USA > Oregon > Pioneer days of Oregon history, Vol. II > Part 17
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premises, and set out his priceless trees in a small clearing made by Wilson, and in due time acquired the property as a donation land claim.
Wilson first came to Oregon in 1842 with Captain John H. Couch, and took part in the famous meeting at Champoeg, May 2, 1843.
Mr. Luelling's son Alfred, a youth of sixteen years, had worked about the nursery in Iowa, under his father's instructions, and thus became his father's main dependence in the enterprise while crossing the plains, and for the first year after arriving in Oregon.
In this connection, it is proper to say, upon the statement made to me some years ago by Mr. Alfred Luelling, that William Meek, also a resident of Iowa, visited Henderson Luelling at Salem, Ia., in 1846, and then learned of the prospective enterprise, which he most heartily approved. He, too, came to Oregon in 1847; but before starting he prepared a small stock of grafted scions and hauled them across the plains. It so happened that he arrived in the Willamette valley about two weeks before Mr. Luelling, but instead of locating in the lower part of the valley, he drove southward until he came to the forks of the Santiam. There he located a claim near Scio of to-day, and "heeled in" his trees for the winter. During that time he visited Mr. Luelling. This visit convinced Meek that it would be best to transfer his small stock of trees to the Luelling place, and this resulted in a partnership between the parties, which was known by the name of Luelling & Meek, which continued until October 28, 1856, when H. W. Eddy was admitted to the partnership, and the name of the firm changed to Luelling, Meek & Eddy. This firm did not long remain in business; in fact, Luelling had already removed to California, but retained his interests in Oregon up to 1857 or 1858, when he sold his interest to Meek & Eddy, as the firm was known after he withdrew. The next year, 1859, J. H. Lambert, who came in 1850, bought out Meek & Eddy, and devoted all his energies to fruit growing, which he continued until 1899 upon the original Henderson Luelling prem- ises. Thus it may be seen that Seth Luelling, although a brother of Henderson Luelling, never had any business connection with him as a partner.
So far as is known, Seth Luelling never had any experience in the nursery business or in fruit raising until after he came to Oregon. He started to California in the spring of 1850 from Greensboro, Ind., where for some years he had been connected with the boot and shoe business. After about a year's residence there he came to Oregon,
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and on November 29, 1852, as shown by his diary, he went to "work for Henderson Luelling making grafting benches."
From his old diaries, it is evident that he was an all-around mechanic, for on May 22, 1855, he "stocked Meek's place." The next day he "pointed a cradle." Prior to this he started off on a "grafting tour" through the valley, and mentions the number of trees he grafted, and for whom. At another time he speaks of making boots, cutting out soles, etc.
It is well known that bis regular trade was that of a shoemaker. Just when he began the nursery business on his own account is a little uncertain, but it is believed that it was in 1859, because under date of August 2, 1859, he speaks of paying $6 for "advertising nursery" in the Oregon Farmer. This idea is supported by the fact that when Lambert bought out Meek he did not continue the nursery business, and hence it is presumed that Seth Luelling, having been in the employ of Meek & Eddy, arranged to take the nursery end of the business. Seth Luelling was a practical nurseryman, did a great deal to stimulate the production of fruit, and deserves a prominent place in the annals relating to the development of horticulture in this commonwealth.
In closing, I will give a brief sketch of Henderson Luelling. He was born in Greensboro, N. C., April 23, 1809, of Welsh ancestry, and removed to Henry County, Ind., in the spring of 1831, and from that State to Iowa about 1839. His career as a nurseryman and orchardist began in North Carolina, and was continued in Indiana and Iowa. He left Oregon for California in 1854, and died on Decem- ber 28, 1878. His attention was first drawn to Oregon soon after settling in Indiana, by the reading of the journal of Lewis and Clark.
In the words of Ralph C. Geer, also a pioneer of 1847, who was an intimate friend of Henderson Luelling, that travelling nursery was the "mother of all our nurseries and orchards, gave Oregon a name and fame that she never would have had without it, and brought more wealth to Oregon than any ship that ever entered the Columbia River."
This being true, too much pains cannot be taken by this later genera- tion to place the credit where it properly belongs.
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A NATURALIST
David Douglas was a naturalist who at twenty-five years of age, in 1824, was sent to the Columbia by the Royal Horticultural Society, of London, and remained in this northwest for ten years, until 1834. He was assisted by George B. Roberts, sent from the Greenwich Naval School to be raised in the company's coast service. It was claimed that he added fully a thousand names of plants to the vo- cabulary of science. Wandering through the wilds with his knapsack, his dog and his gun, he was wondered at by the natives as something abnormally innocent of the mania for trade that ruled all others of the white men. He had been a gardener, became the favorite companion of Hooker, the naturalist, and to him he owed his advancement. He used what skill he had and what science he knew to charm the unsophisticated savage, so won his way in safety while danger lurked on every side.
It must have been a wonder to them to see this man, who had no idea for money making, as he went where nature led him, studying birds, plants, and flowers, as if they were his friends and allies. Thus he wandered and explored, as much at home under a tree as if in a fort, and far more comfortable. He left his name to the Douglas fir, so com- mon in this region, and gave names to much of the flora of Oregon. Though he received all attention possible from the great fur company, he could not forgive them for neglecting humanity in their greed to make money and ac- quire riches. When he had strayed so far north as Fort Kamloops, once, he ventured to free his mind to trader Black, with the remark that the company was all mercenary
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and its officers had never a soul above a beaver skin. Black took this as personal, called the philosopher a reprobate and challenged him to fight it out, but as it was then night the duel was postponed. The next morning, when Black called him at early dawn, Douglas postponed it further. Black took exception, because he also was an educated man and whatever had a taste of science attracted him. Poor Douglas had left Oregon and was in the Sandwich Islands, bound homeward in 1834, when he fell into a den where wild cattle were penned and was trampled to death ; a terrible death to die after a life spent in communion with nature. Black was himself killed about the same time by an Indian lad who thought he had charmed away the life of his uncle, a friendly chief, who expressed confidence in Black with his latest breath; but the chief's wife worked on the mind of his nephew to make him finally believe that his uncle was the victim of trader Black's magic, so he killed Black in re- venge, and his own life expiated the crime.
THE U. S. SCHOONER SHARK
The U. S. Schooner Shark, having been ordered by Com- modore Sloat to proceed to the Columbia River under com- mand of Lieutenant Harrison, left the Sandwich Islands June 23d, 1846, and arrived off the mouth of the Columbia July 15th, lay off three days and entered on the 18th. Lieutenant Harrison was warned of changes on the river bar by Captain Crosby, of the Toulon, and Captain Mott, of the Hudson's Bay Company bark Vancouver, so he sounded the channel in a small boat. At Baker's Bay they were boarded by Lovejoy, Gray and Spaulding, who were
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at Astoria. A negro pilot having run the Shark on a sand bar, Mr. Latta took the vessel to Astoria, where they got fresh provisions, then proceeded to Vancouver.
While in the river he learned that the British Government had three men of war on the Northwest Coast, the Modeste at Vancouver, the frigate Fishgard within Puget Sound, and the armed schooner Cormorant about Vancouver's Isl- and; which was suggestive of a war feeling. Lieutenant Harrison visited Oregon City, and travelled up the Willa- mette valley with Abernethy. On his return he arrived at Baker's Bay September 8th, and on the afternoon of the 10th was wrecked on the bar. The crew lost all but what they had on their persons. Then they went again to Van- couver, and the Hudson's Bay Company's officers supplied their wants for a bill drawn on the Barings ; the officers of the Modeste presented them with a boatload of provisions. October 11th Lieutenant Harrison chartered the Hudson's Bay Company's schooner Cadboro for £500, to take himself and crew to San Francisco, where they arrived on October 25th.
MANUMITTING A SLAVE
The fact that slavery was never recognized in Oregon, and that the early settlers never practised it, is beyond doubt ; though some who brought their old-time servants across the plains kept them and provided for them as long as they lived; and living up to the kindly nature of life in the old slave states, these family servants never questioned their relations with those who had been their owners.
At Fort Vancouver, Llewellyn Jones, Captain U. S. A.,
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gave the following certificate of freedom to a woman in his service, which shows that slavery had existed here.
FoaT VANCOUVER, May 5, 1851.
Mommia Travers, a black woman, aged about forty-five, bought by me of Isaac Burbayge, in April, 1849, I have this day given her free- dom, unconditionally, and she is in all respects free to go and to do as may seem to her most to her advantage, without let or hindrance from me, my agents, heirs or assigns.
Witness my hand and seal, at Vancouver, May 5, 1851.
LLEWELLYN JONES, Captain, U. S. A.
The above-named woman, Mommia, is an honest and perfectly con- scientious woman, and deserves kind and good treatment at the hands of every one.
LLEWELLYN JONES, Captain, U. S. A.
Recorded July 29, 1857.
DEATH OF GEORGE LE BRETON AND RODGERS-MURDERED BY COCK-STOCK, THE MOLALLA
One of the most interesting characters of the early forties was George Le Breton, who was prominent in the organiza- tion of the provisional government, of which he was recorder and clerk of court. There is reason to believe that he would have proved a valuable citizen and prominent in public af- fairs had he not been killed in an affray with murderous In- dians at the falls, in 1844. The particulars are told by Mrs. Sallie Applegate Long, in a contribution to the Native Son, , giving reminiscences from the life of William H. Wilson, a pioneer of the Umpqua, who was a survivor of that fray.
Mr. Wilson came to Oregon in 1843; in February, 1844, he was in employ of Dr. John McLoughlin at his saw mill
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at Oregon City. He was asked by Dr. Elijah White, sub- Indian agent of the United States, to ride with him to the Indian camp to aid in arrest of a desperate Molalla named Cock-Stock, who had been trying to make trouble between whites and Indians, and by his reckless conduct and threats had been terrifying women and children, so his arrest was necessary for safety of the community ; but they did not find Cock-Stock at the camp.
Mr. Wilson says :
It was on the 4th of March, 1844, that Cock-Stock and several other Indians, saucy young fellows, came riding into Oregon City. They rode to the house of the Methodist missionary, Rev. J. F. Waller, and halloed several times, but no one came out of the house. Then they rode up and down the town, talking loud and acting in an impudent and insulting manner, but not really molesting any one, though many of the people, especially women and children, were terribly frightened, as they were very panicky about him anyway. Finally the Indians tied up their ponies at the foot of the bluff, and taking a boat, paddled across the river to where there was a village of Calipooias. It was thought, from some threats that Cock-Stock had made, that he was going to try to get a party together to do some injury to the mission or the people.
I thought, from all I had heard and seen, that that man would be doing a good deal for the community who would rid it of this Indian, and while the Indians were over the river I went to dinner, and when I came back to the mill brought my gun back with me. I believe I was a little anxious to take a shot at the Indian, provided he would commit some overt act to justify me in doing so. When the Indians were seen coming back across the river, several men collected about the mill and boat landing, which was under the mill.
The mill was set on timbers, and persons could pass under it easily. A logway of slabs was sloping from the ground, over which logs were hauled into the mill. I was standing about the middle of this, Sterling Rodgers near me, and Colonel J. W. Nesmith near the end of the bridge, on the ground. Nesmith and I were both armed, but Rodgers was not. The Indians landed under the mill and came in sight, going toward their horses. When they had gone a few steps
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some one yelled at Cock-Stock. I did not catch the word, but the Indian whirled and fired into the crowd with a pistol. Colonel Nesmith and I both shot at him at the same time, and when the smoke cleared away so I could see, I saw him on his knees and hands, but scrambling up again. Then I caught sight of Le Breton and heard the report and saw the smoke of another pistol. The next thing I saw Le Breton and the Indian struggling together about the end of the bridge. Then for an instant I saw the mulatto, George Winslow, rush to them with a gun in his hands. The Indian was down, and the mulatto did not strike with the gun, but just drove the muzzle of it through the Indian's head, as though it was a crowbar or bayonet. When Cock-Stock fell the other Indians broke into a run for their horses, turning as they ran and shooting back bullets and arrows into the crowd. Le Breton was shot twice and badly stabbed in attempting to arrest Cock-Stock.
All this had taken place in a few seconds. Rodgers and I still stood on the bridge looking on, and being up there made a good target. At any rate, Rodgers suddenly cried out, "Look out, Bill, they are shooting arrows! I am hit!" Before he had done speaking an arrow hit me also, whereupon we both ran into the mill. Rodgers was wounded in the arm; the arrow hitting me buried itself in the fleshy part of my hip. Before I thought I caught hold of it and tried to jerk it out, but only partially succeeded; it came out broken, leaving the head imbedded in the flesh, where I have carried it these fifty-six years.
When Cock-Stock's body was examined there was found the mark of a bullet across the back of his head and neck, which was no doubt what knocked him down. I believe that was my bullet, for I was a good shot in those days. Colonel Nesmith thought it was his shot. I never disputed it with him. It was a good job, whoever did it. Le Breton and Rodgers were both taken to the hospital at Vancouver, where both died. Blood poisoning set in and caused his death. I used simple remedies and finally got well, though painful for a while.
CHAPTER LVII
THE OREGON TITLE
THERE never was any question as to the north boundary of Mexico-or the State of California-being the 42º of north latitude. In 1790, Spain claimed to the far north; farther even than 54° 40', that became the campaign cry of Democracy in 1844. The convention between England and Spain, in 1790, conceded to Great Britain the location es- tablished by British traders at Nootka, after international trouble, when Spain had seized and confiscated vessels in the Northwest trade carrying the British flag. But Spain only conceded commercial rights, and not territorial. British vessels could navigate, trade and fish along the coast, and British traders own stations, as at Nootka, but not within ten leagues of stations or fisheries occupied by Spain ; also Spain retained the right of eminent domain, and her subjects could enter any ports occupied by British subjects and had equal rights with them everywhere.
Six years later (1796) there was war between England and Spain; international law claims that war abrogates treaties and all must be re-established by new negotiation. However, the treaty of 1814 reaffirmed that of 1790, con- ferring on-or confirming to-Spain all its original sov- ereignty, which strengthened Spanish title and practically surrendered whatever of Spanish claims England disputed.
The treaty of Utrecht, in 1713, had attempted to deter- mine "the limits which are to be fixed between the Bay of
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Hudson and the places appertaining to the French." Mr. Madison claimed "that the boundary between Louisiana and the British territory north of us was actually fixed by com- missioners appointed under the treaty of Utrecht, and that this boundary was to run from the Lake of the Woods, west- wardly, on latitude 49°, and along that line indefinitely." Mr. Monroe, when Minister to England in 1804, wrote the British Secretary of Foreign Affairs: "Commissioners were appointed by each power, who executed stipulations of the treaty by establishing the boundary proposed by it. They fixed the northern boundary of Canada and Louisiana." Some authorities, however, express doubts of this.
The territory thus defined on the north and west was ceded by France to Spain in 1762, ceded back by Spain to France in 1800, and ceded by Napoleon to the United States in 1803. Caleb Cushing, when the treaty of Washington was negotiated, in it said: "The parallel of 49° was estab- lished between France and Great Britain by the treaty of Utrecht." Spain was dissatisfied because of this sale by Napoleon-or France -- to the United States, so virtually protested against it, delaying, or refusing, to pass the papers in her own treaty, made three years before, but our nation was satisfied by the assurance of Napoleon that he guaranteed the title. Only that France was at war with all the world, and that Napoleon could not defend the mouth of the Mississippi and New Orleans from the fleets of Eng- land, it is possible that Louisiana-which then included the State so named and all the immense territory west of the Mississippi to the Rocky Mountains-would be held by France to this day. The pittance of fifteen millions of dollars purchase price would never have been accepted had
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France been at peace. It was received simply because Great Britain would otherwise have occupied it by fleets from the south and armies from the north. So Napoleon's wars prac- tically doubled the territory of the United States.
As it was, Spain only made the transfer of title on the last day of November, and the French title to the United States was made twenty days later, on December 20, 1803. It was feared that the French and Spanish element in Louisiana would rebel against this transfer by some popular movement, but the surrender was made in peace. The treaty made with Spain for sale of Florida to the United States,' in 1819, not only accomplished that transfer, but also con- veyed to this country all the title that Spain had to territory north of the 42d parallel on this continent, which included the original territory of Oregon.
The above briefly summarizes the title of the United States to territory lying west of the Mississippi and on the northwest coast of North America.
The discovery of the Columbia, in 1792, by Captain Rob- ert Gray, as detailed elsewhere, afforded the United States a claim by right of discovery that was beyond question. Captain Gray had met Vancouver within twenty-four hours from the time he left the mouth of the Columbia, after wait- ing nine days outside the cape and entrance for the breakers to become smoother, and stopping that navigator on the high seas, told him that he believed a great river de- bouched into the ocean at 45° 10'; but the Englishman de- clined to believe it was a great river, and left Captain Gray to complete the discovery ten days later. Then, as their vessels met again, Captain Gray very generously told him of his discovery. Captain Vancouver then entered the river
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and sent Lieutenant Broughton to make surveys for an hun- dred miles from its mouth, claiming that he had rendered very material aid in the discovery, equal to what Captain Gray had done.
Fourteen years later Lewis and Clark came from the East, crossed the Rocky Mountains and made the first dis- covery of the sources of the Columbia ; they followed its flow to the ocean, completing the discovery of a region that, for some inexplicable cause, was even then known as Oregon, while no human tradition tells the origin of that name.
The settlement of Astoria in 1811 followed; then came the land expedition of Wilson G. Hunt, of the Astor Com- pany ; war with England soon followed, and Astoria was treacherously sold to the Northwest Fur Company, and so British supremacy came to the Columbia temporarily. By the treaty of peace Astoria was to be surrendered to its original owners, but conditions did not satisfy Astor that he could afford to resume trade there. A period of joint oc- cupancy followed for ten years, and was renewed from year to year as terms expired ; finally it was agreed on to termi- nate when either party should give one year's notice.
For thirty years from the treaty of 1814 the vital ques- tion of eminent domain remained in abeyance. Whenever any exigency arose it was tided over, and British monopoly still swayed the endless shore line that lay widespread in primal waste of mountains, forests or almost desert plains, where rivers coursed through unknown wilds and broad lakes swept in summer's peace or were swept by winter's storms; where ranges rose in rugged and untamable vastness, their supernal summits overlooking land and sea from altitudes of eternal snow.
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This monopoly was officered and manned by men of iron will and tireless thews, who had left civilization far behind to claim alliance with and sovereignty over the savagery they lived among and traded with, believing that occupancy and possession were paramount to treaties, and that they could defy fate and challenge fortune even the fortunes of the irrepressible Yankee nation-so long as two thousand miles of desert, plains and mountains intervened from the western frontier to the shore of the Occident. Sir George Simpson, governor of the Hudson's Bay Company, having passed a large body of emigrants from Red River in 1841,. speaking of the British title, said: "Actual possession must be held conclusive in her favor." At another time he said: "The United States will never possess more than a nominal jurisdiction west of the Rocky Mountains." About that time the great argument of the Hudson's Bay Company, as to title for Oregon territory, was that no proof as to treaties or of discoveries could equal, much less contravene, the ac -. tual facts of possession, occupancy and settlement. It ap -. peared impossible, impracticable, that American immigra- tion could either come by land or sea. The Hudson's Bay Company had twenty-eight trading stations in a region five times the area of the British Islands ; they had absorbed, or destroyed, many rival trading companies, so that they monopolized that region, and their policy was to rule or ruin. While at every post hospitality was generous, and even kind, every rival trader met with ruthless competition that meant ruin. To squander tens of thousands to defeat rivalry in trade was only business ; from the ordinary stand- point of commercial policy and business success we cannot say it was unusual or subject to blame. They had aban-
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doned all else to rule the wilderness ; the law of success in that wilderness was heartless-conscienceless from the Chris- tian standpoint-but there was always truth in the old proverb that "corporations have no souls." Fort Hall, on Snake River, an hundred miles north of Great Salt Lake, was a very important post, established by a competitor who was destroyed by such competition. A capable agent was stationed here, part of whose duty was to divert travel to California that might be on the way for Oregon; another duty was to make travel as difficult as possible to so dis- courage emigration. No doubt the route over the Blue Mountains to the Columbia was rough and difficult, but Mr. Grant's duty was to convince the sojourner that he must leave his wagon there and take the chances of getting through with pack horses. In other words, when they had made three-fourths of the journey in safety they were to be convinced that the remainder was impossible. To keep up the necessary isolation, the Hudson's Bay Company had no wagon roads out of or into Oregon; had made no roads but narrow trails over almost impossible routes.
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