USA > Pennsylvania > Northampton County > History of Northampton County [Pennsylvania] and the grand valley of the Lehigh, Volume I > Part 13
Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).
Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24 | Part 25 | Part 26 | Part 27 | Part 28 | Part 29 | Part 30 | Part 31 | Part 32 | Part 33 | Part 34 | Part 35 | Part 36 | Part 37 | Part 38 | Part 39 | Part 40 | Part 41 | Part 42 | Part 43 | Part 44 | Part 45 | Part 46 | Part 47 | Part 48 | Part 49 | Part 50 | Part 51 | Part 52 | Part 53 | Part 54
After the conference adjourned on August 4th, the governor entertained Teedyuscung and some of his counselors at an entertainment, which took place at Vernon's tavern. After the banquet, peace was proclaimed in form, a detachment of the Pennsylvania troops fired three volleys, and at night there was a large bonfire and a variety of Indian dances. The conference was in session eighteen days, its final adjournment being Sunday, August 7, 1757.
The fourth conference, held at Easton, October 8, 1758, was more largely attended than any of those formerly held at the Forks of the Delaware. The important business which was urged with utmost diligence was to lessen the power of Teedyuscung. Since the last conference Teedyuscung instead of losing had increased his powers, and had established himself at the head of the Five Tribes. The Indians occupying the lands surrounding the lakes consisted of three leagues: The Senecas, Mohawks and Onondagoes, who were called the Fathers, composed the first ; the Oneidas, Tuscarawas, Nanyi- cokes and Conoys (which had united in one tribe) and the Tuteloes, com- posed the second league ; and these two leagues made up what was called the Six Nations. The third league was formed from the Chihohocki (or Dela- wares), the Wanami, the Munseys, Mawhiccons and Wapingers. From all these nations, with the exception of two or three, the chief sachems were present. The Indians, by the most reliable accounts, numbered five hundred.
The governor, attended by his council, six members of the assembly, two commissioners of Indian affairs from the province of New Jersey, a
96
NORTHAMPTON COUNTY
number of freeholders of Pennsylvania and adjoining provinces, and citizens of Philadelphia, chiefly Quakers, arrived at Easton on the evening of October 7, 1758. There were also present George Croghan, Colonel Weiser, as provincial interpreter, Isaac Still, Stephen Calvin, and Moses Tatamy, all Delaware interpreters for that nation; Henry Montour, interpreter for the Six Nations, and Andrew Montour, who acted as His Majesty's interpreter. Later Governor Bernard of New Jersey and Sir William Johnson arrived and took part in the proceedings.
On Saturday, October 8th, the governor had his first interview with the Indians. The following Monday and Tuesday, Croghan, who declared himself an Indian, was in close consultation with the Indians, treating them to liquors, the main discussion being whether what Teedyuscung had done should be allowed to stand, or if everything was to begin anew. The great aim of the proprietaries' managers was for Teedyuscung to withdraw his charge of fraud and forgery. In order to gain this point overtures were made to the representatives of the Six Nations to undo what had been done, to establish their own authority, and gain the credit of the peace. Teedyus- cung and his people absolutely refused to retract anything that had been said. The debates were warm and determined. It was at length agreed that everything transacted between Teedyuscung and the English should stand. The following morning some of the Quakers assembled the chiefs and old men of the tribes in order to smoke a pipe with them. This meet- ing was broken up by an invitation from a committee of the assembly and commissioners to meet the governor in conference so that he could submit his speech to the Indians to them for advice, it having been agreed that nothing was to be said to the Indians without the previous knowledge of the Quakers. At four o'clock of that same afternoon the governors met the Indians, and on the arising of Teedyuscung to speak, the governor of New Jersey requested that he might first, in the name of the province, welcome the Indians. At the conclusion of his remarks Teedyuscung arose and addressed the governors, saying that he had assembled his people at their request, that he had already concluded a peace with the governor of Penn- sylvania for himself and his people, and that he had nothing to do but to sit and hear, as everything which could be done at present was concluded and agreed upon.
The following day Teedyuscung arrived at the conference drunk, de- manding of the governor a package containing a speech of the Alleghanians which had been miscarried by the messengers. This package enclosed a speech to the governor, which the Alleghanians had mislaid when they had met at Philadelphia. On the governor informing them that he expected the package at the conference, they agreed to go to Easton and await his com- ing, as they had messages for Teedyuscung. They had been informed that the governor had received their speech, and they requested it might be read, as they were eager to return home, and a great deal depended on the answer they were to bring. Teedyuscung was, however, too drunk to attend to business, and the matter was postponed until the next day. Tagashta, the Seneca, and other Indians then addressed the meeting.
At the session of the conference held on Friday, the Alleghanies' letter
97
THE INDIAN TREATIES
was read, and Nichos, a Mohawk, made a speech, disclaiming Teedyuscung's authority. This Mohawk chief was George Croghan's father-in-law. His speech was delivered to raise a disturbance amongst the Indians, as Croghan had been baffled in attempting to prejudice Teedyuscung and set him against the people of the province. There was a private conference on Sunday, October 15th, but neither Teedyuscung nor any of his people were present. The public conference was continued the next day. When it came to reading the minutes of the day before, the secretary stopped, but at the request of the Six Nation's chief, they were read. It concerned Teedyuscung; they claimed that he had no authority over the Six Nations, but did not deny his authority over his own nations, as the governor had expressly declared the Six Nations were his superiors, and though he acted as the head of his own four tribes, he acted as messenger for his uncles. The finesse in politics was displayed by the Six Nations, when the governor demanded the cause of the Indian war then pending, and called upon them to declare the causes of it. The chiefs disclaimed concern in it, as it was not by the advice of the public council of the Nations, though they owned that their young warriors had been concerned in it. As counselors they could not undertake to assign the causes of what induced them to strike the English lest it should appear that they had countenanced the war and left the warriors to speak for them- selves. The provincial authorities were anxious to have the Six Nations' speaker say he spoke for the Delawares. Teedyuscung, however, maintained his independence. Thomas King, the head of the Six Nations, arose and said that he would speak in behalf of his own people, that there were several causes of uneasiness in the land question, especially the purchase of 1754 at Albany. The Munseys the next day demanded their belt of the Six Nations, and placed their affairs under Teedyuscung's directions. The close of the conference was nothing but confusion; Nichos, the Mohawk, said the gov- ernor left everything in the dark; he or neither of his chiefs knew what lands he meant ; if he spoke of lands beyond the mountains, they had already confessed to selling them, why were not the deeds produced and shown to their cousins, the Delawares? The deed of 1749 was then produced and shown to Teedyuscung, but he said he could not understand why it was now brought up, as all matters pertaining to lands being, as he thought, referred to the determination of the King of England.
The next day Teedyuscung inquired concerning the deed produced the previous day. He said he was satisfied his uncles had sold the lands de- scribed therein, that he made no dispute in regard to the deed, and was ready to confirm it. His confirming the deed, however, he stated, did not affect the claim he had formerly made for the lands that he had principally been wronged of, the land between the Tohican and the Kittatinny Hills. Tokahayo, a Cayuga chief, arose, and in a warm speech commended the conduct of Teedyuscung, and severely reprimanded the English. He closed as follows: "If the English knew no better how to manage Indian affairs, they should not call them together; they had invited them down to brighten the chains of peace, but instead of that had spent a fortnight wrangling and disputing about lands."
The Indians, though several times pressed hard, deferred in giving answer NORTH .- 1-7.
98
NORTHAMPTON COUNTY
to the proposal made in behalf of the proprietaries to release back to the Indians the lands of the purchase of 1754 west of the Alleghany Mountains, providing the Indians would confirm to them the residue of the purchase. Deeds had been drawn agreeable to this proposition, it only remained for the Indians to sign. At a public entertainment given in the evening the deeds were executed, and in the public council the next day the Indians de- clared they would confirm no more of the lands than was settled in 1754, for only these they had received consideration, but all the rest they reclaimed. The deed drawn contained twenty times more land than was settled. The English settlements, in 1754, extended but a little way up the Juniata and Sherman's Creek, whereas the new grant reached to the Alleghany Moun- tains. The fear was entertained that the Indians would disapprove when they learned of the discrepancy. Yet, as luck would have it, no dire results occurred.
On the morning of October 23d, one of the Seneca chiefs died; his funeral the same morning was attended by many of the inhabitants. The entire day, October 25, was spent by the Indians in distributing presents among the several tribes. The conference was concluded October 26, with great joy and mutual satisfaction. Teedyuscung, who was influential in forming the conference, acted as speaker for many of the tribes. The Six Nations' chiefs took great umbrage at the impertinence which he assumed, and endeavored to destroy his influence. Notwithstanding he was well plied with liquor, he bore himself with dignity and firmness, refusing to succumb to the Six Nations, and was proof against the wiles of George Croghan and the governor. The business of the conference was shamefully delayed; the time was spent in attempting Teedyuscung's downfall in silencing or con- tradicting the complaints he had made. He was really, however, more of a politician than any of his opponents; if he could have been kept sober he might have become, in time, emperor of all the neighboring Indian Nations.
The fifth conference opened in Easton, August 5, 1761; there were : present on the part of the proprietaries Governor James Hamilton and his council, Samuel Weiser, James Sherlock, Isaac Still, and Reverend David : Zeisberger, who acted as interpreter. Teedyuscung was present with deputies from nine tribes; in all about four hundred attended. The governor alluded to the death of Colonel Conrad Weiser since the last meeting. The business of this and the meeting in the following year related chiefly to the settlement of land matters in the Wyoming Valley. Presents were distributed and the treaty was concluded August 12, 1761. The conference the following year was held at Easton, in June, 1762. The minutes of the provincial council between June 12th and August 16th are blank. The Archives, however, print a speech of Teedyuscung dated Easton, June 26, 1762, addressed to Governor Hamilton and Sir William Johnson, retracting the charge of forgery and fraud against the proprietaries. To this Governor Hamilton replied from Easton, under the same date, addressing the same to "Brother Teedyuscung and all our Indian Brethren now present," and concluded by saying "And now Brethren, I hope that all heart burnings and animosities are at an end, and be buried so deep in the earth, as never to rise again, and that we and our children may live in perfect peace and friendship together as brethren
99
THE INDIAN TREATIES
as long as the sun shines and the rivers run. In confirmation whereof I give you this belt-a belt of twelve rows."
On May 8, 1765, a treaty of peace was entered into between the Dela- ware Indians and Sir William Johnson, the King of England's sole agent and superintendent of Indian affairs in North America, as follows: :
ARTICLE I
That in consideration of the Delawares' several promises of future good behavior, of their having delivered up to Colonel Boquet a large number of English who were their prisoners, and of their cheerfully according to subsequent articles and faithfully observing them forever hereafter, His Majesty is graciously pleased to pardon what hath passed, and they shall be once more received into the covenant chain of friend- ship with the English.
ARTICLE
That the Delawares of Susquehanna, who fled from their habitations on the approach of the parties of Indians and rangers sent against them last year by Sir William Johnson, be comprised in this treaty and abide by every article contained therein can in any wise relate to them, in consequence of the treaty entered into before him at Niagara last summer with the Senecas, provided they bring in all the English prisoners, deserters, Frenchmen and Negroes within forty days, agreeable to the engagements they have lately entered into for the performance of which they have left two chiefs hostages, that then the Delawares that were taken prisoners last winter and remain at New York shall be discharged, but the rest who were distributed among the several nations must remain where they now are.
ARTICLE 3
That the Delawares do immediately open the road of peace throughout every part of their country, giving free permission to all His Majesty's troops, or other his subjects to pass through the same; that they likewise open the rivers, allowing a free and open navigation for boats, canoes, or any other craft to all his Majesty's subjects forever hereafter; that they engage never more to molest them, either by land or by water, or cause the same to be done by any other nation or tribe of Indians, but that they shall use all their endeavors to prevent any such designs and give the earliest intelligence of them to the English, to whom they shall afford assistance if required.
ARTICLE 4
That the Delawares do, to the utmost of their powers, immediately open the road to the Illinois, and use every possible endeavor for obtaining the possession thereof, and securing the same to the English, that in case Mr. Croghan, deputy agent for Indian Affairs be not yet sent out for Illinois from Fort Pitt, they shall send proper persons to accompany and assist him, and those who go with him to take possession of the forts and garrisons in that country, ceded by the French to the Crown of England.
ARTICLE 5
That they do forthwith use all possible means for bringing the Shawnecs to a proper sensc of their late conduct, to deliver up all prisoners remaining in their hands without further delay, and send deputies to Sir William Johnson to treat about peace.
ARTICLE 6
That they deliver further to the commanding officer at Fort Pitt, those seven English, yet among them, as also all deserters, Frenchmen and negrocs, and engaged never to scream, protest, or encourage any such persons for the future, but should any such persons take refuge amongst them, they arc to bring them without delay to the officer commanding at the next garrison, or to the commissary, when such is appointed, who will be empowercd to reward them for their troublc.
100
NORTHAMPTON COUNTY
ARTICLE 7
That they do promise and engage never to take revenge for any act committed by individuals of the British Nation but to make due complaint thereof to the next commanding officer or the commissary, when appointed, who will apply to gov- ernment to whom the delinquent belongs, that he may be brought to trial when they may expect to have strict justice done them. And should any of the Delawares at any time hereafter, rob, murder, or otherwise misuse any of His Majesty's subjects, as the Indians have no established laws for punishing the guilty, they are without excuse or delay to bring such offenders to the nearest garrison, from whence he will be sent to the next province in order to take his trial, at which the chiefs of the Delawares may be present, that they may see the charges are fully proved against him and be sensible of the equity of British laws.
ARTICLE 8
That should any dispute or difference arise relative to lands or otherwise, they are by no means to insult the officers commanding posts, or any other of His Majesty's subjects, who cannot be answerable for these matters, but they arc to lay their com- plaints before the deputy agent for that district, who will transmit the same to Sir William Johnson, that they may obtain justice.
ARTICLE 9
That many of the traders who were plundered and severely treated by the Dela- wares in 1763, having represented the great distresses to which they are thereby reduced and prayed relief. The Delawares are therefore to fall immediately on a method for making them some restitution by a grant of lands provided His Majesty shall approve thereof and the Six Nations first give their approbation thereto.
ARTICLE 10
That whenever His Majesty shall be pleased to direct that limits should be settled between his subjects and the Indians, with their consent, the Delawares engage to abide by whatever limits shall be agreed upon between the English and the Six Nations, and shall never disturb His Majesty's subjects upon that account.
ARTICLE II
That a trade shall be opened as soon as it conveniently may be with the Dela- wares, which trade will be at the principal posts, and continue during the good be- haviour of that nation; that they do therefore in an especial manner protect the persons and properties of the traders who may be going to or returning from the posts, promising never to take away their horses, or otherwise impede their journeys or molest them on any account, but in case of fraud they are to lay their complaint before the commanding officer at the trading post, until the appointment of com- missaries, who will then have the inspection thereof.
ARTICLE 12
That the Delawares shall communicate the particulars of the peace they have made to all nations with whom they have any intercourse; that they shall enforce the observance thereof in an especial manner over their people; and lastly, that they shall enter into no engagements with any nation whatsoever, without the knowledge of the Superintendent of Indian Affairs or those duly authorized by the King of Great Britain.
The treaty was signed on the part of the English by Daniel Clause, Guy John- son, deputy agent for Indian Affairs, John Butler, and David Owens, Delaware inter- preter. The Indian signers were Killbuck, alias Beminco, and David or Dochschewe- mint, as deputies for the Delaware Nation; Long Coat, alias Anindamooky, and Squas Cutter, in Delaware Yaghkapoosa, in Six Nations Onossaraquela, chief warrior of the Delawares and Munsies of Susquehanna. The Indian signatures are accompanicd with peculiar marks or signs indicative of some fancied trait of character, namely a turtle, a crab, a boat, etc., etc.
-
IOI
THE INDIAN TREATIES
In the treaty conferences held at Easton, the personality of Teedyuscung looms paramount among his red brethren of the wilderness, the English bred officials representing the proprietaries and the members of the council. This untutored son of the forest, with a dignity and poise of character, while attempting no flight of imagery or oratory, his words hurtled from his tongue like arrows from the bent bow spring. In plain but decided language he remonstrated against the wrong of the Indians, demanding a just repara- tion, charging his adversaries not only with corruption, but fraud. Various attempts were made to destroy his prestige and cast reflection on his honesty and integrity among his associates and allies. All, however without avail, and the constant trickery of his enemies in attempting to develop these charges instead of lessening his power and influence over his subjects, only strengthened the Indians in acknowledging him as their leader.
Teedyuscung desired peace ; his great efforts were extended in attempting to secure a permanent abiding place for his red children of the woods, free from the molestations of the advancing greedy grasp of the incoming white settlers; this and the restitution for lands already illegally seized were his only demands. While he was not of the military spirit and ardor of Pontiac, his compatriot, or later of Tecumseh, he excelled them both in his talent of diplomacy. That he displayed no great ambition as a military chieftain is due to the fact of the times, also a determination on his part to accomplish by peaceful overtures the rights of his people rather than by savage warfare. That he had military ability and strategy there is no doubt; this is fully illustrated, when, on receipt of news on his trip to the second conference that he was menanced with danger, he cleverly left his path of retreat fully guarded and protected by his ablest captains and warriors.
Teedyuscung was a Lenni Lenape Indian. His father, Captain Harris, migrated in 1725 from the home of his ancestors, near the Raritan in New Jersey, with others of the Turtle tribe, to the province of Pennsylvania. On arriving at the Forks of the Delaware, finding no white men, they proceeded unmolested to the Pocopo's country north of the Blue Mountains, the land of their kinsmen, the Munseys. Here Captain Harris built a wigwam; be- coming aged and infirm, according to the Indian custom, he was left to starve to death. He was twice married, and his eldest son was Teedyuscung, who was born in the first decade of the eighteenth century. He was united, in 1749, with the Moravian Indian mission at Gnadenhuetten, and was bap- tized by Bishop Cammerhoff, March 12, 1750, receiving the name of Gideon. Owing to injuries reecived by his countrymen, by the whites and the oppres- sion of the Six Nations, in 1754, he deserted the Moravian mission. Hence- forward his name is conspicuous in the provincial history of Pennsylvania.
Tecdyuscung was also known as Honest John and War Trumpet; his worst enemy was the white man's "firewater." His death occurred April 16, 1763, while asleep in his own house under the influence of liquor. He was burned to death, the incendiary being instigated by his enemies.
On the summit of the precipitous Indian Rock overlooking the pictur- esque Wassahickon near Chestnut Hill, Philadelphia, a handsome bronze statue has been erected to his memory. In designing the statue the full war regalia of the Lenni Lenape tribe has been preserved. The rock, which is
IO2
NORTHAMPTON COUNTY
known as Council Rock, is where the last council of the Lenape tribe of Indians was held in 1763, just before their departure for the reservation granted them in the Wyoming Valley. There had been, since 1856, a wooden figure of Teedyuscung on this rock. Here legendary history says that he took his farewell view of the beautiful Wissahikon ravine.
Part of the Honorable the Proprietaries Dry Land.
Mutuel Malinger
1
204
Jacob Bittenbender
David Wagner GA SSP CAN
494
JA'74
24
9
Daand Wegner
SA'n
5
.F49-
.o.M-#
RIVER.
16
7.7
٨.٥٠ ريك
3.3
LEHI
A DRAUGHT
of Balton Township in the Country of Nurchampion , eneludenthe Town london o percent com enginally Surveyed to the Honorable
chef Proprieseries, computed to contain One chochfund Armand the Allowance of
Beflerveged and divided use Oat Low, w accompde-till. Indicante of Eafcon, from the 87 + July to che to. of August 1769 at the Request of Anthony Butler EGY Agent for that Proprietary.
-
Kulin/ Tward.
A4
7
RIVER
DELAWARE
CHAPTER X
TRAVEL-ROAD-WATER-RAIL
Before the organization of Northampton county the only road reaching to the pioneer settlers was, as it was then called, the "King Road," which started at Philadelphia, its terminus being Jones' Island, about a mile below Bethlehem. It was really prior to this nothing more than an Indian trail, known as "The Minisink Path," which the warriors of that tribe from time immemorial had passed to and fro between the Blue Mountains and tide water. This road was, however, improved from time to time until it became a good and solid highway. There was laid out, in 1735, a road from Goshen- hopper, in Montgomery county, to Upper Macungie township, then in the territory of Bucks county, but embraced in Northampton county at the time of its erection. This highway began about a quarter of a mile north -- west of Breinersville, in Upper Macungie, crossed the Little Lehigh, and thence through the present borough of Macungie and the villages of Shimers- ville, Old Zionsville, New Zionsville, Hosensack and Gerryville to North Wales, where it joined the road from New Goshenhopper to Philadelphia. A few years elapsed when a road was opened from Nazareth to the Depui settle- ment at the Minisink, and in 1744 the inhabitants petitioned the general assembly to extend the road to the mouth of the Saucon creek. The same year a road was laid out from Walpack Ferry on the Upper Delaware river above the mountains to a point on the Lehigh river. This road was nearly thirty-eight miles in length.
Need help finding more records? Try our genealogical records directory which has more than 1 million sources to help you more easily locate the available records.