History of Mercer County, Pennsylvania : its past and present, Part 40

Author:
Publication date: 1888
Publisher: Chicago, Ill. : Brown, Runk
Number of Pages: 1288

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battle, of a conflict which had been in progress, with varying fortunes and constantly increasing intensity, since the colonial settlements were made upon the Atlantic coast. The basic conflict in the elements of man's nature-the struggle between his spiritual nature, which is guided by intelligence, and held amenable to the promptings of an enlightened and responsive conscience, and the fleshly instincts, which constantly enslave and debase him, is abund- antly illustrated in the two types of civilization that originated respectively at Plymouth and Jamestown. The former, always intolerant, and often perverse and in error, was permeated by the teachings of a church, whose conscience was vigorously and persistently held to established standards. Freedom of speech, of the press, and of human action, restrained by personal responsibil- ity to rigorous and often tyrannical laws, was a leading characteristic of the Puritan type. Industry and the dignity of labor, equality of all classes before the law, personal responsibility for individual acts-these things characterized the New England colonies. Jamestown was composed originally, of men, the leaders of whom cared for little else than bodily ease and the accumulation of wealth. Naturally and readily they accepted the institution of African slavery, because it coincided with their notions of ease and superiority, was suit- able to the climatic conditions of the country, and afforded a means of devel- oping wealth wholly compatible with their original notions in seeking this country. Property in bone and muscle and brain was easily reconciled with their sense of the eternal fitness of things.

The "irrepressible conflict," which began two and a half centuries ago between these two radically unlike types of civilization, grew with time and opportunity, and frequently threatened the peace and permanency of the imper- fect local self-governments established. The only peace existing during that time was the truce enforced by a necessary conflict with enemies external and more powerful than either party alone. Permanent peace could not, in the nature of things, exist. Compromises but deferred the final conflict. All the efforts made to have two irrepressible elements permanently harmonized in our government were, in the nature of things, unsuccessful. Human nature, and all that we know of truth and error, right and wrong, conscience and preju- dice, Christianity and infidelity, could not be reconciled to such an anomalous condition of things. The only possible basis for peace and progress was the utter and absolute overthrow of one or the other type of civilization. All effort at harmony by diplomacy had failed. An appeal was finally made by one power to the arbitrament of war. The tongue and pen gave way to the sword. Under the new regime the only possible terms to be offered were: "Unconditional surrender." This demand was made from first to last, and finally the deferred decision was made at Appomattox. Jamestown, that had furnished the regnant ideas of the slave-holding South, and consequently of the Southern Confederacy, surrendered to Plymouth, the progenitor of the free North. The Declaration of Independence, which asserts that all men are created equal and endowed with certain inherent rights, was at last interpreted philanthropically, and steps were at once taken to readjust and reconstruct our civilization.

With the acceptance of the foregoing philosophy of the great conflict that simply terminated in 1865, we have little difficulty in deciding the causes of the late war. The charging of the matter upon John Brown's raid on Har- per's Ferry; the publishing of "Uncle Tom's Cabin" or Helper's "Impending Crisis;" the speeches of hot-headed anti-slavery orators; the harangues of South- ern leaders; the passage of the Fugitive Slave law; the enactment of "Per- sonal Liberty Bills" by certain States; the repeal of the Missouri Compromise,

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the division of the Democratic Convention, at Charleston, in 1860, which defeated Douglas for the Presidency, and the subsequent election of Abraham Lincoln, were but the culminating manifestations of the great conflict we have already mentioned. They were but ripples on the great sea of troubled waters of con- flict. Recognizing the philosophy of what has been said, we are partially prepared to interpret the history of the late war. In addition, however, to what has already been given, it may be wise to remember a few other facts that account for the intensity and duration of the conflict.

1. Owing to the warm climate and the use of carbonaceous food, the people of the South were excitable and courageous, and hence deadly in earnest from the beginning of the war. The people of the North were lethargic, and required to be pounded and defeated for a time to arouse them. The first two years of the war were favorable to the Southern Confederacy.

2. The young men of the South were trained to horseback riding and the use of fire-arms. Hence their soldiers were good in cavalry and skillful as sharpshooters. Northern men, taken from the fields and workshops, were wanting in these matters.

3. Southern troops were organized upon a better basis. Men were brigaded by States, and thus retained their State pride. New recruits, too, were put into old organizations, and thus made efficient from the first. They acted as veterans because they had competent comrades and leaders. Able- bodied men, too, were not put to driving ambulances or provision wagons, but into the ranks to do actual military service. An army of 30,000 Confederates was equivalent to 40,000 Union soldiers for the reasons just given.

4. At the opening of the war the best generals of the old army were in the South-the Lees, and Johnstons, and Hardees, and Braggs, and Jacksons, and Longstreets, and Beauregards. and Stuarts, etc.

5. It must be remembered, too, that Jefferson Davis, the President of the Southern Confederacy, was a military man, a graduate of West Point, and better qualified to conduct military movements than President Lincoln. This fact was a source of great strength.

6. The fighting was principally upon Southern soil, where its men were fight- ing at home and for home. They were inspired, too, by the near presence of their chivalrous ladies, who were equal to an army in reserve.

7. Both parties mistook and underestimated the strength and skill of their adversaries. The "breakfast job" proved to be a four years' struggle, in- volving millions of men and billions of money. Washington's whole army during the Revolution would not have supplied the pickets for either army during the Rebellion. After four years' of conflict the great North and the sunny South became introduced. A costly introduction, it is true, but the progress and destiny of the great Republic are its fruitage.

Mercer County, too, was interested in this conflict. She helped to elect Abraham Lincoln, the "rail splitter" from the western prairie, whose success was taken as the pretext for the secession of the cotton States and the form- ing of a separate government, with slavery as both the foundation and arch stone. Before Mr. Lincoln was inaugurated public excitement was at tiptoe. The closing days of Buchanan's administration were full of painful anxiety. State after State was passing the ordinance of secession; supplies were being shipped to the Southern States for the use of the conspirators; the national executive was undecided as to the course of action he should pursue; Southern members of his cabinet, tinctured deeply with the heresy of secession, were resigning and leaving their places to be filled in the closing hours of his adminis- tration, when most of the preparatory mischief had already been done; states-

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men in Washington were holding conferences looking toward some compromise that would prevent actual hostilities; the celebrated Crittenden compromise, con- ceived in a generous and charitable spirit, had been offered in vain to the erring South; the authorities at Washington, asphyxiated by the dilatory policy of the President, were helpless to check the general stampede toward national disintegration; and the incoming administration had no power to stay, if it could, the tide of ruin and desolation sweeping over the country. Party prejudices had not been given up, and the people were not yet in a frame of mind to appreciate fully the gravity of the danger that threatened them on every hand.

Under these circumstances several meetings of historical significance occurred in Mercer, the relation of whose leading points now demands our at- tention. On the 22d of January, 1861, Rev. W. T. McAdam, then pastor of the Second United Presbyterian Church of Mercer, but subsequently of the Presby- terian Church of Sharon, delivered a lecture at the Mercer court-house, entitled "Our National Troubles." By two distinct committees, representing prominent business and social men of the town, he was requested to permit its publication. He consented. The document occupies about nine columns of the Mercer County Whig, and is a carefully prepared discussion of the question of slavery as being the innocent cause of the war. It is not our purpose to give an outline of the lecture, but to call attention to a few points as showing its drift. His reason for delivering the lecture is thus expressed: "At a time like this, when the citizens of several States in this magnificent confederacy are in open rebellion, * * *

* it is the duty of every patriot and philan- thropist to stand up in defense of his country."

He planted himself upon the proposition that there had " been nothing in the legislation and administration of the General Government which caused the secession movement in the South." He was disposed to treat sections of the country fairly, but was courageous in his advocacy of the right as he under- stood it. Said he: "We should scrupulously yield to the South all the rights guaranteed them by the Constitution of our common country, and not one iota more, should it even save us from all the calamities of civil war. It is no time for unholy compromises. Sure that we are right, we should stand as inflexible as justice, and trust the issue to Almighty God."

He then reviewed, in order and at length, the various charges brought by the South against the people of the North, viz .: (1) The passing, in certain States, of "Personal Liberty Bills;" (2) The existence of "under-ground railroads " for aiding the fugitive slaves; (3) The holding of opinions hos- tile to the institution of slavery, the publication of books like "Uncle Tom's Cabin," Helper's "Impending Crisis," etc., and the making of inflammatory anti-slavery speeches.

After discussing these points, Mr. McAdam concludes by saying: "What- ever may be the immediate result of the existing state of things, one thing is sure-the ultimate issue will be glorious." His idea of solving the problemn then up for solution is tersely put thus: "But what must be done with those citizens of the United States who are now in rebellion against the government ? There is but one course-the Federal laws must be enforced, cost what it will. There has been too much lenity already exercised, and the government should bring all its resources to enforce obedience to its laws." His remarks through- out were fortified by copious quotations from the leading statesmen of the South; but they were not acceptable to the entire community. There were many who felt that the effort of the preacher was tinctured with partisanship, and needed rebuttal. Two plans were pursued. First, a rejoinder, occupying

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about five columns and a half of the Democratic Register, was made in the form of an open letter written and signed by the editor, William McKnight. It criticised the lecture strongly for two reasons: First, because it was deliv- ered by a preacher of the Gospel, it being held that the man of God should not leave his usual field and dabble in politics; and, second, because it was claimed to contain partisan statements not in harmony with the truth.

The second effort was to hold a public meeting, at which speeches were to be made and a series of resolutions passed that would reflect the sentiment of the opposition. Accordingly posters signed "Many Citizens" were put up in the town calling " a public meeting of those who prefer the Union and the Constitution to a party platform." The Register likewise published the call, announcing, editorially, that "a Union meeting will be held at the court- house this evening. Turn out." The meeting was held Thursday, January 22, 1861, the organization consisting of Peter Harnett, Esq., chairman, and Maj. H. Graham and Hon. T. J. Brown, vice-presidents. The opening address was made by John Trunkey, Esq., the recently deceased supreme judge. He pursued, it is said, the general line of argument presented in McKnight's open letter, published the same day. After Mr. Trunkey closed, calls were made for D. W. Findley and R. M. De France. At this point a difficulty arose. The organization embraced only members of the Democratic party, and the speakers belonged only to it, though there were many Repub- licans in the audience. There was no disposition to hear Judge Findley, inas- much as he was not in sympathy with the spirit of the meeting, whose object, it was alleged by the Republicans, was to pass a series of resolutions con- demning the Republican party as being responsible for the then existing con- dition of the county and indorsing the Crittenden compromise measure. The Republicans were unwilling to sanction this course, and insisted upon their right to be heard. When it was objected that the gathering was one of Democrats, Johnson Pearson mounted a table and began to read the call for a "Union Meeting," which had been posted all over town. Most of the Repub- licans finally withdrew from the meeting, and the Democrats carried out their previous intentions. The occasion at that time was a critical one, and but for the ascendancy of the wise counsels of cool-headed men of both parties, bloodshed might have ensued. It is a source of much rejoicing that such a favorable termination occurred, for the people at that date, the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln not having yet occurred, were not in a frame of mind to divest themselves of partisan prejudice.

Two months later, however, when rebel guns had fired upon Fort Sumter and compelled its garrison, under the gallant Maj. Anderson, to surrender, mere partisan sentiment was somewhat dissipated, and men of all shades of political belief began to see that armed treason was really in dead earnest. The only alternative then left was to rally to the support of of the general govern- ment, put down treason and traitors, maintain the supremacy of the national government under the stars and stripes, and discuss technical points after the matter was all over. As the better class of men viewed the matter, it was unwise, while the house is on fire and devouring flames are sweeping through it in all directions, to stop to discuss how the fire originated and who is respon- sible for the misfortune. The wise policy is to go to work manfully to save the building, and leave the discussion for a less heated and more auspicious time. Patriotic men-men who loved their country more than they did parties and dogmas-came to the rescue of our imperiled institutions. They furnished means and men and all else necessary to suppress rebellion. .

From the ranks of the two great political parties, who a few months before,

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with almost equal numbers, had stood opposed to each other in a hotly con- tested campaign of words and ballets, sprang the loyal defenders of the Union. They responded to the call of the new President for aid in suppressing rebel- lion and maintaining the supremacy of the Constitution and the Union. The roster of every company and every regiment bore the names of these men. They can not be too highly honored for their patriotic course. To them is the nation indebted to-day for its perpetuity and the proud position it occupies among the powers of earth.

In passing, mention of another class must not be forgotten to be made. While troops were enlisting and going to the front, first for the three months' service, and later for nine months, a year and three years, there were devoted friends at home. Men who could not go themselves furnished means to those who did go, or provided protection for the families of those who went. The services of such friends of the government have never been properly appre- ciated and recognized. And then still another class have been overlooked-the loyal ladies who provided the delicacies and mementoes that encouraged soldiers in the field. Sanitary commissions and Christian commissions and ladies' aid societies of various kinds were invaluable auxiliaries in the crushing of the Rebellion. All such as aided in these directions, as well as by sending letters of cheer and encouragement to loved ones in the field, are deserving of the most grateful recognition by the nation. Could their names be made a part of the war record, as they should, a halo of imperishable glory would encircle the wreath.

It is proper to state, in this connection, that while there were many-too many-of the stay-at-home class, yet, as the war progressed, the better class of people, irrespective of party, rallied to the support of the government. The feeling is very happily expressed in a call issued at Mercer September 2, 1861, and signed by O. H. Gould, W. P. Leech, Samuel Griffith, J. H. Robinson and John Trunkey, for a Union convention. The committee says: "Believ- ing that the preservation of our government, and our institutions under it, are superior to party success, or mere partisan considerations, the delegates to the county convention unite in a call for a Union convention of all true and loyal citizens of the county, irrespective of past party associations, who are in favor of the Union and the Constitution, and of sustaining the government in a vig- orous prosecution of the war for the suppression of the existing rebellion and the enforcement of the laws, * to nominate a Union ticket."

This union sentiment prevailed, and was a wonderful source of encourage- ment to soldiers in the field, and to the authorities at Washington. Time and space forbid our giving all the phases of the home contest throughout the war. At times sentiment ran high between the supporters of the Union and those who looked upon the war as a mere partisan affair, prosecuted for personal and partisan aggrandizement. In September, 1863, after the fall of Vicksburg, the capture of Morgan and the battle of Gettysburg, the Union convention at Mercer passed the following resolutions unanimously. They were but part of a series adopted:

1st. We here renew our vows of devotion to the government transmitted to us by the patriots of the Revolution, and pledge our last efforts to maintain its authority and integ- rity unimpaired.

2d. It is the duty of every friend of the Union to merge all sectional and party feel- ings in a common patriotism, and by a united and earnest effort, sustain the constituted authorities of the government in their efforts to crush the cruel and wicked Rebellion, which aims at the destruction of the liberty and happiness of thirty millions of an un- offending people, and the universal enslavement of men, women and children, without distinction of race or color.

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3d. We approve the policy adopted by the President of the United States in prose- cuting the war in support of the authority of the government, and the suppression of the Rebellion, and pledge our support to the administration as the only means of securing a return of that peace and security so much to be desired.

The year 1864 was an exciting one, Gen. Grant having been made lieu- tenant-general, and commander of all the armies of the United States, the war was prosecuted with special vigor. Sherman moved upon Atlanta, Grant upon Richmond, while Sheridan ran, like a weaver's shuttle, through the valley of the Shenandoah. From that time onward the fortunes of the new Confederacy waned rapidly, and the decree was plainly to be read that "a gov- ernment of the people, by the people, and for the people, should not perish from the earth."

It is not possible in this historic sketch to enter fully into details. They must be found in Bates' History of Pennsylvania Volunteers and in special histories of regiments.

Thirty-ninth Regiment, Tenth Reserves. - This regiment had two companies from Mercer County, B and G. The first was recruited mainly in the vicinity of West Middlesex. It was first under the command of Capt. Thomas McConnell, but subsequently under that of Capt. Joseph B. Pattee.

Company G was recruited at Mercer by Capt. A. J. Warner, then principal of the Mercer schools, but latterly a member of Congress from Marietta, Ohio. He was promoted successively to lieutenant-colonel and colonel, and was finally brevetted a brigadier-general in March, 1864. He was wounded at White Oak Swamp and Antietam.

The regiment was mustered into the United States service July 21, 1861. For a brief period it encamped near Washington. It was transferred in June, 1862, to McClellan's army operating against Richmond, and participated, June 26, at Mechanicsville, where Capt. McConnell was seriously wounded. It met the enemy on the 27th at Gaines' Mill, and again on the 30th, capturing some sixty prisoners on the latter date. The regiment was transferred from the Peninsula to join Gen. Pope, and shared in the terrible battles during the closing days of August and opening days of September, 1862. It was present at South Mountain and Antietam, and later the slaughter of Fredericksburg, where it lost heavily. It shared in the memorable campaign through Mary- land and into Pennsylvania in 1863, and was present at Gettysburg. It participated in the pursuit of the retreating hosts, and subsequently in the campaign against Richmond in 1864. Its term of service expiring May 30, it was mustered out June 11, 1864.

Company B .- Captains, Thomas McConnell, Joseph B. Pattee; first lieu- tenant, Charles N. Jackson; second lieutenant, David Farrell.

Sergeants: John W. Porter, A. H. McWilliams, William N. Johnston, John B. Crawford, Jefferson C. Wentz, David Gilliland, Irvine Miller.

Corporals: George Wareham, William F. Barnett, Robert C. Crossman, William A. Edeburn, John B. Caldwell, Joseph Baker, Norman Johnson, Frazer Dillen, Denison Jacobs, John McConnell, John Brown, William B. Maxwell.

Privates: Eli J. Ague, Henry M. Arbaugh, Menzon Beverly, Walter D. Byers, S. Bartholomew, Garret Buckalew, Samuel M. Bell, George W. Beaver, Samuel B. Clark, Charles R. Clark, Samuel B. Clawges, Henry W. Case, Leonard Curtis, Samuel Clark, Timothy Campbell, Robert Caldwell, R. A. Dunmire, Jonathan Dunham, Clark C. Davis, Cornelius Donavan, Alfred C. Day, Isaac Eaton, James R. Feathers, James Faucett, William J. Gardner, John H. Greer, William B. Gibson, William C. Henry, W. W.

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McB. Houston, Isaac Hilkirk, Urias W. Heasley, James Hogue, William Hunt, William Jellison, Lafayette Jacobs, George Kelso, Benjamin J. King, James Kirkwood, Thomas Kelly, Andrew Kelly, F. M. Livermore, John W. Leasure, John E. Lyon, Alexander M. Mayberry, Alfred Mathews, Morris Madden, William H. Mallory, Edward McGarvey, Lemuel Marsteller, William J. McGinn, John McGowan, John McCann, Alonzo McCall, James McCloskey, Patrick McConnell, Alexander Mckibben, John Near, James O' Hara, Samuel Piper, Frank Peters, John W. Powell, Alexander W. Porter, George Paden, Milo Paden, Lyman B. Robinson, Joseph W. Russell, James Reznor, Fayette Root, Milton Simpson, David C. Stambaugh, George W. Shearer, Robert D. Smith, James S. Scott, John Sutley, Thomas Thomas, David Thomas, William Towman, Elijah Thompson, David Tait, John H. Walker, John F. Webster, Thomas C. White, Orrin Walker.

Company G .- Captains, A. J. Warner, J. Parker Smith, Peter E. Shipler; first lieutenants, Thomas B. Rodgers, Joseph S. Marquis; second lieutenants, C. W. Whistler, N. G. McQuillan.

Sergeants: George Reznor, Milton I. Bean, John M. Bogardus, George T. Sykes, John H. Forker, J. Boyd Robinson, George W. McCracken, William H. Rowland.

Corporals: John B. Emery, William Paden, Joseph H. Wright, Thomas McLaughry, Samuel Graham, James W. Hanna, Isaac D. Kirk, John Nevin, Joseph Weaver, Elias Orr, William Galloway, Hamilton Houston, John N. Pew, Hugh L. Sawhill.

Musicians: H. H. Henderson, Oscar D. Madge.

Privates: John R. Albin, John A. Andrews, John M. Arnold, John J. Alexander, Henry G. Boise, Valentine Beaver, William J. Bodell, Aaron Bush, Joseph A. Bond, Henry H. Bush, Samuel M. Brown, Edward W. Bloomer, Benjamin H. E. Bohn, Asa Comstock, J. Charles Cherry, Joseph R. Caldwell. Joseph Cummings, William H. Craig, John W. Cowan, Charles W. Dentler, William H. Ellsworth, William Forbes, John W. Fruit, Aurelius L. Fell, Alfred B. Filson, Charles W. Foulk, Samuel F. Fisher, W. Frank Gibson, James Grace, William D. Graham, George R. Graham, J. Newton George, William H. Goodrich, Edward L. Garvin, Samuel C. Grace, Albert H. Ger- mer, Felix G. Galbraith, Charles W. Giebner, John Gardner, James Howard, Sr., C. P. Humphrey, James Howard, Joseph Houston, William H. Houston, Milton Hines, Baldwin C. Kirk, James M. Keck, David C. Kitch, George W. Lafferty, William Legore, John Lowry, Edward Miller, Oscar A. Mossman, Walter S. Maguire, Joseph S. Morrison, Daniel S. Meals, Joseph C. Mahood, Christopher Meals, Robert McKnight, William P. McDonald, S. J. McPherrin, Wallace McClure, R. W. McCracken, James G. Nunemaker, Jonas M. Nelson, Joseph A. Nunemaker, Joseph G. Perry, William F. Patterson, James G. Pew, Francis M. Proudfoot, Albert Pearson, Henry Pearson, Peter E. Runkle, Henry G. C. Rose, George Roberts, Joseph E. Shipler, Robert Stranahan, Lester Stull, Samuel Stewart, John M. Stevenson, Samuel B. Stevenson, Thompson Shannon, Joseph A. Shout, John W. Sedwick, David Sheehan, George Shannon, George Tanner, David C. Taylor, John R. E. Waugh.

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History of Mercer County, Pennsylvania : its past and present, Part 40

Author: Publication date: 1888 Publisher: Chicago, Ill. : Brown, Runk Number of Pages: 1288

Author:
Publication date: 1888
Publisher: Chicago, Ill. : Brown, Runk
Number of Pages: 1288