone to the Americanism of Oregon.
Thenceforth, both the mission element and floating popu- lation were satisfied that they need not truckle to British influence. He was not inclined to disparage Dr. McLough- lin or his company, but made Americanism more confident and left it assertive. In 1836 there were but fifteen people in the Willamette-outside the mission-who were native- born Americans. Yet, from that time there was a crystal- lized sentiment ; in his brief association with Canadian farm- ers at Champoeg, he discerned their prejudices and made them sympathetic with the government they were to live under. Seldom has any emissary in so brief a time ac- complished so much. A feature that seems admirable is: that this visit and its results came in response to the efforts of Hall J. Kelley. If Slacom did not endorse the rancor of Kelley's argument, he at least recognized the paramount fact on which his prejudice was founded-that British supremacy was too deeply rooted to be safe.
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