USA > Pennsylvania > Cumberland County > Churches of the valley, or, An historical sketch of the old Presbyterian congregations of Cumberland and Franklin counties, in Pennsylvania > Part 6
USA > Pennsylvania > Franklin County > Churches of the valley, or, An historical sketch of the old Presbyterian congregations of Cumberland and Franklin counties, in Pennsylvania > Part 6
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"But should they leave their station, it affords no argument for us to leave ours. Nay, if opposition should arise to such a height as to require opposition, which may sometimes happen in any government, such opposition ought to be made in a quiet, peace-
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able, and lawful manner, and not by force of arms, tumults, and riots, and the like. This is choosing the worst way, for no other reason but because it is the worst; for oppression itself will not justify opposition by force, until all milder measures have failed-much less is it justifiable when the circumstances of the case do not require it.
"Upon the whole, then, as I conceive it my duty to reprove sin, in whatever light it appears, and as I am convinced that the resisting a divine ordinance is a sin, and that the disgraceful conduct of the late rioters deserves that character, I conceive that no upright and well-disposed mind can take offence at what I have declared concerning it. It is a story in the mouths of those who may be called our political adversaries, that the Presbyterians are disaffected towards the government, and that their teachers in- struct them so; and thus, though it is a charge upon that people in general, yet it comes sideways upon the ministers. And therefore I take this occasion publicly to declare my abhorrence and detestation of such riotous conduct, and most earnestly exhort and warn all those that hear me to abstain from it, and to avoid all those who do by any means encourage practices so destructive to the peace and good order of society-nay, so reproachful to human nature."
It was but a few years after the occurrence of the event just mentioned, until the Colonies began to be agitated, from one extreme to the other, on the sub- ject of their connexion with Great Britain. The
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fires which had long been concealed were now begin- ning to give evidence of their existence. Great Britain had become more and more unyielding in her claims, and unrelenting ; and the American Colonies had become more determined than ever to maintain their rights, and to defend them at all hazards. From these positions neither party would recede. The breach had become too wide to be healed. The crisis had been reached, and the country was in arms. The same spirit which pervaded the Colonies at large, pervaded also the minds of the people here. The feelings of patriotism had been enkindled in their bosoms, and were to know no abatement in their ardour, until they had achieved their country's independence. In producing this spirit, and in fos- tering it, Dr. King was second to none of the Pres- byterian clergymen of his day. He not only volun- teered his services, and went as chaplain to the battalion which marched from this part of the coun- try, but many were the addresses which he delivered in behalf of the liberties of his country. It may be interesting to place on record a specimen of these addresses, which this patriotic minister made to the people during these trying times.
At a meeting of the citizens of the neighbourhood, called to deliberate on the state of affairs, he thus spoke :- "Gentlemen, the occasion of your meeting here this day is of a most serious and alarming nature. Driven by the cruel hand of violence, you are now brought to the sad alternative, either of sub-
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mitting to the iron rod of oppression and slavery, or appearing under arms in the defence of your natural and sacred rights; and your sentiments are required, which of these you will choose and resolutely adhere to. Let us consider a little the occasion of these movements. Whatever secret schemes may be at the bottom, we know that actions speak loud, and from these we may judge that the heaviest chains are being prepared for us-that a plan of the most per- fect slavery and oppression is laid, and is now in actual and violent execution. Say, which of your most sacred rights and invaluable franchises are not in danger by this plan? You think you have a natural right to use your own property. No! says Parliament, we have a right to tax you as we please, without your concurrence. You think you have a right to be governed by your own laws, made by your own representatives. No! says the Parliament, we have, and of right ought to have, full power to make laws and statutes sufficient to bind the Colonies and people of America in all cases whatsoever. This breaks down all your boasts of liberty at once, de- stroys your assemblies, and makes you absolutely subject to whatever burdens a corrupt ministry or a venal Parliament may please to lay upon you. You think you have a constitutional right to be tried, in cases of life, liberty, or property, by a jury of your vicinage. No! you must in several cases be tried in
England. You think that murderers should not escape. Yes! says the Parliament, if they are en-
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gaged in our cause. Do you think your religion is safe? Not very secure, indeed, when the Popish religion is established, and the French laws are set up just in our neighbourhood. Or can you think that even your lives will be safe under a dragooning military government ?
"We hold our charters, and consequently our titles to our possessions, by the plighted faith of the Crown; yet what regard is paid to this ? These charters are violated at the pleasure of Parliament, and so they may go on to divest us of every- thing we call our own. All these things (and in- deed these are but some of the cruel things) have been done by the last Parliament. And what has the present Parliament done ? Instead of relieving, they have increased our burdens. We waited, and hoped for assistance from friends in England; but neither they nor we could be heard. One would say, we must confine our trade solely to Britain, Ireland, and the West Indies; another, that the people of New England must not fish on the banks of Newfoundland (that may be reserved for their peaceable neighbours, the French); and a third, to enable the King to declare us actual rebels, and treat us accordingly, thousands of men are sent over to execute the fatal sentence. The cloud is gathering thicker and thicker ! Nay, it has already burst, and violence is begun. We hear pretty authentic ac- counts of an actual engagement.
"Now this is our lamentable situation-and what
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will we do? I am ready to anticipate your answer, and say that you will firmly resolve to stand for your liberties, and, with all your force, oppose these un- constitutional exertions of power. We have been opposing them in a peaceable way, but now we are drove to the worst, and must either submit or appeal to arms-that 'ultima ratio regum,' the last argument of kings. But some will perhaps say it is taking up arms against the King,-a grievous crime, according to the English Constitution, and contrary to the command of the Apostle, who teaches that 'every soul be subject to the higher powers.' My sentiments of this matter are these. I acknowledge King George as my rightful sovereign ; I declare myself his sub- ject, and am willing to swear allegiance to him, and I do not doubt but every one of you would declare the same; but still I do firmly believe that all allegiance is bounded by the constitution of our go- vernment, and all obedience is limited by the laws of God. It is, therefore, constitutional allegiance that we would declare. It is this that we plead for. It is obedience in things lawful that we are to pay, and beyond this the Apostle surely would never inculcate subjection to the earthly powers. That pernicious doctrine of passive obedience and non-resistance can stand upon no rational foundation, but is contrary thereto. It is absurd in itself, fraught with the most dangerous consequences, and only calculated for the meridian of Turkey or Tartary. The operation of it will never cease until we shall become like the
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slaves of Morocco, who, when their tyrant, perhaps for his sport, wounds them with a javelin, submis- sively employ their remaining strength to draw it out, and give it to him again, that he may give them the finishing blow.
"Now, sirs, subjection is demanded of us, but it is not the constitutional subjection which we are in duty bound to pay ; it is not a legal subjection to the King they would bring us to-that we already acknowledge; but it is a subjection to the British Parliament, or to the people of Great Britain : this we deny, and I hope will always deny. . They are not our lords and masters ; they are no more than our brethren and fel- low-subjects. They call themselves, and it has been usual to call them, the mother country ; but this is only a name, and if there was anything in it, one would think that it should lead them to treat us like children, with parental affection. But is it fatherly or motherly, to strip us of everything, to rob us of every right and privilege, and then to whip and dragoon us with fleets and armies, till we are pleased ? No! As the name does not belong to them, so their conduct shows they have no right to claim it. We are on an equal footing with them in all respects ; with respect to government and privileges ; and there- fore their usurpation ought to be opposed. Nay, when the King uses the executive branch of govern- ment, which is in his hand, to enable one part of his subjects to lord it over and oppress another, it is a
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sufficient ground of our applying to the laws of nature for our defence.
" But this is the case with us. We have no other refuge from slavery but those powers which God has given us, and allowed us to use in defence of our dearest rights ; and I hope he will bless our endeavours, and give success to this oppressed people ; and that the wicked instruments of all these distractions, shall meet their due reward. I earnestly wish that in such troublous times, while we plead for liberty, a proper guard may be kept against any turbulent or mobbish outbreak, and that unanimity may be uni- versal, both in counsel and action, and that we may still have an eye to the great God, who has some im- portant reasons for such severe corrections. Let us look to the rod and him that hath appointed it ; let us humble ourselves before him daily for our sins, and depend upon him for success. If he be against us, in vain do we struggle ; if the Lord be for us, 'though an host should encamp against us, we need not be afraid.'
" Now from a right view of the state and circum- stances of these Colonies, every man of common sense will see that in this conflict nothing is more necessary than union, nothing more dangerous than division ; and if ever we are obliged to give up our sacred rights, it will not be by British force, but by enemies among ourselves. A state divided cannot stand, and therefore we should guard against division. Some will doubtless be so mean, as to prefer some present
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ease before the most lasting enjoyment, and rather than discompose themselves for the present, would submit to the vilest bondage ; so sordid, as to set up their own interest in competition with the public good and this general cause, in which we are engaged. It is certain that all these are in a degree enemies to us, and should be avoided ; not only such as will not act with us, but such as will not act harmoniously. Everything that tends to break the harmony should be avoided."
The following extract is from a sermon occasioned by the death of General Montgomery, preached Ja- nuary, 1777, from the text, " And all these things are against me." (Gen. xlii. 36:) " God's dealings with men when he is working their deliverance are often so dark and intricate, that they are apt to judge and say they are against them. This should prevent us forming hasty judgments concerning our circumstances, how- ever dark, nay, even desperate they may be. Such judgments of matters tend to depress that spirit and weaken that activity and force which are necessary to extricate from troubles : besides, they are injurious to the right exercise of faith in the goodness and power of God, and betray an ignorance of the methods of his providence. Let us, therefore, in our circum- stances guard against them. They arise from a weakness of faith, from cowardice, from principles of sense, from partial views of thematter, and from igno- rance of God. To admit and to follow such a judgment in our case would be dishonourable to our cause and
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attended with certain ruin. For surely we have still reason for the exercise of faith and confidence in God, that he will not give a people up to the un- limited will and power of others, who have done all they could to avoid the calamity, and have so strenu- ously adhered to the cause of reason and humanity ; -a people who have been attacked with unprovoked violence, and driven with the greatest reluctance to take up arms for their defence ;- a people whom he himself by a series of providential actings hath gra- dually led on to this condition. That he should
give up such a people to the tyranny of masters, who impiously invade his own prerogative, and mark their proceedings with such instances of barbarity and in- humanity as nature itself abhors-let us never entertain a thought so derogatory to the honour and justice of Him who is the Judge of all the earth, and will surely do that which is right. He is the judge of right, the guardian of innocence, the protector of truth, and the defence of the oppressed. 'The Lord is the re- fuge for the oppressed; he will maintain the cause of the afflicted; he hath appointed his arrows against the persecutors.'
"Therefore, when these are our circumstances, we may rationally judge that God is not an unconcerned spectator, but that he sees and will reward the per- secutors. Many things, indeed, seem to be against us ; a very great and powerful enemy, who have been long trained to victory; their numerous and savage allies, who, having lost their liberty, would have others
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in the same condition ; our weakness and inexperience in war ; internal enemies, which we cannot well root out ; the loss of many of our friends, and a beloved and able General. But let not these destroy our hopes, or damp our spirits. To put too much confidence in man, is the way to provoke God to deprive us of them. This may perhaps be that darkness which pre- cedes the glorious day. Nor let us judge that the cause is lost, even though we should be brought much lower still. God may have great things to do with this people. This land he made use of as a refuge for his oppressed people, and has brought them up to maturity in it ; and he may now be about to make them eminent in the world, and give them a name among the nations of the earth. Should this be the case, let us not wonder that we should travail in birth ; that so great a nation should be born into political life and independence with sore pangs and blood. It is agreeable to God's method to bring low before he exalteth ; to humble before he raises up. Let us trust in him, and do our duty, and commit the event to his determination, who can make those things to be for us, which by a judgment of sense, we are ready to say are against us."
The following was addressed to Captain Huston's company, as they were about to leave their homes for the battle-field. " My brethren-I hope you will remember the designs and resolutions with which you at first consented to, and joined in, the public oppo- sition to the tyranny of Great Britain. I hope that
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at this time of great necessity, you will not suffer the fire and warlike spirit to faint, and so manifest all that you have hitherto done and said, to signify nothing. It appears that even now is the critical and trying time ; our enemy making their main push, and at the same time coming into such circumstances as they will be most in our power. While they con- tinued under the cover and convoy of their ships, they were out of our reach ; now, it seems, they have taken the land, and come into such circumstances as we desired. But our divided army cannot operate against their number, without an addition. You are loudly called upon to go to its assistance. Indeed, the case itself speaks so loudly, as is sufficient to rouse every spark of martial fire that may be in you.
" There is, one would think, no need of words. Your country, lives, liberties, and estates in danger, all cry most bitterly for help! And why should there be the least appearance of backwardness among you ? I am glad to hear that some among you are so hearty in the cause, as by their readiness to the service, to show that they still desire to be free, and were in earnest when they said they would defend their liberties with their lives.
" The case is plain ; life must be hazarded, or all is gone. You must go and fight, or send your humble submission, and bow as a beast to its burden, or as an ox to the slaughter. The King of Great Britain has declared us rebels ; a capital crime. Submission there- fore consents to the rope or the axe. Liberty is doubt-
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less gone ; none could imagine a tyrant king should be more favourable to conquered rebels, than he wasto loyal, humble, petitioning subjects. No ! No! If ever a people lay in chains, we must, if our enemies carry their point against us, and oblige us to unconditional submission. This is not all. Our Tory neighbours will be our proud and tormenting enemies. But sup- pose that all this were tolerable, and you might think that it might be submitted to, there is still a greater monster behind, that is, Persecution. I do not mean persecution on a religious account, though I have not the least doubt but that will also be the case. The Eng- lish Government, every one knows, is favourable to Episcopacy ; it has found the benefit of it, and it is to all appearance as fond of the maxim, ' No Bishop, no King,' as ever. This was and is designed, and will no doubt be the case here, if they succeed in con- quering us.
" But as sure as you sit there, you may expect a political persecution. It has ever been the case, that hard and tyrannical oaths have been imposed by conquerors in such cases ; and if we are overcome, what may we expect but oaths to bind us to passive obedience and non-resistance, 'which no conscientious man could take; but yet, must take or suffer. And how miserable a case must it be to be bound by an oath to a principle of the deepest slavery, and such as cuts off the only remedy against tyranny !
"Now, gentlemen, you see what we have to expect ; and surely it must appear to you intolerable, and
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such as must make you still adhere to the glorious struggle for liberty. To be discouraged at what has already happened, is meanly to give up the cause. Surely no one ever expected the war to be carried on with Great Britain without the loss of lives, and those who die must have their friends to lament them. This is what we expected, and though we mourn and are sorrowful for them, and for the success of the English, yet let not this discourage. I sincerely feel the distress, and pray God to enable you to be sup- ported under it!"
An extract from a sermon preached from the text, "Be thou faithful unto death," (Rev. ii. 10,) will close these deeply interesting addresses. "My dear brethren-Since God, in the course of his providence has so ordered matters, as to require every true- hearted American to appear in defence of his liberties, it affords me great pleasure to see you stand forth, with others, in the glorious cause. We have heard your declarations on the point, we have seen your diligence in preparing, and now we see that these were not the efforts of cowardice, boasting at a dis- tance, but that in real earnestness your hearts have been engaged in the matter. After observing in you this heroic and laudable disposition, I apprehend there need not much be said to animate you in the grand object of your present attention, and more especially as you enter upon this warfare, not from the low and sordid views which are the main object of ignorant mercenaries, but with a proper know-
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ledge of the reasons of the contest, and I hope, too, with a consciousness of duty.
" You see an open field before you, wherein you may acquire reputation and honour to yourselves, and do a most beneficial service to your country. The cause of American Independence and Liberty, which has now called you to go forth to the scene of action, is indeed a cause in which it will be glorious to conquer and honourable to die. The victory, however dearly bought, will be but a cheap purchase ; for what of all worldly goods can be of equal value to freedom from slavery, the free and lawful enjoyment and use of our own property, and the free possession of our own lives and consciences ? This is an object worthy of our vigorous exertions ; a prize worthy of a Christian soldier ; a prize we are commanded to strive for, by the voice of Nature and the voice of God. We have now assumed the independent rank we ought to bear among the nations of the earth, and we are resolved to be free. Our enemies, with all their own and foreign force they could obtain, are attempting their utmost to make us slaves ; and this appears to be the main time of the trial-the very turning-point which will decide the question, and determine either for freedom or bondage. If their designs can be baffled for this campaign, it is most probable they will de- spair of success, and give up the cause. At least it will be a powerfully animating motive for Americans to proceed on in that cause, with which they must at all
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events go through, having nothing before them but suc- cess, or the most ignominious and shameful alternative.
But though it is a worthy and honourable cause in which you now engage, you are still to consider that The instruments of it is attended with danger.
death you carry in your hands, and the power of your enemies, by no means contemptible, declare it
to be such. Victory can hardly be expected without blood; and in such a contest, death itself may be to some of you a certain, and to all a probable event. By putting you in mind of this, I would not mean to intimidate, but caution you to maintain an habitual fear of God, and a concern about death and eternity which may beget in you a readiness to meet the worst of events. True courage does not consist in proud contempt or thoughtless disregard of death; nay, he is possessed of true courage who allows the serious thought of death its proper weight, yet in a virtuous cause prefers his duty before his life. A man of true fortitude is one who sees the danger, yet from superior motives despises it.
"You may therefore observe from this, that there is no soldier so truly courageous as a pious man ; no army so formidable as those who are superior to the fear of death, and consequently, that no one qualifi- cation is more necessary in a soldier than true re- ligion. And now as you are about to go on this ser- vice, I would have you to apply this to yourselves. Many of you have been under my care, and as it may perhaps come to pass, that this may be the last time
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I have in this manner to speak to you, suffer me with the greatest earnestness to beseech and exhort you to be watchful over your souls, to strive after accept- ance with God; for, you must know that if you are not at peace with him and are strangers to the Lord Jesus, that however you fall, you must be wretched. Endeavour, therefore, to cultivate religion; and in good earnest care for your precious souls. Without
this you cannot prosper. Especially be watchful that neither your thoughts, words, or actions be dis- honourable to God. Avoid swearing, profaneness, lewdness, drunkenness, and every instance of cruelty. How awful is it to think that those who engage in war should be despisers of God, and abusers of the sacred name of the Lord of Hosts-that they should expect success while they are the enemies of Jehovah, and expose themselves to the imminent danger of being immediately sent from their profanity and wickedness on earth, to the blaspheming rage and despairing horrors of the infernal pit! It is too often the case, that soldiers claim a latitude to them- selves in vice; and so armies have been observed to be almost sinks of wickedness. Let it not be said of any of you. Nor let anything which would bring a dishonour on the cause you serve, or the profes- sion you have made, be remarked concerning you."
Such was the spirit of Dr. King in those perilous times of our country's history. And such was the spirit of patriotism in this congregation, that it con- tributed its full proportion of men and officers to
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advocate our cause and to defend our rights. I have no means of ascertaining the precise number of men and officers who were thus actually engaged in the war of Independence; but there were many of the best and noblest sons of this congregation who for the sake of their country, had "pledged their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honour." I find, how- ever, from the Church Register, that the number of those who were killed, and who died by oppression of the enemy, and in consequence of disease contracted while in service, amounts to nine .* How highly should we prize our liberties which were thus so dearly bought by toil and self-denial, by sufferings and death ! How closely should we consider the connexion which exists between these liberties and our own beloved Church ! And how solicitous should we be to transmit these liberties to the generations which are to succeed us, as pure as we received them from those who preceded us and bequeathed them to us. Never may the time come in the history of this
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