History of Mercer County, Pennsylvania : its past and present, Part 30

Author:
Publication date: 1888
Publisher: Chicago, Ill. : Brown, Runk
Number of Pages: 1288


USA > Pennsylvania > Mercer County > History of Mercer County, Pennsylvania : its past and present > Part 30


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J. A. McCandless, of West Middlesex, the next in order, was a quiet, modest man. He was both a teacher and attorney. In the latter capacity he formed a partnership with Henry H. Foster, whose sketch will be found in the Bench and Bar chapter. McCandless died about eighteen years ago.


Jacob Miller, the fifth superintendent, was a resident of Greenville, where he had been an instructor in the academy. He was also editor of the Argus for a time, as will be seen by reference to the Press chapter. After his term of office expired, he engaged in the book and stationery business, but finally sold out to Beatty & Findley. He finally removed to Philadelphia, where he became the agent of the publishing house of Harper & Bro., of New York. He too is dead.


N. W. Porter was appointed to fill ont the last year of Mr. Miller's second term. He was a native of Pymatuning Township.


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He was succeeded by Ira E. Harsh, of Fairview. Harsh was a pleasant man, but was not permitted to complete his term, having occupied his office less than a year when that fell destroyer-consumption-carried him to an early grave.


N. W. Porter was the successor of Harsh, and filled out his term. At the expiration of the period, he was elected, in May, 1872, to the position, and held it until its close. He is now engaged in farming in Colorado.


J. M. Dight, of Sandy Lake, was chosen superintendent on the 4th of May, 1875, to succeed Porter. His competitors for the position were Messrs. N. W. Porter, A. J. Palm, Mr. Mays and Hugh R. Stewart. He held the position one term only. He is now a United Presbyterian minister, and resides in Evans City, Butler Co., Penn., where he has two charges. His brother is at present one of the commissioners of Mercer County.


The next occupant of the superintendent's chair was A. J. Palm, then of West Middlesex, now editor and manager of the Western Press. He held the position through two terms, from 1878 to 1884.


The next superintendent was S. H. McCleery, the present incumbent. He was a resident of Sheakleyville at the time of his first election, being princi- pal of the schools. He was chosen May 6, 1884, over Homer G. Rose, of Grove City; Miss G. Forest, Mercer; F. W. Belton, Greenville, and W. T. Couzens, Leech's Corners. He was re-elected May 3, 1887, his competitors being George H. Lamb, of New Lebanon; George H. Bell, Wheatland; Edwin Twitmyer, Sharpsville, now principal of schools at Braddock; J. B. Scott, Transfer; Thomas S. Vickerman, Findley Township, and U. S. Bortz, of Perry Township.


The following is a summary of the superintendents: J. C. Brown, 1854- 56; G. L. Eberhart, 1856-57; Calvin W. Gilfillan, 1857-60; J. A. McCandless, 1860-63; Jacob Miller, 1863-68; N. W. Porter, 1868-69; Ira E. Harsh, 1869 -70; N. W. Porter, 1870-75; J. M. Dight, 1875-78; A. J. Palm, 1878-84; S. H. McCleery, 1884 up to the present.


CHAPTER IX.


POLITICAL-CIVIL GOVERNMENT A DIVINE APPOINTMENT-DUTIES IMPOSED BY . AMERICAN CITIZENSHIP-NATIONAL ADMINISTRATIONS AND FORMATION OF POLITICAL PARTIES-WASHINGTON THE UNANIMOUS CHOICE OF THE PEOPLE -ELECTORAL VOTE CAST FOR EACH PRESIDENT SINCE THE FOUNDATION OF THE GOVERNMENT-THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY AND ITS OPPONENTS- ANTI-MASONIC PERIOD-NULLIFICATION EXCITEMENT-TARIFF DISCUSSION WHICH IT PRODUCED-PROMINENT NATIONAL CAMPAIGNS-KNOW-NOTHING- ISM-BIRTH OF TIIE REPUBLICAN PARTY-ITS FIRST CAMPAIGN IN MERCER COUNTY-SUBSEQUENT LOCAL STANDING OF POLITICAL PARTIES.


C' IVIL GOVERNMENT is an institution of divine appointment, intended to promote man's highest happiness as an integral factor of society. Its necessity is acknowledged by all whose notions are not chaotic in character. It is intended to promote the prosperity of the individual by holding him amenable to the rights of the community. True citizenship implies not only the right but the duty of obedience to constituted authority. "Render unto Cæsar the things that belong to Cæsar, and unto God the things that belong


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to Him," is but another way of stating the proposition that man is a creature amenable to two governments, one human, the other divine, and that their claims are equally imperative.


Every man owes to his government honest, intelligent and patriotic service. The demands of his country, of his State, of his community, upon him for sup- port and advancement are reasonable. He cannot shirk the responsibility, if he would, of casting his ballot and his influence upon the side of right and justice as he understands them. His duty should be performed conscientiously. Citizenship in a government like ours, where every man is a knighted free- man, implies something. Votes that can be bought are not the possession of men who have proper conceptions of their duties to the commonwealth.


Our National Constitution was framed in 1787, and the first presidential term under it was begun in 1789. At that time there were two political parties, the Federalists and the Anti-Federalists. The Federalists were composed of those who admired the English order of things, and embraced capitalists, land-owners, merchants, theorists and earnest thinkers. They doubted, some- what, the capacity of the masses for self-government, and favored a strong central power. Washington, Adams and Hamilton were principal leaders.


The Anti-Federalists were opposed to the Federalists in their construction of the theory of government. They strongly defended the rights of the States against a centralized government. They never accepted the designation of Anti-Federalists, and protested against its use. The name died with the close of Washington's first administration, and it was then known as the Democratic party. At the first election Washington had no opposition, the entire electoral vote being cast for him. The Senate said to him: "In you all parties confide." He was the idol alike of both parties. His first term continued from 1789 to 1793.


His second term, from 1793 to 1797, was characterized by the existence of two parties, the Federalists and Republicans or Democrats. Washington was unanimously chosen. The Republicans, called "Democratic Republicans," were under the leadership of Thomas Jefferson. He was a brilliant, conserva- tive man, and willing to give the Constitution a fair test. "I own," said he, "that I am not a friend to a very energetic government; it is always op- pressive." The "Democratic Republicans" were also called by the Federal- ists the "French party," because of their sympathy with the Republicans of the French Revolution. They in turn called their opponents "Tories" and "Monarchists," claiming they were unfriendly to a Republican form of govern- ment, and in sympathy with British ideas.


In the election of 1796 John Adams, Federalist, was chosen to the presi- dency over Thomas Jefferson, Anti-Federalist or Democrat. The vote in the electoral college stood 71 in favor of the former to 68 in favor of the latter. Adam's administration continued from 1797 to 1801, with Jefferson as vice- president. The successive administrations have been as follows:


1801-05-Democratic, Thomas Jefferson, 73 votes; Federalist, John Adams, 65 votes.


1805-09-Democratic, Thomas Jefferson, 162 votes; Federalist, Charles C. Pinckney, 14 votes.


1809-13-Democratic, James Madison, 122 votes; Democratic, George Clinton, 6 votes; Federalist, Charles C. Pinckney, 47 votes.


1813-17-Democratic, James Madison, 128 votes; Federalist, DeWitt Clinton, 89 votes.


1817-21-Democratic, James Monroe, 183 votes; Federalist, Rufus King, 34 votes.


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HISTORY OF MERCER. COUNTY.


1821-25-Democratic, James Monroe, 231 votes; Federalist, John Quincy Adams, 1 vote.


1825-29-Federalist (east), John Quincy Adams, 84 votes; Democratic (west), Andrew Jackson, 99 votes; Democratic (south), William H. Crawford, 41 votes; Federalist (west), Henry Clay, 37 votes.


The election went to the house, and resulted in favor of John Quincy Adams, though Jackson had received more electoral votes than Adams.


1829-33-Democratic, Andrew Jackson, 178 votes; Federalist or Repub- lican, John Quincy Adams, 83 votes.


1833-37-Democratic, Andrew Jackson, 230 votes; Whig, Henry Clay, 49 votes; Anti-Masonic, William Wirt, 7 votes.


1837-41-Democratic, Martin Van Buren, 170 votes; Democratic, Hugh L. White, 26 votes; Democratic, William P. Mangum, 11 votes; Whig William H. Harrison, 73 votes; Whig, Daniel Webster, 14 votes.


1841-45-Whig, Wm. H. Harrison,* 234 votes; Democratic, Martin Van Buren, 60 votes; Abolition or Liberty, James G. Birney, none.


1845-49-Democratic, James K. Polk, 170 votes; Whig, Henry Clay, 105 votes. Liberty or Abolition, James G. Birney, none.


1849-53-Whig, Zachary Taylor, + 163 votes; Democratic, Lewis Cass, 127 votes; Free-soil, Martin Van Buren, none; Liberty or Abolition, Gerritt Smith, none.


1853-57-Democratic, Franklin Pierce, 254 votes; Whig, Winfield Scott, 42 votes; Free Soil, John P. Hale, none.


1857-61-Democratic, James Buchanan, 174 votes; Republican, John C. Fremont, 114 votes; American or Know-nothing, Millard Fillmore, 8 votes.


1861-65-Republican, Abraham Lincoln, 180 votes; Democratic, John C. Breckenridge, 72 votes; Democratic, Stephen A. Douglas, 12 votes; Union, John Bell, 39 votes.


1865-69-Republican, Abraham Lincoln, ¿ 212 votes; Democratic, George B. McClellan, 21 votes.


1869-73- Republican, Ulysses S. Grant, 214 votes; Democratic, Horatio Seymour, 80 votes.


1873-77-Republican, Ulysses S. Grant, 286 votes; Liberal Republican and Democratic, Horace Greely, 63 votes; Democratic, Charles O'Connor, none; Prohibition, James Black, none.


1877-81-Republican, R. B. Hayes, 185 votes; Democratic, Samuel J. Tilden, 184 votes; Greenback, Peter Cooper, none; Prohibition, Green Clay Smith, none.


1881-85-Republican, James A. Garfield, § 214 votes; Democratic, Winfield S. Hancock, 155 votes; Greenback, James B. Weaver, none.


1885-89-Democratic, Grover Cleveland, 219 votes; Republican, James G. Blaine, 182 votes; Greenback, Benjamin F. Butler, none; Prohibition, John P. St. John, none.


The dates used in the foregoing list are those when the various admin- istrations began and closed. All presidential elections occur in leap years, the November preceding the date of inauguration. This list will be valuable as a matter of reference, as it will assist in fixing events in the history of the county.


It will be seen that the name Democratic, as designating a political organ-


*Died April 4, 1841, and was succeeded by Vice-President John Tyler.


+Died July 9, 1850, and the Vice-President, Millard Fillmore, succeeded him.


İAssassinated April 14, 1865, and was succeeded by Vice-President Andrew Johnson.


§President Garfield was assassinated July 2, 1881, and died on the 19th of September following. Vice- President Chester A. Arthur succeeded him.


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ization, began with the first election of Thomas Jefferson, in 1800, and has been perpetuated without change through eighty-eight years of defeat and victory. The name has been talismanic, addressing itself to the judgment of the masses of people, especially to those from the oppressed districts of foreign countries. The opposition party assumed various forms and names- first the Federalist, next the Whig and Anti-Masonic, then the Free-soil, next the Know-nothing, and finally the Republican-its principal opponent to-day.


In 1830, and later, the anti-Masonic feeling aroused over the supposed murder of Morgan in New York, was very strong in this county. The Western Press was the defender of Masonry, while the Luminary and the Greenville Gazette were its persistent opponents. A writer in the Western Press, under date of March 26, 1831, thus deplores the bitterness of the anti-Masonic cru- sade:


" Persecution, that demon of destruction, has raised its hydra head among us in the shape of proscriptive anti-Masonry. Brought into existence by dis- appointed office-hunters and their adherents, it is a base, unprincipled and anti- Christian scheme, built on a foundation of combustible matter, which will eventually take fire by some of its crowded squibs and explode, burying itself in its own ruins. If the Masons have violated the laws of our country, let them be tried by a jury, and if guilty, punished according to law, as other persons are. But let us not undertake to condemn those that are not connected in that awful tragedy. To persecute all Masons, and others who do not join with the antis in their ungenerous acts, making use of the most abusive lan- guage toward the unoffending citizens who have neither part nor lot in the matter, because they do not think and see as they (the antis) do, is indeed base. We now enjoy the rights of freemen-let us try to preserve those rights pure and uncontaminated in despite of cunning and designing men. Let us never adopt the course the antis have taken: calling their fathers, brothers and husbands rogues and murderers, and charging them with the most heinous crimes the human heart could be guilty of committing."


This, however, simply fanned the flame. On the 31st of March a monster meeting of the opponents of Masonry assembled in the court-house yard at Mercer. Rev. Samuel Tait was chosen chairman, and William F. Junkin and Malcom McComb, secretaries. The purpose of the meeting was to imbue the religious population of the county with the anti-Masonic sentiment, and resolutions declaring the institution of Masonry as of no benefit were accord- ingly passed.


On the 19th of the ensuing April an unusually large meeting of the citi- zens of Mercer County was held at the court-house. Bevan Pearson was chosen president, and William Scott and J. B. Curtis, secretaries. Resolu- tions were passed "disapproving of the excitement which prevails at this time against Masonry, believing that the object of the anti-Masonic party is to divide the Democratic party in the State and Union."


Scarcely had the rancor of the anti-Masonic excitement begun to subside, when the people of the country were startled by the news of the nullification policy of South Carolina, under the leadership of John C. Calhoun. The national executive at the time, Andrew Jackson, was a man of iron will, and not disposed to tolerate any weak sentimentality on the subject of secession. His course was sanctioned, and that of the nullifiers condemned, by the people of Mercer County. A meeting was held at the Mercer court-house, on the 28th of January, 1833, for the purpose of denouncing the position assumed by the nullifiers. James Braden, Esq., was elected chairman, and William S. Rankin was chosen secretary. A committee on resolutions, consisting of Joseph


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Smith, Bevan Pearson, John Hoge, James Moorhead and S. C. Tait, reported the following, among others, which were unanimously adopted.


Resolved, That we are attached to the Union, and are bound by every tie of faith, of honor, of interest and of duty, to maintain its integrity.


Resolved, That we totally disapprove the position taken and the doctrines advanced by the nullifiers of South Carolina, and consider them utterly subversive of the principles on which our happy Union is founded, and a lamentable instance of how far prejudice may lead great and good men into error.


Resolved, That we are ready and willing to lend our aid in sustaining the chief magis- trate in maintaining the supremacy of the laws.


On January 18, 1833, a meeting of citizens of West Greenville was held at Col. Bean's hotel. Col. T. W. Bean was chosen president; Maj. James William- son and Capt. F. H. Shannon, vice-presidents, and Jacob Loutzenhiser and James R. Wick, secretaries. Resolutions condemning the nullifiers in strong terms were adopted, one of them reading as follows:


Resolved, That practical nullification, so far from being a peaceable measure, at once invites the prompt interposition of every patriotic lover of his country, to save the Re- public-" peaceably, if they can-forcibly, if they must."


The question of tariff, brought prominently forward by the nullifiers, con- tinued to be an exciting topic of discussion between Democrats and Whigs. The Western Press contains a letter dated September 13, 1843, written by Henry Clay to F. S. Bronson, an editor at LaGrange, Ga. In it the Whig position is thus stated: "The sum and substance of what I conceive to be the true policy of the United States, in respect to a tariff, may be briefly stated. In conformity with the principles of the compromise act, I think that whatever revenue is necessary to an honest and economical administration of the general government ought to be derived from duties imposed on foreign imports. And I believe that, in establishing a tariff of those duties, such a discrimination ought to be made as will incidentally afford a reasonable pro- tection to our natural interests."


Mr. W. S. Garvin states, after giving the foregoing, the position of the two parties as follows: "They (the Whigs) desire a protective tariff with in- cidental revenue, while the Democrats want a revenue tariff with incidental protection."


It would be interesting, did our space permit, to give a detailed account of the exciting national campaigns, and especially those of 1840, the "log cabin" or "hard cider" campaign; 1860, 1876, 1880 and 1884. The songs sung, the badges worn, the issues presented, and the local processions and contests exhibited, would be interesting and suggestive.


We must, however, refer to one movement that for a time played' havoc with both the Whig and Democratic parties, and was the entering wedge toward the destruction of the former. Reference is had to the American, or Know-nothing, party, that took its rise in 1853, and existed until 1857. Its meetings were held in secret lodges, its movements covert, and its results al- most unaccountable. The familiar, "Have you seen Sam?" was to be seen on every street corner, and in the show-cases of mercantile establishments. While the principles of this organization were claimed to be distinctively Ameri- can, the acts of its partisans were diametrically opposed to the liberty guar- anteed, under the Constitution, to every citizen of the republic. Its most prominent feature was its bitter antipathy to citizens of foreign birth, and deep-seated animosity toward the adherents of the Catholic Church, whether born on native or foreign soil. Many outrages and not a few murders were committed by the Know-nothings in different parts of the Union. In the


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elections of 1854-55-56, they developed great strength, and elected many of their local candidates; but the society then began to dissolve, and soon became extinct. Its birth was uncalled for; its short career was a blot upon the body politic, and its death unmourned by every true American.


The year 1855 was remarkable as the period of the birth of one of the great political parties of to-day-the Republican. It was made up of the dis- integrated Whig party, some Democrats who were offended by the repeal of the Missouri Compromise of 1820, Free-soilers, Abolitionists and Know-noth- ings. The national organization occurred at Pittsburgh. The recasting of the party in Mercer County occurred in consequence of a " People's Convention," which assembled at Mercer on the 27th of August, 1855. Of that meeting Hon. Samuel Kerr was chairman, James Gault and Fleming Smith, vice- presidents, and John D. Hill and G. L. Eberhart, secretaries. A ticket for the approaching county election was put in operation, and a vigorous cam- paign entered upon. A committee to draft resolutions, consisting of William F. Clark, J. H. Robinson, J. M. D. Nesbitt, William Miller, William Waugh, Clay- ton Herrington, Perry McCoy and Thomas Leech, Jr., was appointed. Their report, which was adopted unanimously, dates the birth of the Republican party in Mercer County.


Since 1855 the contests for political supremacy in the county have been waged between the two leading parties, Republicanism and Democracy, with enough of activity on the part of Greenbackers, Labor Unionists, Prohibi- tionists and other minor organizations to increase the interest in the contest. Ascendancy has latterly been given to the Republican organization, though occasionally a member of the Democracy has been given the decided prefer- ence. This is particularly true as applied to the president judgeship. The Democratic party has furnished incumbents for that position for a third of a century. Both parties are efficiently organized, and prosecute vigorous cam- paigns.


CHAPTER X.


THE PRESS -- ITS GREAT POWER AND INFLUENCE-EARLY MODES OF DISSEMINATING NEWS-BIRTH OF THE NEWSPAPER, AND ITS STRUGGLE FOR FREE SPEECHI -- FIRST NEWSPAPER PUBLISHED IN AMERICA-ITS FIRST RELIGIOUS PAPER- NUMBER OF PERIODICALS PUBLISHIED IN THE UNITED STATES IN 1886- MERCER NEWSPAPERS-WESTERN PRESS-MERCER LUMINARY-FREE PRES- BYTERIAN - AMERICAN FREEMAN - MERCER DISPATCH - MERCER WHIG- WHIG AND DISPATCH-MERCER REPUBLICAN-DISPATCH AND REPUBLICAN- FREEMEN'S MONITOR-MERCER COUNTY FARMER-INDEPENDENT DEMOCRAT -DEMOCRATIC REGISTER-MERCER INDEX-MERCER SIGNAL-GREENVILLE PAPERS-WEST GREENVILLE GAZETTE-VISITOR-WEEKLY EXPRESS-INDE- PENDENT PRESS-WEST GREENVILLE TIMES- RURAL ARGUS - SHENANGO VALLEY ARGUS-ADVANCE-ADVANCE ARGUS-UNION DEMOCRAT-GREEN- VILLE PROGRESS-SHENANGO VALLEY NEWS-INDEPENDENT- SIJARON PAPERS-SHARON HERALD-SHARON TIMES-GOSPEL TEMPERANCE ADVO- CATE-SHARON EAGLE-EVENING EAGLE-SHARPSVILLE PAPERS-SHARPS- VILLE ADVERTISER-SIIARPSVILLE TIMES-OTHER PAPERS-JAMESTOWN SUN, ERA, DEMOCRAT AND SENTINEL-GROVE CITY TELEPHONE-SANDY LAKE NEWS-LAKE LOCAL.


HE power which leavens and moulds modern society is the press. In this respect it has supplanted oral instruction, which formerly was the power behind the throne. Oral instruction in the pulpit, in the halls of legislation


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and on the stump is, it must be confessed, very potent; but the educational power of the press, with its daily, weekly, monthly and quarterly visitations to the hovels of the poor equally with the mansions of the wealthy, is omnip- otent. The newspaper is, as the term itself implies, a paper containing infor- mation from the four cardinal points-north, east, west and south. The laboring man sits down at his humble fireside, after the day's toil is over, and reads intelligence from all parts of the world. He is one member of the great jury to whom facts are submitted, and feels himself called upon to form a judgment. If the jury fail to agree in a verdict it is owing largely to the fact that the case has not been presented clearly and in its details for intelli- gent action. By the aid of telegraph and telephone, utilized by special and associate press reporters everywhere, cities, states and nations are bound together as near neighbors, and the actions of their citizens, from the humblest to the highest, are daily recorded and spread before the world. Wisely used, the press becomes the conservator of general intelligence and public morals. Its responsibility in the premises is commensurate, however, with its boundless power.


In the dissemination of news, as in other departments of human activity, necessity is the mother of invention. At first written news letters were circu- lated from hand to hand and place to place as a means of spreading the intelli- gence of events occurring at the seat of government. Such manuscripts, in the days of Henry VI, were issued as often as important news created the necessity for so doing. The use of movable types, and later, various forms of presses, with more or less of skill and efficiency, was regarded as a stride in the promulgation of intelligence.


At first the desire to have others know what had occurred prompted corre- sponding efforts to have the intelligence spread abroad. This desire finally became contagious, and the recipients were as anxious to have their cravings for information gratified as others were to gratify them. The spirit which animated the "Athenians and the strangers, which were there to spend their time in nothing else but either to tell or to hear some new thing," was founded in the necessities of human nature-the instinctive desire to communicate to others any new item of intelligence.


In the history of English journalism is contained this succinct account of the growth of the newspaper: "First we have the written news letter, fur- nished to the wealthy aristocracy; then, as the craving for information spread, the ballad of news sung or recited; then the news pamphlet, more prosaically arranged; then the periodical sheet of news; and lastly, the newspaper."


The English newspaper was born in London in 1622. At first its liberty was greatly abridged, nothing being allowed publication until it had passed the necessary official inspection. In the great struggle for independence, the press had to pass through many trying prosecutions and annoyances unknown to the people of this afternoon of the nineteenth century. The blood of martyrs is the seed not only of the church, but of the press as well. Governmental interference with the subject-matter of the newspaper was regarded an in- herent right of self-constituted dignitaries; hence we need not affect surprise to find the House of Commons resolving, in 1729, that "it is an indignity and a breach of privilege of the House of Commons for any person to presume to give, in written or printed newspapers, any account or minutes of the debates or other proceedings of this House or any committee thereof." In 1764 the editor of the Evening Post, of London, was fined £100 by the House of Lords for mentioning the name of Lord Hereford in a disrespectful manner.




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