USA > Pennsylvania > Chronicles of Pennsylvania from the English revolution to the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, 1688-1748, Vol. II > Part 35
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cillors, told them that all that he could do was to set his men at work to raise a good battery, placing in it his guns, which were already ashore. The Council ordered the completion of the great battery, and the mounting in it of the guns from New York, and commissioned Col- onel Taylor to command all the batteries. The owners of the "Trembleur" were willing to let that fighting vessel be made ready, if the Council would engage to repay them in case of capture or injury, and the captain was willing to take command on condition, that, if disabled from earning his livelihood by the loss of a limb, he should be provided for by the public. The "Trem- bleur" was not used, owing to the inability of the Coun- cil to make such engagements. The Quaker Speaker, agreeing to the setting of guards, to an embargo upon all vessels, to sending expresses to other colonies, and to employing pilot boats to cruise for information, re- peated his former opinion, that, if the Councillors were put to any expense, although it might happen that the Assembly would not have approved, yet an adequate provision would be made in appropriating for the sup- port of government. An attempt was made by Voyall Chubb, two days after the affair at New Castle, to get private subscriptions for immediately sending out one of the vessels then at Philadelphia against the privateers, Ballet saying that he would be ready within ten days; but Chubb was unsuccessful, because it was felt that the Assembly would not make reimbursement. This and the desirability of having a vessel of force kept for several months cruising off the Capes, induced the call- ing of the Assembly; but, to a request for a grant of money, 1000l. per month being the amount supposed necessary, the House answered that it had been the practice to contribute to the support of government, that the protection of the people and of trade was a prin- cipal part of the duty of those receiving such contribu- tion, and that, if those having the executive powers of
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government were in any emergency put to expense judged reasonable by the Assembly, it was believed that suitable provision would be made in support of govern- ment. This was a modification of Kinsey's former ex- pression, and it was supplemented by declining to en- courage the expense of a ship, and by announcing confi- dence that the "Otter," which would soon be ready to sail, and the "Hector," to the commander of which Captain Ballet had written, would comply with their in- structions, which would be all that appeared necessary. The House having adjourned without waiting for a reply, it being the middle of June, the Council unani- mously, Lawrence, Taylor, Hopkinson, Hasell, and Strettell being present with Palmer, passed a series of resolutions controverting the position taken by the Assembly, the first resolution saying that it was never understood that the salaries voted to Governors for their support were intended to be laid out in protecting the people and trade, and that, as the Councillors re- ceived no salaries, and paid taxes, they should not be expected to make advances out of their private for- tunes on no better security than the belief of the pres- ent Assemblymen that a future Assembly would judge the sums reasonable, and would make reimbursement.
The privateers which came in May having gone off with their prizes, others appeared in the Bay in June, among them a very large ship, and the number of ves- sels taken mounted up. Every one of the eight Coun- cillors consulted on June 18, several days after the "Otter" was ready, deemed it too foolhardy for her to go alone to fight so powerful a foe. The warship "Loo," Capt. Norbury, already serving in Virginia, went to the assistance of the colonies on Delaware Bay; the "Hector," having reached her station, cruised northward; and, when it was found that the "Otter" would not be alone, she went down the Bay, took some small prizes, and then, on July 15, effected a union with
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the "Hector." These three vessels practically swept the coast clear, capturing some privateers, and retak- ing considerable British craft which had been seized by the enemy.
During the whole period of trepidation from the en- emy's performances at sea, the government of Penn- sylvania was more or less actively engaged in its usual work of strengthening and extending the tie with the Indians. Out of the appropriation made for them by the expiring Assembly of 1746, the Council voted on Sep. 25, 1747, to spend 200l. in goods for the Canayia- haga Indians and those on the Ohio, and, accordingly, powder and lead, guns and flints, and knives as well as other articles were sent to John Harris's, to await transportation further. Matchcoats &ct. were sent to Shikallima, who was very poor, had given away his clothes to Indian doctors, had lost three of his fam- ily by fever, and was himself recovering from it under the medicine given to him by Weiser from Dr. Græme. About this time, Sassoonan, the Delaware King, died. Lapaghuitton was thought the best fitted to succeed him, but declined, fearing the envy of other Indians, one of whom might bewitch him! Some warriors of the Six Nations living on the Ohio, came unexpectedly to Phila- delphia in November, and announced the taking up of the hatchet against the French by the young Indian warriors and captains, in spite of the inclination of the old men of Onondaga to preserve neutrality. Request was made for "better arms :" complaint was made, that, while the Indian "kettle boiled high, so that the French- men's heads might soon be boiled," the fire under the English kettle "was almost out, and that it hardly boiled at all," meaning, that, while the Indians were carrying on the war briskly, the English were not fight- ing. It was learned by Weiser, in private conversation, that the taking up of the hatchet had been done to pre- vent the neighbours from following the example of the
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French Praying Indians, who were aiding France, and that those whom the visitors represented had arranged and secured acceptances for a council fire to be held at their town in the Spring of all the Indians for a consid- erable distance around them. Weiser reported that the visitors represented not less than 500 men, and had many allies more numerous than themselves; and the Council delivered an answer prepared by Secretary Peters after consultation with James Logan. It was very different from the conservative speeches formerly made by Thomas in deference to the Quaker Assembly. Pleasure was expressed at the taking up of the hatchet. To account for the failure to prosecute the invasion of Canada, mention was made of the great English naval victory! Ascertaining that certain of the goods at Harris's would be delivered to them there by the inter- preter, that a small present of powder and lead had been sent to the Canayiahaga Indians by the hands of Croghan, and that a proper present would be sent in the Spring to be distributed to all the Indians at Ohio, at Canayiahaga, and about Lake Erie, the visitors closed the meeting with a war-dance. On their journey homewards, Scaiohady told Weiser and Croghan, that the French party was so strong, that, had not the ex- pectations from going to Philadelphia been fulfilled, all would have joined the French, the latter offering sup- plies, and if Weiser missed coming in the Spring, the same would then happen. The Assembly on 11 mo. 9, 1747-8, approved of the present already given, and of the promise of a larger one, but reminded the Council that the object was to supply necessaries towards the acquiring of a livelihood, and to cultivate friendship, and not to encourage the savages' participation in war. For the present which was promised, the Assembly voted 500l. While asking the governments of Maryland and Virginia to join in sending presents, the Pennsyl- vania Council decided to purchase goods worth 828l. 8s.
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Ogd. : but, on reports, that, in fact, only one tribe on the Ohio had committed hostilities against the French, the others having submitted the question of war to the Six Nations, the Council, letting Croghan take some articles to the distant Indians, postponed Weiser's journey to those on the Ohio, until after an expected visit of some of the old men from the Long House. Croghan found on the Ohio nearly 1500 Indians, he said, in great want of powder, lead, &ct., and added to the present he took, which was not sufficient to supply half of them with ammunition to kill meat for themselves. He held a conference on April 28, and May 2 and May 4, 1748, with those who spoke of representing 730 men of the Six Nations able to go to war, and of there being other nations on the Ohio which would make up as many more. The Indians, receiving the goods with a promise of more before the first of August, declared themselves devoted to the English, only dilatory in prosecuting the war until all the brethren among the enemy could get home, and only awaiting word from the English as to when and where to strike. In June, a message from the Cayugas was brought to Shamokin, and forwarded to Juniata, warning the Indians on the Susquehanna that English agents, angry at the Cayugas refusing to go to war, had declared them enemies. Shikallima had not believed this, and had sent persons to investigate, but, through Weiser at Tulpehocken, told the government of Pennsylvania. The President wrote to Governor Clinton, and received answer that such exasperating language had not been used at Colonel Johnson's recent treaty with the Six Nations, nor anywhere with the Governor's knowledge or consent: and a copy of this answer with a copy of the minutes of the treaty, was sent to Weiser for the satisfaction of the Indians about the Susquehanna.
In the Summer of 1748, there was a resumption of control over the Shawnees, and also the establishment
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of friendship with the once dreaded Twightwees. The Shawnees had been divided in sentiment, and somewhat in action; Kakowwatchy and a party had resisted the temptations offered by the French, while Newcheconner and others had ranged themselves with Chartier. How- ever, Newcheconner, after going to the region con- trolled by the French, returned; and it was intimated, through Kakowwatchy and the traders, that all at Al- legheney would take the English side, asking forgive- ness: but, although assured that they would be par- doned, on sending deputies to Philadelphia to acknowl- edge their fault, they, for over two years, procrastinated as to this. The Twightwees, or Miamis, at this time living on the Wabash, numbering 1000 fighting men, had been brought over from French to English influence, and had, in the Summer 1747, done Pennsylvania a great service, if what Weiser was told in November was true, viz: two strong Indian nations dwelling not far from the Mississippi were coming to invade the prov- ince and adjoining provinces, but were persuaded to go back by the Miamis, who told them that it would amount to a declaration of war against the Six Nations and their allies, the Six Nations having become with the English as one body. In June, 1748, some chiefs of the Shawnees and some of the Six Nations wrote from Log's town that they were coming to Lancaster to pre- sent the chiefs of the Twightwees. Councillors Shoe- maker, Turner, Hopkinson, and William Logan were sent to Lancaster; and, by treaty reduced to writing dated July 23, the Twightwees were taken into alliance with the English nation. The chiefs of the Six Nations acting as escort asked also in the course of the proceed- ings that the Shawnees be forgiven. In reply, Shoe- maker and his fellow commissioners gave to the Six Nations a string of wampum, wherewith to chastise Newcheconner and his party of Shawnees, and then to tell them that their conduct was forgiven, and that a
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punctual regard for their engagements was expected in the future. Kakowwatchy and his party, on the other hand, would be remembered with gratitude, and were to receive a belt, which the commissioners gave, in testi- mony of regard.
As the treaty was concluded, there came news of a cessation of hostilities between the English and French Kings. On August 11, however, Weiser set out for the Ohio, and there, in the following month, delivered the goods as a kind and brotherly present, explaining that the President and Council, in view of their Sovereign's command to suspend arms, and of the probability of peace, could not encourage the Indians in a war against the French. Among those receiving a present were Ionontady-hagas, or Wondats, who had removed them- selves from the French, and were taken into the league with Pennsylvania. Weiser communicated a new reg- ulation, which was in the line of temperance among the Indians, because cutting down the extortionate profits of those who sold liquor, viz: that a certain quantity should be bartered at Indian villages for five bucks (the skins?), and, if a trader would not let it go for that, the Indians could take it from him, and drink it for nothing.
Peace, of which the colonists were made certain be- fore the election of 1748, saved the political life of the Quaker Assemblymen. The voters, of whom only a small minority were religiously persuaded to non-re- sistance, and of whom an overwhelming number, had the danger continued, would have been exasperated, were now glad that they had no taxes to pay. Had it not been for the calmness and moral heroism of the representatives, a percentage of property or a sum of money from every man without property would be ex- acted for expenditure which had become useless. If such men had been wrongheaded, the generality of their neighbours were profiting by the wrongheadedness; individuals had met with serious losses through cap-
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tures at sea, and the general prosperity had been dimin- ished thereby, but a provincial guard-ship might have affected this very little; there had been no niggardliness in presents to keep the good will of the Indians, and agriculture, iron-making, and fur collecting, which were the great inland industries, had doubtless been safe- guarded by the neutrality which the Assembly refused to persuade the Six Nations to break. Had not these Quaker statesmen and their fellow-members guided by them, under whom the Province had attained prosperity in time of peace,-had they not in the recent excitement, even, shown good judgment after all? Some such reasoning must have made conservative many voters who had been restive, for if a vindictive sentiment had survived in the majority, it could not have been defeated by the alertness or cohesiveness of a small personal faction, or of a religious denomination. Yet we find practically the same men elected to the House in 1748 and some succeeding years as for several years preceding.
As the English "Old Style" year 1747 was drawing to a close, the Proprietaries felt that they must appoint a Lieutenant-Governor to reach the Province in time to meet the Assembly to be chosen in October following, and James Hamilton, the Councillor, then visiting Eng- land, was selected. He was a close friend of Thomas Penn, but was as well qualified as any resident of the Penn dominion, having held with credit several offices, including that of Mayor of the City. He has been often spoken of, even by contemporaries, as a native of Phila- delphia, but this appears incorrect, as for several years after the date of James's birth, the elder Hamilton is described as residing elsewhere, and the mother may be assumed to have stayed at the home. James Hamilton was rich, and appears never to have married. The ex- pectation that he would marry Mary Miranda has been mentioned (page 696). The Proprietaries commis-
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sioned Hamilton on March 17, 1747-8. He received the royal approbation on May 12, and took the various oaths of allegiance and supremacy &ct. on August 4, before the Lords Justices of Great Britain. He did not sail very soon, and did not relieve the Council of the executive powers until November 23.
On August 13, 1748, President Palmer, being seventy- five years old, married in Christ Church, or, at least, by ceremony of its minister, Catharine Carter, aged twenty, who appears to have been, however, a widow née Allaire. In the letter which tells us of the ages of this bride and bridegroom, written by Rev. Richard Peters to Thomas Penn, under date of May 3, 1749, it is said : "She is likely to bring him a Child this Year. He has buried all his Sons and Daughters except Mrs. Keith and Betsey a Maiden Lady of Thirty-five and he has a Grand Child a pretty Girl of Mrs. Barkleys [Berk- eley]." There was also, but probably not living with the grandfather, a son of a deceased son. The letter goes on to speak of Palmer's weakness, at least in old age, in money matters, Peters having paid to him over 2000l. during his Presidency, and he having less than 1000l. left. Palmer died at Kensington about seven months after ceasing to be at the head of affairs, and was buried (Christ Church records) on June 2, 1749. Notwithstanding the prognostication aforesaid, no child was born, at least none appears in the burial or baptismal records, or in the partition of the estate. The widow married the President's kinsman and son-in- law, Samuel Palmer, and had children by him, through whom the name was kept up longer than in the Presi- dent's direct line: and she married again (the 4th time?). The President's posterity, reduced to a small number, sank in a few generations to a station in life less conspicuous than that of the descendants of his colleagues. In accordance with his design to provide
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a cemetery for Kensington, his daughter Mrs. Keith by will established the Palmer ground.
On Aug. 31, 1748, about a week after receipt of official notice from the Duke of Bedford, Secretary of State, there was published in Philadelphia a royal proclama- tion of May 5 for cessation of hostilities with France, preliminaries for a treaty of peace with the "Most Christian King" having been signed at Aix-la-Chapelle on April 19 (O. S.). "His Catholic Majesty" ac- ceded to this on June 17. Information to this effect, and a proclamation of the Lords Justices of Aug. 4, for cessation of hostilities with Spain, and a proclama- tion of the Lords Justices of Aug. 25 for resumption of commerce with the Spaniards, reached the Council of- ficially on October 29, 1748; and immediately thereupon those proclamations were published. With that date, and Palmer still at the head of Pennsylvania and Dela- ware, this history closes, the definitive treaty having been, on the 7th of that month, signed at Aix-la- Chapelle.
ADDENDA AND CORRIGENDA
CHAPTER II.
(page 50) Penn's Commissioners of Property, or, rather, the agents for his mortgagees, agreed in 1st mo., 1713-4, to let Michael Harlan have 2500 acres at Thunder Hill near Nottingham and the Maryland bor- der, to hold at his own risk, in consideration whereof he was charged only 150l.
(page 57) If the reader asks why the appeal to the House of Lords was not taken against Hardwicke's de- cision, the answer may suffice, that, during his Chancel- lorship, there were no other "law Lords" in the House, and therefore there were only three appeals in equity "from Philip to Philip, in all of which the decrees were affirmed without difficulty," as says Lord Campbell in his Lives of the Lord Chancellors.
CHAPTER III.
(page 79) John Reed, in his Explanation (pub- lished in 1774) of his map of the City and Liberties of Philadelphia, shows that the Liberties included land west of the Schuylkill, as well as the Northern Liber- ties, and that some of the first purchasers received the full two per cent. in said western part, while only 80 acres, instead of 100, for each quantity of 5000 acres were laid out to others in the Northern Liberties. This inequality does not seem to have been complained of, and may have been agreed to by the purchasers arriv- ing, as trifling or compensated for.
(pages 80 and 81) The statement that there are now twenty-two streets in the same space as the origi- nal twenty-three is not strictly accurate: the original
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space was contracted nearly 600 ft. by moving Schuyl- kill Front eastward. There is some evidence that the change from Holme's published plan to the plan con- templated in the patent of 1692 was decided upon even before the former was actually published. The tradi- tion that the change dates from about the time of the close of these Chronicles, probably arose from plans and measurements being made in those years, and perhaps it was then, and not earlier, that, without any consider- able departure from the scheme indicated in 1692, the size of certain blocks east of Delaware Eighth Street was increased, and, as none of the blocks or streets of the city were shortened or narrowed, the position of all but Delaware Front and Delaware 2nd was moved west of what was intended in 1692, and practically to where they respectively stand on the official map to-day. West of and including Delaware 8th (now 8th) there is a regular correspondence in number and width of the streets running north and south and in the inter- vening distances with that part of the plan used in 1692, it being understood that the figures on page 81 for the distance between 13th and Broad, viz: 520 ft., are an error for 528 ft. Broad Street is 113 ft. wide.
(page 83) There is an account of the Claypoole, or Claypool, family in a letter of Mch. 22, 1706-7, printed in Penna. Mag., Vol. X.
CHAPTER IV.
(page 98) At Shackamaxon was the house of Thomas Fairman, which he let to Penn for the "Winter" of 1682 (Westcott's Historic Mansions), and it is likely that Penn retained it until July, 1683.
(pages 100, last line, and 101, top line) It will be seen, from the account of the Walking Purchase (pp. 770-779), that the deed in which Sahoppe, or Sayhoppy, joined, and which gave rise to the notorious Indian Walk, was for land extending from the Neshaminy, instead of the Pennypack, to the Delaware.
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(page 104) For "Kennet" read "Kennett."
(pp. 108, 115, and 122) It can hardly escape notice that Pacoughtronack is the same name as Pascoticans and Pascatoways. It is an item for the investigators of Indian tribal genealogy that in the list (Colonial Rec- ords, Vol. IV, p. 583-586) of Indians at the treaty of 1742 (see Chapter XXVI), there are two groups from Conestoga, i.e. from the Susquehanna region south of the Blue Mountains, one speaking the Anayint lan- guage (Oneida or Iroquoian generally), and the other called "Indians of the Nantikokes, by us called the Cannoyios."
CHAPTER VI.
(page 156) On recent search by the present writer, no specific order from Penn to fire upon the Mary- landers has been found. By others than Quaker mag- istrates, an order to injure opposers would have been seen in his commission of 2 mo. 6, 1684, to William Welch, John Simcock, and James Harrison,-all or at least two of them being Quakers-to raise the country against the Marylanders, and to grant commissions for the purpose, and to suppress riotous and rebellious practices, and to apprehend all found engaged therein; and similarly to be construed as one for civil war was his declaration of 4 mo. 4, 1684, mentioned on page 41, particularly as those in arms as well as those not in arms were to be seized. The date, occasion, and phraseology of Penn's commission appointing a com- mander of the fort at New Castle, which commission Lt. Gov. Thomas had before him in January, 1739-40, is not known.
CHAPTER IX.
(page 256) In the contracted date of one of Penn's letters to Viscount Sidney, "22 A, 90" is a misprint for "22 A, 91." Notwithstanding that in The Friend, Vol. VI (published in 1833), this letter is attributed to August, the "A" must mean April.
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CHAPTER XI.
(page 339) Rev. Evan Evans is spoken of by Rev. Henry Nicolls as "formerly of Brasen Nose College (Perry's Historical Collections -Maryland) ;" and Joseph Foster's Alumni Oxfordiensis has notes in re- gard to the Evan Evans who was the recipient of the degree of D.D. in 1714, evidently the one in question, which, however, do not fit the latter in age. He is spoken of in a letter of William Penn of 10, 21, 1700, as late of Wrexham.
(page 343) Evans's second voyage to England was taken apparently soon after Sep. 8, 1713, the date of a letter from Logan to Penn, of which Evans was to be the bearer.
(page 350) For "Grey's Inn" read "Gray's Inn." (page 363) The correct date of Cummings's death is April 19, 1741.
(page 364) It is unlikely that Peters after delibera- tion alleged a right of advowson in the Proprietaries.
CHAPTER XIII.
(page 422) Apparently the John Evans who was made Lieutenant-Governor was son or nephew of Peter Evans. Penn had, in a letter of 10, 21, 1700, told Char- lewood Lawton to inform Peter Evans that Portlock's successor was one Evans late of Wrexham.
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