USA > Pennsylvania > Philadelphia County > Philadelphia > Annals of Philadelphia, and Pennsylvania in the olden time; being a collection of the memoirs, anecdotes, and incidents of the earliest settlements of the inland part of Pennsylvania, Vol. II > Part 17
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that no military expedient could avail to recover them. The men were so extremely deaf to the exhortations of the general, and the officers, that they fired away, in the most irregular manner, all their ammunition, and then ran off. [This is a different version from the common idea, for here they took their own way of firing, but in panic ; and besides, what else could they do when they had no more ammunition left ?] Leaving to the enemy the artillery, ammunition, provision, and baggage; nor could they be persuaded to stop until they got as far as Guest's plantation, and there, only in part ; many of them proceeding as far as Col. Dunbar's party, which lay six miles this side. The officers were absolutely sacrificed by their unparalleled good behaviour ; advancing sometimes in bodies, and sometimes separately, hoping by such example to engage the soldiers to follow them, but to no purpose. The general had five horses killed under him, and at last received a wound through his right arm into his lungs, of which he died, the 13th instant. Mr. Wash- ington had two horses shot under him, and his clothes shot through in several places, behaving the whole time with the greatest courage and resolution. Gen. Braddock, having found it impracticable to advance with the whole convoy from the Little meadows, therefore, went forward with the above twelve hundred men ; leaving Colonel Dunbar with the main body behind, with orders to join him as soon as possible. Happy it was that this disposal of them was made, else we had starved, or fallen by the enemy-as numbers would not have been useful." [They had along " a detachment of sailors" from the fleet ! The fight "lasted three hours,"-so said many witnesses. The wagoners and pack-horse men made a quick retreat, especially from Dunbar's regiment. I saw a list of a dozen deserters from Braddock's army before the defeat, and the list declared, that some of them exposed his fewness of the advance number, and also his bad appointments; thereby intending to encourage the assault of the French and Indians. Their names were given.]
A letter from Col. James Burd, employed by the province to direct the opening of the military road for Braddock's army, dated 25th July, 1755, says, " We received an express from Governor Jones, from Fort Cumberland, giving us an account of Gen. Braddock's defeat and death, &c. Whereupon I went on there to confer with Col. Dunbar, and to take his orders, &c. He told me, at dinner, the facts in the case of the battle, &c., so that I might communicate them to your honour, to wit : A small body of French and Indians, say five hundred, and no more was ever on the ground, discovered on the 9th instant by the guides at a small run, called Frazier's run, seven miles this side of Fort du Quesne, being on the side of a hill on the Monongahela. Information was immediately given, when the general marched the troops and formed them. The battle began at noon day, and lasted three hours. The enemy kept behind trees and logs of wood, and cut down our troops as fast as they could advance. The soldiers then insisted much to be allowed to take to
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the trees, which the general denied, and stormed much, calling them cowards, and even went so far as to strike them with his own sword for attempting the trees. Our flankers, and many of our soldiers that took to the trees, were cut off from (by) the fire of our own line, as they fired their platoons wherever they saw a smoke or fire. The one half of the army engaged never saw the enemy ; particularly Captain Waggoner, of the Virginia forces, who marched eighty men up to take possession of a hill; on the top of the hill there lay a large tree of five feet diameter, which he intended to make a bul- wark of. He marched up to the log with the loss only of three men killed, and all the time, his soldiers carried their firelocks shouldered ; when they came to the log they began to fire upon the enemy ; but as soon as their fire was discovered by our line, they fired from our line upon him, so that he was obliged to retreat down the hill, and brought off with him only thirty of his men out of eighty. And in this manner were our troops chiefly destroyed ! The general had five horses killed under him, and was at last shot through the belly, and is buried across the road. His papers, and £75,000 in money, are all fallen into the hands of the enemy. The loss in killed and wounded is seven hundred, and about forty officers. Col. Dunbar retreated with fifteen hundred effective men. He destroyed fifty thousand pounds of powder, all his provisions, and buried his mortars and shells, &c. He had no horses with which to bring off any thing."
Another account from Winchester, Virginia, says, the Virginia officers and troops behaved like men, and died like soldiers. Out of three companies scarcely thirty men came out of the field! Captain Peyronay, and all his officers, were killed! Captain Polson was killed, and his company nearly all shared the same fate,-for only one escaped ! Captain Stewart, and his light-horse, behaved gallantly, having twenty-five of his twenty-nine men killed !
A list of killed and wounded says, 456 killed, 421 wounded, 583 safe, total 1460 " in action at Frazer's plantation, the 9th July." What seems remarkable is, that all the wagoners from Lancaster and York counties returned home but two! Col. Dunbar got safe to Philadelphia, and encamped at Society hill, (i. e. Southwark,) Dn the 1st of September, 1755.
September 5th, 1755, it is published that the Virginia troops are to be increased to one thousand men, " under Col. Washington."
Old William Butler, of Philadelphia, whom I saw in May, 1833. in his hundred and fourth year, and who had been in the Braddock expedition, told me he was twenty-four years of age at the time he joined the Pennsylvania Greens, (faced with buff,) in Philadelphia They were joined by the Jersey Blues, faced with red. The whole combined force was encamped in the woods then along Fifth street from Race street southward. The whole expedition of twenty-five hundred men passed through Germantown, and arrived the third day at the present Reading, where they divided and took different routes ; while there at night, could see the light of the Indian fires on the
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mournains near them. They crossed the Schuylkill four times before getting to the mouth of the Little Schuylkill. From thence they cut their way through the "Pine swamp," so called, and made corduroy roads for the wagons; while there could hear wolves and bears; went thence to fort Augusta and Shamokin. That must have been one of the routes of that day, because C. F. Post, in his journal, says he went by that route to Fort du Quesne in 1758. 'They had Indian guides and followed their leadings towards Fort du Quesne.
At the time of the action, he was just off duty, near to Wash- ington's tent. Near there, he saw Generals Braddock, Forbes anu Grant talking, and Braddock calling out to Captain Green, to clear the bushes ahead, by opening a range with his artillery. Then Washington came out, put his two thumbs up into the arm pits of his vest, made a little circle, and came into their presence, and said, "General, be assured, if you even cut away the bushes, your enemy can make enough of them artificially to answer their purposes of shelter and concealment; it will not answer." Braddock upon hearing this, turning to his officers, said, sneeringly, " What think you of this from a young hand-from a beardless boy !"-then but twenty-two years of age. I did not pursue this conversation any further on this point. He did not know of Braddock's having a white handkerchief tied over his hat. He was a great user of snuff, loose in a pocket ! a man of middle stature and thick set.
On 23d December, 1833, I again saw William Butler, quite well still, and gleaned the following additional facts. Generals Forbes and Grant did arrive at Philadelphia, but Colonel Dunbar, a Scotch- man, arrived at Baltimore. Washington had the charge of four hundred riflemen. The columns of the Pennsylvania and New Jersey lines, went in a more northern road, than the British division of regulars, after they divided at Reading. I noticed that he did not now seem to remember Colonel Grum, of the Virginia troops, as being colonel over Major Washington-said Washington was tall, slim and beardless-his uniform was blue and cocked hat. I questioned when they joined again. It was but two days before the battle. The lines were never in same track-were a day's march off-cut their own roads and made bridges; but chiefly went by Indian guides and Indian tracks. I asked him particularly who killed Braddock, and he answered promptly one Fawcett, brother of one whom Braddock had just killed in a passion ; this last, who killed Braddock, was in the ranks as a non-commissioned officer; the former was a brave major or colonel, and by birth an Irishman. The soldier shot Braddock in the back, and this man, he said, he saw again in 1830, at or near Carlisle, where he was for three months, at the sickness and death of his daughter. His family confirmed this fact. His wife was by, aged eighty-three years-married sixty years I see, too, that I have preserved a Millerstown Gazette notice
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in 1830, of the above meeting, and the name of Fawcett is there given also-a strong coincidence. Millerstown is near Carlisle.
The Millerstown Gazette, of 1830, speaks of the aforenamed Butler being there, and being in company with an aged soldier in their town, who had also been in Braddock's defeat, and that these twc old soldiers concurred in saying that Braddock was shot by Fawcett.
A writer in the Christian Advocate-a minister, writing from the place, says " the old man died at the age of one hundred and fourteen years in 1828, who killed Braddock," and at same time, he confirms the other fact, of his brother being killed by Braddock. He lived at Laurel hill.
It is said that when the officers of Braddock's broken army got to Philadelphia, and rested there for a season, they were cruelly severe to their men, giving vent to their spleen and chagrin by beat- ing the soldiers daily. It was a daily sight to see a dozen a day tied up and whipped; and even in the ranks the officers caned their men.
But in addition to the preceding, I may add the information I received from Billy Brown, a black man, whom I saw at Frankford, Philadelphia county, about the year 1826, in the ninety-third year of his age-possessed of an observing mind and good memory. He was present in that memorable fight as servant to Colonel Brown, of the Irish regiment, and was most of the time near the person of General Braddock. He said his character was obstinate and profane. He confirmed the idea, that he was shot by an American, because he had killed his brother. He said that none seemed to care for it: on the contrary, they thought Braddock had some sinister design, for no balls were aimed at him ! He kept on foot, and had all the time his hat bound across the top and under his chin with his write handkerchief. They suspected that the white emblem was a token of his understanding with the French. He told me that Washington came up to him in the fight, and fell on his knees, to beseech him to allow him to use three hundred of his men in tree-fighting, and that the general cursed him and said, " I've a mind to run you through the body," and swearing out-" We'll sup to-day in Fort du Quesne, or else in hell !" I have full confidence in the words of Billy as far as they went, because he seemed incapable of intentional fraud, and was beside a religious man, of the Methodist profession ; but above all, he had been in after life seven years a servant with General Washington, and that circumstance must have more deeply im- pressed the facts as they were, at their first seeing them. Braddock was shot, he said, through the shoulder into the breast, and lived some two or three days. The only words he ever uttered after his fall were: " Is it possible ;"-" all is over!"
" A letter of Isaac Norris, speaker of assembly, of the date of November, 1755, to R. Charles, agent of the province in London says one of the Indian chiefs, afterwards in Philadelphia, before the governor and council, said, " We must let you know it was the pride and ignorance of that great general. He is now dead, but he was &
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bad man when alive. He looked on us as dogs, and would never hearken to our advice, even when we wished to tell him the danger he was in with his soldiers. For that reason many of our warriors left him, and would not be under his command."
In connexion with the above, I may add, that I saw the memo- randum of a letter which " Major Washington" had written to the governor of Virginia, saying that the Virginians behaved bravely, but have suffered dreadfully. Many of his officers were wounded. and himself had four bullet holes in his clothes, and two horses shot under him! At a later period an Indian chief declared, that the Great Spirit must have reserved Washington for something important in after life, because he had aimed several shots at him without visi- ble effect.
Braddock, after his wound, was carried forty miles and buried in the centre of the road, seven miles east of the present town of Union, and close to the northern side of the National road. The road was chosen, and the carriages and horses made to make their tracks over the grave, to prevent its discovery by the enemy. Since that day, it has never found a friend to give it a more distinguished sepulchre. The truth is, he was not sufficiently popular. He gave his chief of- fence to his men by not suffering them to fire as they saw opportu- nity, or even when aimed at, but required all firing to be done in platoons, as has been said.
The Newburyport Herald, of 1842, declares its acquaintance with Daniel Adams, an old soldier of that place, aged 82, who confirms the shooting of Braddock by his own followers. He learned the fact from Capt. Illsley of Newbury, who told him that he became ac- quainted with one of Braddock's soldiers soon afterwards, (under Sir William Johnston,) who was present at the circumstance. He stated that the principal officers had previously advised a retreat, which the General pertinaciously refused ; that after nearly all the principal of- ficers had been shot down, he was approached by a captain to renew the advice, whom he forthwith shot down. Upon seeing this, a lieutenant, brother of the captain, immediately shot Braddock. Se- veral of the soldiers saw the act, but said nothing. Braddock wore a coat of mail in front, which turned balls fired in front ; but he was shot in the back, and the ball was found stopped in front by the coat of mail! The editor pledged himself for the truthfulness of the man who told the facts.
Col. James Smith, of Bourbon, Kentucky, once an Indian cap- tive, had been in his early days employed as a province man from Pennsylvania, to cut a wagon road, (in a party of three hundred men,) from Fort Loudon, to unite with Braddock's road near the Turkey foot, or three forks of Yohagana. He and his companion being alone, near Bedford, were fired at; his friend was killed, and himself taken prisoner. The Indians were from Fort du Quesne, ana set out to return thither. When near it they gave the Indian shout, which was answered by the firelocks of all the Indians and
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French. He had there to run the Indian gauntlet-suffered terribly thereby, and fell and fainted. When he recovered he found himself in the Fort, attended by a surgeon. They then exacted of him what they could gather of Braddock's position, force, &c. He was then befriended by an Indian who adopted him, and who soon informed Mr. Smith that they had daily knowledge of the particulars of the advance of Braddock. While at the Fort he saw the Indians and French go off to meet him-they seemed to be about four hundred men in all, as if enough to encounter the three hundred men before named. After some time, a rumor arrived to say that Braddock would be entirely cut off-that they had surrounded his force, and were themselves completely concealed behind trees and gullies, keep- ing up a constant fire ; that they were falling in heaps, and if they did not take the river which was the only gap, and so make their escape, there would not be a man left alive at sundown! By-and-by, Indians and French were seen coming in with spoils-such as caps, canteens, bayonets, and bloody scalps; afterwards came in wagon horses, and every Indian man having his bloody scalps. To- wards sundown a party came in having a dozen prisoners stripped naked ; these they soon after burned to death on the river bank op- posite to the fort. From the best information he could gain, there were only seven Indians and four French killed, while five hundred British lay dead on the field, besides what were killed in the river on their retreat. The day after the battle the artillery was brought to the fort-several of the Indians were seen moving about decked off in the dress of the British officers and men, most grotesquely proud.
A private letter to Governor Morris from Sir William Shirley, the secretary of General Braddock, conveyed by Sergeant Peters from the frontiers, before the battle, speaks of the general as " most judiciously chosen for being disqualified for his service, in almost every respect." " He may be brave and honest, but I am greatly disgusted at seeing an expedition so ill concerted originally in England, so ill appointed, and so improperly conducted since in America."
Colonel Dunbar, in a letter, says that Braddock had three horses killed under him, and was at last shot through the belly. He also said, that " by some mismanagement we had not an Indian with us, and that General Braddock could not get above eight or nine to at- tend him ; from which circumstance he laboured under many incon- veniences."
Scarooyady, an Indian chief who had been engaged to assist in the expedition, said by his interpeter, C. Weiser, to Governor Morris, that "it was the pride and ignorance of that great general that caused the defeat. He looked upon us as dogs, and would not hear any hing that was said to him by us. We often endeavoured to advise him, but he never appeared pleased with us, and that was the reason that many of our warriors left him, and would not be under his com mand. They were unfit to fight in the woods."
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The province however, left to itself, soon showed what it could do by its own people,-as was evinced in sending out Colonel John Armstrong in 1756, with only four companies, viz .: Captains Hamil- ton, Mercer, Ward and Potter-these, with some frontier volunteers, made out to reach Kittaning, or Shingass town, only twenty miles above Du Quesne, (the former aim of Braddock,) and there sur- prised and destroyed the whole settlement, and rescued many prison- ers. It was a glorious contrast to the other inglorious failure.
In 1758, there occurred another joyous occasion under General Forbes, the British general who made his way out to Fort Du Quesne with twelve hundred men, without mishap or molestation, for it so happened, that by the friendly treaties before made at Eas- ton and otherwise, the Indians had become so detached from the French interest, as to leave them at the Fort to their own resources. When Forbes appeared, on the 24th of November, they blew up the place, and went off to their forts and settlements down the Missis- sippi. Under a sense of this great event, a day of public thanks- giving was appointed on the 28th of December, 1758. It was in- deed a time of most hearty gratulation and cheering.
We may judge of the surprise of this unexpected good news, by the fact, that when General Forbes had advanced as far as Raystown camp, just one month preceding his triumph, he writes to the Go- vernor as if he was then at the length of his means, and wanted, as he said, a supply of twelve hundred men to be disposed in necessary frontier garrisons-to be placed in forts, such as at Loyal Hanna, Cumberland, Raystown, Juniata, Littleton, Loudon, Frederick, Shippensburg and Carlisle-" as without these (says he) he could not secure the frontiers." But before he could be heard of again, and in the absence of all hostile Indians, behold, he gets to Pittsburg and finds the fort abandoned ! Truly a lucky general, and a still more lucky province, to thus find also his calls for intermediate forts unnecessary ! It was a joyful and happy result for a greatly dis- turbed and apprehensive people.
About the year 1770, the first settlers began to settle about Red- stone Old Fort, on the Monongahela; where Capt. Michael Cres- sup made the first house of logs. The first emigration was princi- pally from Maryland and Virginia ; they supposed themselves at the time, as within the bounds of Virginia, and not of Pennsylvania, as has since been determined. In 1785, the town of Brownsville was laid out at this place, and great was the quantity of boats built there for the descent of the Ohio and Mississippi rivers.
Soon stores and houses began to be built, and then came the want of merchandise, all of which, including salt, was brought out on pack horses. These were generally led in divisions of twelve or fifteen horses, carrying about two hundred weight each, all going single file, and being managed by two men, one going before as the leader, and the other at the tail, to see after the safety of the packs, &c. These horses were all furnished with bells, which were kept
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from ringing during the day drive, but were set loose at night, when the horses were set free and permitted to feed and browse. The bells were intended as guides to direct to their " whereabout" in the morn- ing. These western carriers were at first a great affair to their own- ers, as a money making concern ; they starting, principally, from Hagerstown and Winchester. When wagons were first introduced, great was their hostility to them as an invasion of their rights. The first wagon load of goods which went west, went by that southern route (so called) that lay much along the tract of the present Na- tional road. It was the enterprise of Jacob Bowman, in the year 1789, a merchant who settled at Brownsville two years before-it was drawn by four horses, and drew about two thousand weight ; the travel, going and coming, occupied about a month, and was done at an expense to the merchants of three dollars per hundred weight. Six horses since draw seven to eight thousand pounds, and go in a week, at one dollar per hundred weight.
Iron, being a matter of great importance, was first made by Isaac Meadson & Co., at Dunbar creek, fifteen miles from Brownsville.
In 1814 the Enterprise steamer was started, she being the first which descended and ascended the rivers to and from New Orleans.
In 1759, Col. Burd, with a command of two hundred men, was the first to open and cut a road from Braddock's road to the Monon- gahela river, where he erected a fort called Fort Burd. He passed his road along the base of Laurel hill, thence by the way of Coal run to Redstone creek, near the present. Middletown.
The Indian name of Pittsburg was Ménachkink, a name given by them to it after it became a fort. It means with them an enclosed, confined spot of ground, such as a fort would make it.
Westward ho! Among those who have contributed their recol- lections of westward emigration, we may mention the facts recollected by the Hon. Judge S. Wilkeson, of Buffalo, on the Ohio. He, when young, started with his father's family from Carlisle, Pa., in the spring of 1784, to settle near the Ohio, in company with other fami- lies ; and the incidents of his travel may be regarded as the picture of others, in general. His family consisted of his father, mother and three young children, with a bound boy of fourteen years of age. The road to be travelled in crossing the mountains, was scarcely practicable for wagons. Pack horses afforded almost the sole means used for transportation then, and for years after. They were provided with three horses : on one rode the mother, carrying her infant, with all the table furniture and cooking utensils; on another was packed the store of provisions, plough irons, and agricultural tools. [Even the irons for constructing mills were carried on horseback.] The third horse bore a pack saddle and two large creels, made of hickory withes in the manner of a crate, one over each side of the horse, in which were stowed the beds and bedding, and the wearing apparel. In the centre of these creels there was left a vacancy, just sufficient to admit a child in each, laced in, with their heads peeping out VOL. II .- T 13
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