USA > Pennsylvania > Chronicles of Pennsylvania from the English revolution to the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, 1688-1748, Vol. II > Part 25
Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).
Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24 | Part 25 | Part 26 | Part 27 | Part 28 | Part 29 | Part 30 | Part 31 | Part 32 | Part 33 | Part 34 | Part 35 | Part 36 | Part 37 | Part 38 | Part 39 | Part 40 | Part 41
775
JOHN, THOMAS, AND RICHARD PENN.
subject of land. In preparation for this meeting, which was fixed for May 5, at Pennsbury, the Proprietaries hastened to have a path made from a point in the line of the purchase of July 15, 1682, to the Blue Mountains, and ordered that Joseph Doane and two others "who can travel well" try how far they on foot could get in a day and a half, and that the Proprietaries be notified as to the distance. William J. Buck, in his History of the Indian Walk, fixes this trial walk between the 1st and 8th of May. On the 8th, the Proprietaries spoke to the Indians, and were helped by a speech from James Logan, who need not be supposed to have been in- formed as to the methods contemplated. Teeshakomen and Nootamis had brought Lappawinzo and several other Delawares. The two purchases, viz: that in the deed of 1682, and that in the copy of a deed of 1686, being referred to, the chiefs denied all knowledge of them, and asked time to consult their old men: so the matter was postponed. At the meeting with the rep- resentatives of the Six Nations in the Fall of 1736, Thomas Penn took occasion to complain to them of the "disturbance" made by these Delawares. We have seen, that, by the explanatory, or second, deed, the Six Nations released to the Proprietaries the Delaware frontage as far as the Kittatinny Mountains. On Nov. 19, 1736, Conrad Weiser, who escorted away the In- dians of the Six Nations, delivered to Thomas Penn a letter or message reduced to writing from them, de- claring that the Delawares had no land to dispose of, and requesting the Proprietary not to buy or accept a grant from them. On 3mo. 29, 1737 (Penna. Archives, 3rd Series, Vol. I, p. 86), Lappawinzo, called Lapo- wingo in Minute Book of Board of Property, was ex- amined before Thomas Penn in Philadelphia as to a petition signed by Lappawinzo in favor of Nicholas Depue, and against Daniel Broadhead, both of which settlers in the Minnesink region had bought their lands
776
CHRONICLES OF PENNSYLVANIA.
from the Indians, as well as from the Proprietaries. Lappawinzo disclaimed knowledge of the contents of the petition, and said that all he had against Broadhead was that some matchcoats received from him were not as good as expected. Thomas Penn having expressed his disapproval of the Indians selling to anybody but the Proprietaries, and declared the measuring of the distances in the deeds to William Penn necessary for the preservation of friendship, Lappawinzo said that he himself wished this to be done, but that some others, meaning those at Durham and probably Teeshakomen, were opposed. Lappawinzo went away with presents worth over 101. In three months, he came back, ac- companying Teeshakomen, Nootamis, and others. Manawkyhickon, as the chief sachem, had been brought along. In Vol. I of the Pennsylvania Archives is printed a copy of the minutes-not among the other minutes of the Council-of a meeting on August 24, 1737, with Thomas Penn, James Logan, and a majority of the other Councillors. Manawkyhickon then said that inquiry had convinced those coming of the genuine- ness of the deed of 1682. In regard to the other sale, they hesitated. After the affirmations from Wood and Biles were read, in support of there having been any transaction, the chiefs put off their answer until the afternoon, and then said that they did not understand how the lines were to be run; nevertheless they agreed, so the minutes say, to what the Proprietor said, and to the plan he offered, only asking that they be permitted without molestation to remain on their settlements within the bounds. Assurance to this effect had been given at Pennsbury, and was repeated. On the next day in the presence of James Logan, William Logan (then nineteen years old), and numerous other witnesses, among whom were twelve Indians, making their marks to show consent, Manawkyhickon, Lappawinzo, Teesha- komen, alias Tisheekunk, and Nootamis, alias Nutimus,
JOHN, THOMAS, AND RICHARD PENN. 777
executed a deed of confirmation, with an agreement therein that the extent of the tracts should be "forth- with walked, travelled, and gone over by proper per- sons to be appointed for that purpose."
On September 19, in the presence of the Surveyor- General and two deputies with other white men, some being on horseback, and in the presence of three In- dians to watch the proceedings, three young men picked out by Thomas Penn or his officers started at sunrise from a chestnut tree in the neighbourhood of Wrights- town Meeting House over the path pointed out to them. After making eighteen miles in four and a half or five hours, one relinquished the attempt to keep up with the others. Fifteen minutes being taken for dinner, and made up at the end of the day, the two continuing walked until fifteen minutes past six, when an encamp- ment was made until next morning. The Indians had dropped off during the day, disgusted with the route, which they said should have been along the Delaware, or with the pace, one of the two white men twice running to catch up to the other, or with the continuance with- out intermission. Upon an application next day for In- dian watchers, Lappawinzo refused, saying that all the good land had been already taken, and he did not care how much bad would be added. One of the walkers on the second day gave up after four hours, said by a wit- ness in 1757 to have drunk too much. At the end of the six hours making the half of the second day, Edward Marshall reached the north side of the Pocono Moun- tain, having walked since sunrise of the preceding day a distance of about sixty-six and a half miles, partly through forests, and ascending mountains, and wading streams. From the stopping point, the Surveyor-Gen- eral, by four days' work, surveyed as the tract's north- ern or northwestern boundary, the course of which was blank in the ancient writing, a line supposed to be at right angles with the direction of the walk, and coming
50
778
CHRONICLES OF PENNSYLVANIA.
out on the Delaware near the mouth of the Lackawaxen. By the Delaware's zigzag course, this surveyed line was about the length of Marshall's walk, and a sort of L was formed. Not having foreseen how much land this added, the Indians afterwards claimed that the line from the end of the walk should be in the shortest di- rection to the river.
The objection to the course of the line was pretty fairly refuted by the Councillors, from analogy with other deeds. They further reported, with the testi- mony, that the depth was fairly measured by Mar- shall walking, while, in fact, it would have been legal for him to run; and they defended a test of speed and strength for acquiring land, declaring absurd the In- dian notion that there should have been a leisurely walk, with an occasional intermission to fire a shot, or to smoke a pipe. Here, however, the Indians were entirely in the right. The depth "as far as a man can go in a day and a half," similar to phrases in other Indian deeds, was, we see, spoken of in this deed a line or two below as being one and a half times "a day's journey." What that familiar expression designates is relatively no more uncertain, no more an opportunity for advan- tage over the unskilled, than the length of the human foot, arm, digit, or forearm (cubit), or the width of the hand, the originals of our measures of length, and used where an instrument like a foot-rule or a yardstick, showing the standard or supposed average, is not within reach. To count sixty-six miles as the distance a man can go in a day and a half, simply because some man was found to go that far, was about as fair as to meas- ure the frontage of a town lot by a giant's foot. "A day's journey" in the Middle Ages usually meant twenty miles : and probably Indians going on foot trav- elled at about that rate in 1686.
If, indeed, as the defenders of Thomas Penn have maintained, he was merely enforcing a contract, he
779
JOHN, THOMAS, AND RICHARD PENN.
is still to be condemned as a man and a statesman. Until he let go some of the claim, he was, at best, grasping at least a million more acres than the children of the forest were disposed to allow for some worn-out and forgotten coats and utensils : and it was a clear case of a blunder which was criminal to arouse the passions of savages against his people: and it was an item in that treatment of the Indians which has been recognized as the disgrace of the American colonies, and of the United States, that, when the Delawares finally demanded what they thought was justice, this land monopolist, as will be shown later, instead of satisfying them, induced the Iroquois to overawe them.
CHAPTER XXIV.
QUAKER CONTROL OF THE ASSEMBLY.
The Proprietaries for some years in financial peril-Appointment and arrival of George Thomas -A flag for the Province-Thomas repents of his bargain as to remuneration-Sassoonan and Noo- tamis pay visits-Effort to amend currency bill so as to require payment of Proprietary quit rents and sterling debts to King's subjects in Great Britain according to rate of exchange with London -Proprietaries modify the bargain with their Deputy-Compromise as to quit rents, and passage of the bill for increasing paper currency-Oaths allowed in Scotch form, or without kissing the Bible-Great Britain sends privateers against the Spaniards-The Quakers, greatly in the minority in Pennsylvania, control the Assembly-The As- sembly declines to compel even non-Quakers to bear arms-Sentiments of the population-Israel Pemberton Jr's remarks about George Thomas- Proposition concerning government of the City- Declaration of war against Spain, and project for expedition against Spanish America-Bound serv- ants without masters' consent accepted as recruits -Indian affairs-Crown asks for necessaries for the Province's troops-Assembly refuses to offer bounty-More enlist than expected, and citizens advance money for victuals and transports-As- sembly insists upon the return of all the servants, and a mutiny is feared-Assembly votes money "for the King's use," on condition of no bound servants being taken, but condition not complied with-Later Assemblies' action-Embarkation of the troops, but failure of the expedition-Colonial Governors instructed to have future issue of paper
781
-
QUAKER CONTROL OF THE ASSEMBLY.
money suspended until the royal approval-Noo- tamis and others complain of settlements north of Tohickon Creek, and are threatened with an appeal to the Six Nations-Embargo-Assembly refuses to send a vessel against privateers-Thomas Penn's departure-Springettsbury house and gar- dens-Logan's letter to the Yearly Meeting- Changes in membership of the City Corporation.
Grand as the Proprietary estate was, and remunera- tive as it gave promise to be,-a promise soon beginning to be fulfilled,-the Proprietaries, during the latter years of Patrick Gordon's administration, were very much harassed financially. Any acts of kindness by any of them at that time are much to be admired, and any exactions of their rights at that time are to be looked upon as excusable, when we read the words of the two in England to their brother in Pennsylvania: "We are at the mercy of our creditors without anything to maintain us." Practically all that they had was in America; and the actual income would not support the three men living in the simplest way which was appropriate, re- quired, as they were, to live in separate households. Richard having a family, and being easy-going with money, prevented uniform economy. The sister Mar- garet and other relatives and dependents had to be helped. Various heavy expenses for the estate, as, for instance, the £5500 consideration for the heir-at-law's release, had been added to the ordinary debts from time to time incurred, raising the total by May, 1734, to £8000, besides the balance of the indebtedness of the Founder. At as late a date as July 9, 1739, it was mentioned that all his debts with the interest had been paid, except two small ones at Westminster, which would be discharged soon. When Thomas Penn left England, he was instructed by his brothers to insist, as politely as he could, that the Lieutenant-Governor come to the family's assistance with £200 per annum, the
782
CHRONICLES OF PENNSYLVANIA.
first half-yearly payment to be at the next Christmas. Gordon did not agree with alacrity, if he ever paid anything. Somewhat later, the Proprietaries in Eng- land were prepared to sell Pennsylvania and the Terri- tories Annexed for enough to let the three brothers live fairly comfortably in England without the great cares, and without being dunned, as waiting for future or full value involved. As one of several measures necessary to obviate sacrificing the property, it was planned to ask Gordon to allow thenceforth £500, paid in London, as the balance of his receipts was calculated to be 1000l., and was deemed a handsome sum for his support. In case of his refusing, somebody was to be at once ap- pointed in his place, there being several well qualified persons who would accept upon said terms. It was said that the Lieutenant-Governor of Virginia accounted for his profits to the Earl of Orkney, the Governor-in-Chief, and received an allowance for himself, also that Lord Baltimore's Deputy took only 1000 (stg. or provincial) pounds.
When the news of Gordon's death reached England, George Thomas, who had visited Pennsylvania about three years before, and was in England with a letter of introduction sent by Thomas Penn for presentation to John Penn, applied to the latter for the vacant place. George Thomas had been Speaker of the Assembly of Antigua, and was in the Council of that island. There is a pedigree of the family in Oliver's History of Antigua, starting with George's grandfather, so that the applicant, who was about forty-two years old, was probably born there. Possessed of an ample fortune in estates in North America and the West Indies, and thus very different from preceding Lieutenant-Govern- ors under the Penns, he explained his application by his liking the people and country of Pennsylvania, and his desire to enlarge and improve his property there. He was willing to make terms advantageous to the
783
QUAKER CONTROL OF THE ASSEMBLY.
Proprietaries, and even to allow to them sufficient part of the receipts to divert Richard Penn from taking the office. Logan wrote to John Penn, that, while he thought John himself would be universally acceptable, it was questionable whether any other member of the family, and particularly Thomas, would get any con- sideration from the Assemblies: confidence was want- ing. Richard declined. Margaret Freame, the Proprie- taries' sister, less able than Logan to judge of the feelings of the colonists, held a different view from Logan's, when she heard of Richard's declination. Writing from Philadelphia in August, 1737, she de- clared it a great pity that he did not think it worth his while to come over, and she said that the generality of people would be exceedingly glad to have one of the family over them, and looked upon it as a slight that no one desired to take the position. The declina- tion was probably by John Penn's arrangement, mainly from his being aware that Lord Baltimore would prob- ably have success in opposing the approbation of one of the family, whereas George Thomas possessed some influence in London. He was nominated to the King, after making an agreement to pay to the Proprietaries at his own option either £500 sterling per annum or half the perquisites. The persons usually chosen to the Pennsylvania Assembly were not imbued with feudal ideas, or with commiseration for embarrassed landlords of great prospective wealth, and would have seen no reason to aid them in living more luxuriously than themselves, and wished a government where the revenues were not diverted to sinecurists, but pur- chased actual services. Were the new Lieutenant- Governor's agreement disclosed, it was doubtful if the Assembly would vote any compensating salary. It ap- pears that opinion in England too was turning against such a "rake off;" however common it had been in times before, it was at this time so far from being a
784
CHRONICLES OF PENNSYLVANIA.
matter of course that the Penns' appointee was utterly ashamed of it, and feared the effect upon his standing, if it became known. So it was kept secret as well from the public in England, as from the inhabitants of Penn- sylvania and Delaware.
Owing to the arrest of Marylanders pending the boundary dispute, Lord Baltimore petitioned the King for the appointment of an impartial person over the Lower Counties, until the force of the compromise of 1732 were determined, or, at least, that George Thomas, against whom personally Baltimore had no objection, have a commission directly from the Crown, and that matters in the Lower Counties be not triable in Penn- sylvania. The British government, relying upon the arrangements which it was making to preserve the peace on the borders, decided to allow the Penns' commission to include the Lower Counties. Meanwhile, Thomas went to Antigua, arriving there on Feb. 14, 1737-8, the day before the royal approbation was given. An order in the Privy Council was made to allow the oath of office to be administered by the Lieutenant- Governor of Antigua, and the security to be entered before him.
Having so qualified, George Thomas arrived in Phila- delphia on June 1, 1738. He had married, April 18, 1718, at St. Philip's, Antigua, Elizabeth, dau. of John King of Antigua, and by her, who died in 1763, had a number of children born before his removal to Penn- sylvania. Daughters as well as the wife accompanied him on his arrival. A daughter, Margaret, was born here on July 18, 1745, and baptized at Christ Church, Philadelphia, six days later. None of the children per- manently settled in Pennsylvania, and it is likely that the older ones were away during part at least of their father's administration. The eldest daughter was mar- ried at St. George's, Antigua, in 1744.
In preparation for the arrival of this Lieutenant-
785
QUAKER CONTROL OF THE ASSEMBLY.
Governor, as the Province of Pennsylvania possessed no flag to hoist, the Mayor of Philadelphia (Thomas Griffitts, who was also a Councillor) provided one at what seems the enormous expense of 23l. 17s. 3d., ap- parently including the flag pole and setting it up.
Thomas's retention of the office for at least a year had been secured by his stipulating to give notice twelve months before leaving. When he had stayed less than two months, but after directing his agent in London to pay to the Proprietaries £250 at the end of the half year, he had reason to regret the decision to pay, and also the entire bargain. He had not received £20, and Robert Charles had informed him that the fees had not netted Lieutenant-Governor Gordon 6001. Penna. money in any one year. There was included probably the net income from the fees paid to the Secretary of the Province; for in Gordon's time, and, it was said, in Keith's, all such fees were handed over to the Lieutenant-Governor, who paid to the Sec- retary a certain stipend for the work. It being ar- ranged that Charles be superseded, Thomas was allowed to appoint Thomas Lawrie, who in due time arrived, as Secretary and also Clerk of the Council, under a similar agreement as to fees. An important piece of patronage, Thomas reluctantly consented to bestow for the benefit of the Penn family. In accordance with John Penn's request, the post of Naval Officer, which could have been conferred upon a relative or ally of the Lieutenant-Governor, or one who would have shared fees with him, was given to the Proprietaries' brother- in-law, Thomas Freame. The acting Governor felt that the selection was his privilege, and even that the office could have been assumed by himself under the Act of Parliament, which required him to give £2000 security for faithful performance of the duties. The style of living which was expected of the chief official of the colony with the visiting of place after place-to say
786
CHRONICLES OF PENNSYLVANIA.
nothing of the voyage of himself and household at the beginning-required a high salary. Unless the appro- priation by the Assembly was to be larger than usual, sufficiently at least to make up for what was to go to the Penns, it would be better for him financially to live in Antigua as a planter, for which life his private in- come was ample. The Assemblymen understood too well the way by which monarchy was being controlled by Parliament to be very bountiful to a Lieutenant-Gov- ernor who did not suit them : and Thomas had been tied up with instructions likely to cause dissatisfaction.
The Assembly, in August, 1738, did, to be sure, ap- propriate money to him before entering upon business ; but, after he had passed a law for changing the Trus- tees of the Loan Office and one for laying an excise for five years on retailed wine and retailed rum, brandy, and other spirits, a bill was presented for enactment by him upon the crucial subject of paper money. He succeeded in postponing the consideration of it until the next Assembly.
On Oct. 3, 1738, Sassoonan with other Delawares, ap- parently a different body from those who had been concerned with the Walking Purchase, visited Thomas Penn and Lieutenant-Governor Thomas, and, at a meet- ing held at the Proprietary's house, said that all was clear between them. Sassoonan was now very feeble, and he and his old men very poor: the Lieutenant- Governor, in addition to the matchcoats, blankets, hats, shirts, &ct. provided for the visitors by the public, pre- sented at his own expense to Sassoonan a matchcoat laced with silver and a silver laced hat. Nootamis came in the following month. The minutes of the Council do not tell us what he said, but leave the in- ference that he was making merely a formal call upon the new Lieutenant-Governor. The visitor brought a present, and, according to custom, received articles of twice the value in return.
787
QUAKER CONTROL OF THE ASSEMBLY.
After a recess, the Assembly chosen in 1738, of which Hamilton was Speaker, presented to the Lieutenant- Governor, Jany. 12, 1738-9, the former proposition to reprint, exchange, and re-emit the outstanding bills of credit, and to issue 11,110l. 5s. more, so as to make the whole issue of the Province 80,000l., the new bills to be a legal tender as if in coins at the rate for foreign coins in America under the Act of Parliament of 6 Anne. Thomas called attention to the exchange be- tween Philadelphia and London being then 70 per cent. for the paper currency, and only 33l. 6s. 8d. per cent. for the coins, or "proclamation money," as they were called. The Proprietaries, as he showed by a tran- script from their written Instructions, had ordered him not to assent to any emission, increase, or continuance of paper currency, unless the law provided that the quit rents and other rents due to them be all paid from time to time at the real rate of exchange with London. This, their Deputy declared to be an insurmountable obstacle to his assenting to what the Assembly proposed. He, however, went beyond the Instructions, and sought, by an amendment drawn up in Council, to protect not only the Proprietary rents and quit rents, but all debts al- ready or thereafter agreed to be in sterling to the Pro- prietaries, and all debts agreed to be paid in sterling to any persons in Great Britain. He also referred in his message to the address of the Assembly in 1729 to the Proprietaries, that the quit rents must always be payable in the value of the English shilling in current coin then passing. In view of the resolution of the Lords for Trade, to recommend the disallowance by the King of any law for issuing bills of credit, the Lieutenant-Governor advised that the whole paper currency be not risked in one Act; for the confusion would be great, if, after the bills were circulated, the law were repealed, and the bills made invalid: if all must, nevertheless, be risked, he suggested fixing the
788
CHRONICLES OF PENNSYLVANIA.
whole currency at 75,000l., known to the Lords to have been emitted without doing as much harm as the issues of paper money by other colonies had done. When the Assembly rejected the amendment concerning the sterling debts, as lessening the credit of the currency, and said that it would injure the Proprietaries as sellers of land and collectors of large sums due for lands already sold, Thomas replied that the Proprie- taries, if justice were done in the matter of quit rents, must be content to run the chance as to sums for land, and they would be interested in keeping up the credit of the currency, they being obliged to buy produce, in order to make remittances home. Conferrees from the Assembly urged that it would be better to leave the matter to the practice which had arisen, and which was expected to continue, notwithstanding the proposed law, viz: juries allowing the real exchange, as was being done in England in the case of guineas, notwith- standing various Acts of Parliament. The proposed amendment was objected to, moreover, as debarring from being heard in courts of law those who thought that they had a right to contend against the exchange demanded. Furthermore, it was pointed out that pay- ment of rents would be precarious and uncertain, ex- change rising and falling in proportion to the exigen- cies of trade and the necessities of those making remittances, and exacting more than the true value of the rents, and dependent perhaps on the caprice, arti- fice, or design of evil men. Except the bill were passed without the amendment, the large sums due to the Pro- prietaries for purchase money and rent in arrear could not be paid. As to the Assembly's address in 1729, it had never been made known to the People, and was not binding on the representatives, and was adopted when the exchange was much lower. An English shil- ling could be purchased in the colony with less paper money than required by the exchange in London, so
Need help finding more records? Try our genealogical records directory which has more than 1 million sources to help you more easily locate the available records.