A history of Wilkes-Barre, Luzerne County, Pennsylvania, from its first beginnings to the present time; including chapters of newly-discovered, Vol. II, Part 43

Author: Harvey, Oscar Jewell, 1851- [from old catalog]
Publication date: 1909
Publisher: Wilkes-Barre [Raeder press]
Number of Pages: 683


USA > Pennsylvania > Luzerne County > Wilkes-Barre > A history of Wilkes-Barre, Luzerne County, Pennsylvania, from its first beginnings to the present time; including chapters of newly-discovered, Vol. II > Part 43


Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).


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In every train-band where there were sixty-four soldiers, exclusive of the officers, it was provided that there should be one Captain, one Lieutenant, one Ensign and four Sergeants; where there were only thirty-two soldiers in a company, there should be one Lieutenant, one Ensign and two Sergeants, and where there were but twenty-four soldiers, there should be one Ensign and two Sergeants. The members of each company or train-band had liberty to nominate and elect their several officers, of whom all above the rank of Sergeant were thereupon "estab- lished" by the General Assembly and commissioned by the Governor. The chief commissioned officer of each company was empowered to designate the "days of training and trooping"-three days' warning to the men being given through the Clerk of the company. It was pro- vided that the training-days should be "in some or either of the months of March, April, May, September, October and November of each year;" and, declared the law, "every centinel shall appear compleat in his arms on every such day; * * and every person liable to train, having been duly warn'd and not appearing and attending the same, shall pay a fine of three shillings-except he make within twelve days a satisfactory excuse to the commanding officer." The annual inspection of arms and ammunition was required to be held on the first Monday in May. The law permitted one troop of horse-to consist of no more than sixty-four officers and men-to be attached to each regiment in the Colony.


At the session of the General Assembly held in December, 1775, the following regulation regarding the militia was adopted.


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" Whereas this Assembly, in May, 1769, did establish and order that the military exercise called the 'Norfolk Militia Exercise' should be used and practised by the mil- itia of the Colony for the future ; And Whereas the Continental army have adopted the military exercise usually called the . Manual Exercise', as ordered by His Majesty in the year 1764, which is esteemed preferable in many respects to the said 'Norfolk Militia Exercise', for the purpose of preparing the soldiery for real service-Resolved by this Assembly, That for the future the military exercise called the 'Manual Exercise', ordered by His Majesty in 1764, shall be observed and practised by the militia in this Colony."


At or near the close of the May session of the Connecticut As- sembly Governor Trumbull received a letter from Thomas Life, Esq., the Agent of the Colony at London. It was dated April 5, 1775, and read in part as follows :


"There was a flying report some time ago that the acts of some people in your Colony, in going down to Boston to oppose the King's troops, had subjected your Charter to be forfeited, but have not heard anything lately about it. The Colony of Rhode Island, it is said, is likewise in the same predicament for seizing the King's powder. I received notice from the Board of Trade to attend them on the 20th of March last on Messrs. Penn's petition, which I accordingly did, and prayed two months' time to be heard on behalf of your Colony by counsel. Mr. Baker, who married one of Mr. Penn's daughters, appeared on behalf of the petitioners, and opposed me very strongly, and it was with the utmost difficulty I obtained time till the first of May next, and I must be prepared in all events by that time. Indeed, Mr. Baker at first objected to my having any more time than a fortnight, or a month at most. * * Since I wrote by the last packet Mr. Nuthall is dead and is succeeded by Mr. Hoole, whom I mentioned in my former letters to be his partner. On application to this gentleman he attended with me at the Board of Trade in behalf of Colonel Dyer and the other Susquehannah proprietors, but their Lordships would not then hear him, as they were of opinion that it was not then the proper time."


Near the end of June, 1775, news reached Wilkes-Barre of the battle of Bunker Hill (see page 484, Vol. I), and a few weeks later there was received in the village a printed circular containing the following resolves of the Continental Congress, then in session at Philadelphia.


"That it be recommended to the inhabitants of the United English Colonies in North America that all able-bodied, effective men between sixteen and fifty years of age, in each Colony, immediately form themselves into regular companies of militia, to con- sist of one Captain, two Lieutenants, one Ensign, four Sergeants, four Corporals, one Clerk, one Drummer, one Fifer, and about sixty-eight privates. That each soldier be furnished with a good musket that will carry an ounce ball, with a bayonet, steel ram- rod, worm, priming-wire and brush fitted thereto; a cutting sword or tomahawk; a cartridge-box that will contain twenty-three rounds of cartridges and twelve flints, and a knapsack. That the companies be formed into regiments or battalions, officered with a Colonel, a Lieutenant Colonel, two Majors and an Adjutant, or Quartermaster. * * * That all the militia take proper care to acquire military skill, and be well prepared for defence, by each man being provided with one pound of good gunpowder and four pounds of ball fitted to his gun."


Accompanying the foregoing circular was a little pamphlet printed by W. & T. Bradford, Philadelphia, entitled : "Several methods of making salt-petre; recommended to the inhabitants of the United Colo- nies by their representatives in Congress."


In July, 1775, the Rev. P. V. Fithian, a graduate of Princeton College in 1772, and a Presbyterian minister, was making a missionary tour through the southern part of Northumberland County, Pennsyl- vania. On July 12th he was at the home of Col. William Piper, at Warrior Run (where the village of Dewart now stands), when he made the following entry in his journal* :


"The people here are all cordial and inveterate enemies of the Yankees, who are settling about in this Province on the land in dispute between Connecticut and Pennsyl- vania. It is said they are intending to come down into this neighborhood and fix upon the unsettled land; which exasperates the people generally."


Thursday, July 20, 1775, in pursuance of a recommendation made by Congress, a "solemn Continental Fast" was observed by the Whigs


* See Egle's Historical Register for 1888-'84.


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throughout the country. In all the principal towns and villages busi- ness was suspended, and religious services were held in the various churches. The day was carefully observed in the town of Westmore- land, and at Wilkes-Barre a large company of the inhabitants assembled to listen to a sermon preached by the Rev. Jacob Johnson *. Some five or six days subsequently to the fast-day a company of Indians arrived at Wilkes-Barre fromn Oghwaga (see the note on page 257, Vol. I)t and a Tuscarora village on the Susquehanna a few miles below Oghwaga. The chiefs of the delegation were "Captain John," an Oghwaga Indian, and a Tuscarora chief with an unpronounceable name, and the first namned bore a written message signed by three Oghwaga chiefs (including "Cap- tain John" himself), addressed to the inhabitants of Westmoreland. The latter were thanked in the message for their kindness to the Indians at Oghwaga, and then oc- curred this sentence : "We hope you will also be kind to our breth- ren ye Tuscaroras whenever they come amongst you, and afford them some relief if it is in your power." The message also contained a ref- erence to the trouble between Great Britain and the Colonies, "but," it stated, "we shall only strive for peace, and not hearken to either party that may invite us to join them." Accompanied by the forms and ceremonies usual on such occa- sions, this message was delivered to Col. Zebulon Butler on July 27th, in the presence of a number of the inhabitants, including some of the militia. Subsequently the Rev. Jacob Johnson, who was present, wrote an account of the conference, to be transmitted to a friend in New Eng- land. The original draft of this document is now in the possession of The Wyoming Historical and Geological Society, and reads as follows :


"WYOMING IN WESTMORELAND, AUGST 20th 1775.


"Had a late conference here with the Indians-


"Present. Col. Zebulon Butler, Joseph Sleuman, Esq., & many others. As also Ieyeounghkmojahaugh, a Tuscarora Chief, with several Head-men of the Six Nations, Together with an Interpreter, and attendants to the number of thirty or more. The Chief produced a letter from Onenhoghkwaget, directed to Colonel Butler, bearing date 3d July, 1775, subscribed by Toohnehteaughgogh, Tsolehoone, and Pejechtaugh, or Adam, Isaack, and Captain John-three Chiefs of the Six Nations; shewing the moving cause of their coming here at this time, &c., of which proper notice being taken, the Chief proceeded to make the following speech :


" Brothers-We come to make you a visit, and let you know we were at the Treaty at Oswego with Col. Guy Johnson. We are all of one mind. We are friends, and bring you good news.


* See page 829.


t The Oghwaga Indians, at the period mentioned, were, according to Halsey (in " The Old New York Frontier," page 28). " detachments from the Mohawks. Oneidas, and other tribes." As early as 1757 Oghwaga had become what Stone calls "an aboriginal Port Royal, where many of the Six Nations who had become disgusted with the politics of their several cantons were in the habit of settling." During the early days of the Revolutionary War it was the largest Indian town in that section of New York. having "an orchard, a church, a fort, and many other signs of civilization." It was also a headquarters for Joseph Brant.


# Oghwaga.


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" Brothers-We come also to let you know the Six Nations have been somewhat afraid, but now are glad to see all things look like Peace; and they think there will be no quarrel among yourselves, with one another; and you must not believe bad reports, or remember times past that have been unfriendly.


" Brothers-All our Spirits are one colour; why should we not be of one mind? Continue to be Brothers, as our Fathers and Grandfathers were?


"Brothers-We hope & desire you may hold the Rights & Liberties you now enjoy.


" Brothers-We must tell you we are sorry to see two Brothers are fighting one with another. Should be glad to hear the quarrel was at an end. We choose not to take part on one side or the other; but to sit down & smoke our Pipes. The quarrel to us looks unnatural. We do not well understand it. We are for Peace !


" Brothers-When our young men come to hunt your way, don't dream they come to hurt you. No, they come to get things they want, & trade with you.


"Brothers-We desire WYOMING may be the Place where the great men may meet, & have a Fire to sit & smoke by, as a Token of Peace & friendship; & which ever here- after may be called the WYOMING FIRE.


"Brothers-You see but one of our Chief-men. You may from that think he speaks only for One; but we assure you he speaks for the Six Nations. We are all of one mind !


" Brothers-What we say is not from the lips, but from the Heart. If any Indians of little note or Name should talk otherwise, you must not mind them; but remember what has been said & wrote by the Chiefs-which may be depended on.


" Brothers-We live at the head of the Waters (Susquehannah). Listen to no Reports or Stories that may come up the stream, or any other way; but look to the head of the Waters for Truth. And we do now assure you, so long as these waters Run so long you may depend on our Friendship. We are all of one mind, and are all for Peace !" "To which address a full & friendly answer was giv'n, to the great satisfaction of the chief & his company. Meantime care was taken to provide for the necessity & com- fort of the Indians during their stay here. Before their departure several other Indians from the Mohaque* Country & elsewhere coming in, it was tho't proper to renew the Conference. At which the foresaid Chief requested & desired that the Great Road from the Head of the Waters vid Wyoming to Philadelphia should be kept open straight & plain. that they might see their way thro' & not fear danger. * * * At the close of this meeting further care was taken to supply the Indians with Provisions, as they * needed, on their way to the Head of the Waters-and since, as they or others pass'd or Repass'd this way, which is now very common.


"Besides the above Conference. we have had repeated assureances of the pacific & friendly disposition of the Indians all around us; so that our Friends at a distance, or women & children that are here with us, have no cause of fear. In a word, this fruitful Land lyes as it were with open arms inviteing the Proprietors, & all wholesome Inhabitants, to come & settle themselves here, & fill this New World even to the great Sea. The Inhabitants multiply fast. People from all parts are coming in. Some more able & faithful ministers are greatly needed. There has been a more open ear of late to hear the Word than usual. The General Continental Fast was attended with more People than perhaps ever met on this Ground for Religious worship before."


On the day (July 28th) following the delivery of the aforementioned message Colonel Butler held another conference with the Indians at Wilkes-Barre, in the course of which he delivered to them a speech, an original draft of which-endorsed in the handwriting of Colonel Butler, "Indian Message, 28 July, 1775"-is now in the collections of The Wyo- ming Historical and Geological Society, and reads as follows :


" Brothers-We thank you for this visit, and the information of the late treaty. We are glad to hear that the Six Nations are of one mind, and the good news you bring us, and we make you heartily welcome.


"Brothers-We are sorry the Six Nations have had any fears from us; we are glad to find your fears removed. We shall not stir up any quarrels with the Six Nations. We do not believe the bad reports-neither will we remember bad times to your hurt. * * * " Brothers-We are obliged to you for the good desires you express, that we may retain those privileges and liberties which God and Nature have given us.


" Brothers-We truly lament the unhappy quarrel that subsists between Old and New England. We acknowledge we are brothers. We act on the defensive. We fight for nothing but our liberties and property. We all hope for peace, and that soon.


" Brothers-Your young men are welcome to hunt in our neighborhood, and we are glad to trade with them for their skins, &c., but you must caution them not to make our women and children afraid, either by word or action.


" Brothers-We are willing to have a Wyoming Fire, which shall be lasting, and we will apply to our Great Chief. Governor Trumbull, that he may appoint some chiefs to * Mohawk.


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meet you at the Wyoming Fire so often as shall be thought best, which we doubt not will be done.


" Brothers-We make no doubt but this chief who brought this good news is an honest man, and gives us a true account of the Six Nations, and we believe you to be of one mind. * * *


"Brothers-We shall pay no regard to the reports that may come up the stream by the small Indians, but shall look to the head of the Susquehannah waters for Truth, where the chiefs of the Six Nations live; and, if you do not turn the waters out of their . natural courses, our friendship will be as lasting as yours-which we hope will not have an end."


These Indians remained at Wilkes-Barre until the 2d or 3d of August, and then set out on their homeward journey. Relative to their visit to Wilkes-Barre there are now in the collections of The Wyoming Historical and Geological Society two original papers, (1) in the hand- writing of Maj. Ezekiel Peirce, and (2) in the handwriting of Col. Zebulon Butler, as follows :


(1) "We the subscribers do promise to deliver ye quantity of grain that we shall set to our names, for our Brethren ye Indians, to carry them to their homes. As witness our hands this 1st day of August, 1775.


[Signed] "Col. ZEBN BUTLER, 1 bus.


"Capt. R. GEER, } bus. PHILIP Goss, 1 bus. ELISHA SWIFT, { bus.


"JEDIDIAH STEVENS, ¿ bus. OBADIAH GORE, JR., } bus. TIMOTHY HOPKINS, } bus.


"JERE Ross, } bus. PHILIP WEEKS, + bus. JOHN DORRANCE, } bus.


"TITUS HINMAN, } bus. 'Deacon' KELLOGG, } bus. EZEKIEL PEIRCE, { bus."


(2) "Memorandum of what I expended in counsel with the Indians at Westmoreland, 1775 : 2 bus. of corn, 5 sh .; victuals, 12 sh .; 3} bus. wheat, @ 5 sh., 17 sh. 6d .; 4 lbs. tobacco, @ 6 d., 2 sh .; 2 quarts of rum & } bus. rye, 4 sh. 9d; 1 bus. rye & 1 bus. corn, 5 sh .; 1 bus. corn & 32 lbs. flour, 5 sh."


At German Flats, New York, August 15, 1775, the Continental Commissioners of Indian Affairs in and for the Northern Department met and invited the Six Nation Indians to a conference with them at Albany. A large number of Indians-representing the various tribes of the Six Nations, as well as other tribes-having arrived at Albany on August 25th, the treaty was begun, and was carried on until Sep- tember 1st, as briefly related on page 490, Vol. I. Both at German Flats and at Albany the Commissioners produced and exhibited to the Indians an ancient belt of wampum that had been "given by the Six Nations, by [the hands of] the Indian called Kayinguaraghtoh*, of the Seneca nation." Among the principal chiefs and speakers present at Albany were Tegnagerat, an Oneidan, who (as shown on page 276, Vol. I) was one of the signers of the Indian deed to The Susquehanna Company; Abraham, the Mohawk (see page 278), the son of another signer of that deed, and Taokogwando, or Tiahogwando, an Onondagan chief, or sachem. The latter, in his speech in the conference on August 31st (briefly referred to on page 490), said :


"The dispute between the people of New England and Penn seems to us to become a serious affair, and therefore the Six Nations take upon them to speak their minds freely. Many years ago, at a council held in Philadelphia, when Connasiatigot was present, Penn desired the Six Nations would sell him that piece of land known by the name of Scanandananit, or Susquehanna. The Indians of the Six Nations refused to sell it, say- ing the great God would not permit them. Therefore they made him a present of that land, known by the name of Scanandanani. Penn received it, and made them valuable presents. After this Colonel Lydius, a gentleman employed by the people of Boston, treated with some of the Indians to get that land from them; but he never kindled up a council-fire upon the occasion. He spoke to them whenever he met them; never with more than ten. From these he pretended to make a purchase of that tract. Governor Penn also, at the great treaty of Fort Stanwix, in the year 1768, desired that the land


* Sayenqueraghta, mentioned on pages 115 and 437, Vol I.


t Undoubtedly Canassatego, the famous Onondaga sachem and orator-mentioned on pages 81, 197 and 232, Vol. I-is here referred to.


# Skehantowana. See page 60, Vol. I.


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might be his, and distributed among the Six Nations, Shawanese and Caghnawagas 10,000 dollars, for which they gave him a writing. This is the affair with which all the Six Nations are acquainted, and any one would lie who said they knew nothing about it."


Considering the occasion of its delivery, and the perilous times which then prevailed in the country, this speech, filled as it was with inaccuracies, was, to say the least, injudicious and inopportune. It is fair to presume that the speech had a bad effect on some of the Indians present at the conference, which, undoubtedly, was just what was desired by Col. Turbutt Francis, the inspirer of the speech.


Returning to Westmoreland from Albany we find the following record of a town-meeting which was held at Wilkes-Barre while the delegation of Oghwaga and other Indians was still here.


" At a meeting of the proprietors and settlers of ye town of Westmoreland, legally warned and held August 1, 1775, Mr. John Jenkins was chosen Moderator for ye work of ye day.


" Voted, That this town does now vote that they will strictly observe and follow ye rules and regulations of ye Honorable Continental Congress, now sitting in Philadelphia.


" Resolved by this town, That they are willing to make any accommodations with ye Pennsylvania party that shall conduce to ye best good of ye whole-not infringing on the property of any person-and come in common cause of Liberty in ye defence of America; and that we will amicably give them ye offer of joining in ye proposals as soon as may be.


" Voted, That this meeting is adjourned until Tuesday, ye 8th day of this instant August, at one of the clock in ye afternoon, at this place."


The minutes of the adjourned town-meeting read as follows :


"This meeting is opened and held by an adjournment, August ye 8, 1775.


" Voted, That as this town has but of late been incorporated and invested with the privileges of Law, both civil and military, and now [is] in a capacity of acting in con- junction with our neighboring towns, within this and the other Colonies, in opposing ye late measures adopted by Parliament to enslave America; Also, this town having taken into consideration the late plan adopted by Parliament, of enforcing their several op- pressive and unconstitutional acts, of depriving us of our property, and of binding us in all cases without exception, whether we consent or not, is considered by us highly injuri- ous to American or English freedom.


"Therefore, we do consent to and acquiesce in the late proceedings and advice of the Continental Congress, and do Rejoice that those measures are adopted and so univer- sally received throughout the Continent ; and, in conformity to the eleventh article of the Association, we do now appoint a Committee to attentively observe the conduct of all persons within this town, touching the Rules and Regulations prescribed by the Honour- able Continental Congress, and will unanimously join our brethren in America in the common cause of defending our liberty !


"Voted, That Mr. John Jenkins, Joseph Sluman, Esq., Nathan Denison, Esq., Lieut. William Buck* and Mr. Obadiah Gore, Jr.,t be chosen a Committee of Correspondence for ye town of Westmoreland, etc.


* Mentioned on page 468, Vol. I.


+ OBADIAH GORE, JR., was born at Norwich, New London County, Connecticut, April 7, 1744, a de- scendant, in the fifth generation, of John Gore of Waltham Abbey, Sweden, England, who came to Amer- ica prior to April, 1687, and settled at Roxbury, Massachusetts. As early as 1637 John Gore was a freeman and a land-owner at Roxbury; was a member of the artillery company there in 1638, and for many years was Town Clerk. He died at Roxbury June 2, 1657, and a copy of his last will and testament is printed in The New England Historical and Genealogical Register. VII: 282. His estate was inventoried at £812, 7s. 6d. By his wife Rhoda John Gore had eleven children, of whom the next to the youngest child was Samuel, born at Roxbury in 1652. He was a carpenter by trade, and for several years was a Selectman of Roxbury. He was married August 28, 1672, to Elizabeth, daughter of John Weld of Roxbury. He died July 26, 1692.


The third child and second son of Samuel and Elizabeth ( Weld) Gore was Samuel (Jr.), born at Rox- bury October 20, 1681. He was married (Ist) in 1708 to Hannah (born April 8. 1686), daughter of Moses and Hannah (Chandler ) Draper. She died at Norwich, Connecticut, July 11, 1741, and Samuel Gore, Jr., was married (2d) May 13, 1742. to Mrs. Dorcas Blunt. Early in the eighteenth century- subsequently to 1704-Samuel Gore, Jr., removed with his family from Roxbury to Norwich, New London County, Con- necticut, where he continued to reside until his death, May 27, 1756. In May, 1721, he was established and commissioned Captain of the Fifth Company, Connecticut Militia, located in the " East Society of Norwich."


Capt. Samuel and Hannah (Draper) Gore were the parents of three daughters and six sons. Of these nine children Obadiah Gore, born at Norwich July 26, 1714, was the sixth child and fifth son. He learned the trade of a blacksmith, and settled in his native town. He was married November 4, 1742, to Hannah Parke (born July 3. 1721) of Preston, New London County, Connecticut. In May, 1761. Obadiah Gore was established by the General Assembly of Connecticut, and duly commissioned by the Governor, Ensign of the Eighth Company (located in Norwich) of the Third Regiment, Connecticut Militia; in May, 1762, he was promoted Lieutenant of this company, and in May, 1766, was commissioned Captain of the same. Obadiah Gore and his father early became members of The Susquehanna Company, and, as owners of one right, or share, each, their names appear among the names of the grantees in the Indian deed of July 11,1754. (See page 278, Vol. I.) Having been appointed a member of the Committee of Set-


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tiers at Wyoming in June, 1770 (see page 852, ante), it is quite probable that about that time Capt. Obadiah Gore made his first appearance in Wyoming Valley. Prior to that time his name does not appear in any of the existing lists, memorials, or other records of the settlers at Wyoming ; but subsequently his name appears frequently (see pages 658, 604, 715, etc ). and it is evident that almost up to the time of his death he was active and prominent in Wyoming affairs. In May, 1777. and again in May, 1778, he was ap- pointed by the General Assembly of Connecticut, and subsequently commissioned by Governor Trum- bull, one of the " Justices of the Peace and Quorum in and for the county of Westmoreland [Wyoming] for the year ensuing." He resided in Kingston, and in the tax list of that district for the year 1776 he is rated at £68, 18s .; in that for 1777, at £92, 12s., and in that for 1778, at the last-mentioned amount. In the " Bill of Losses sustained by the inhabitants of Westmoreland from July 8, 1778, to May, 1780" (see Chap- ter XIX. post) Captain Gore's losses are stated at £306, Is. When the battle of Wyoming was fought Captain Gore was one of the small company of old men who remained in Forty Fort for its defense. Five of his sons and two of his sons-in-law marched out with the patriots to meet the invading British and Indians, and of these seven five fell on the field of battle.




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