USA > Pennsylvania > Northampton County > History of Northampton County [Pennsylvania] and the grand valley of the Lehigh, Volume I > Part 18
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MAJ. GENERAL JOHN SULLIVAN
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THE REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD
twenty-six, a hireling of Benjamin Gilbert; and Abigail Dobson, fourteen, a daughter of Samuel Dobson, a neighbor. The Indians then proceeded about half a mile to Benjamin Peart's dwelling, and there captured himself, aged twenty-seven; Elizabeth, his wife, twenty; and their child, nine months old. In Towamensing township on April 15, 1780, Benedict Snyder and his son were captured by the Indians. The inhabitants of the towns of Towamen- sing, Penn and Chestnuthill evacuated their homes, leaving the frontiers practically abandoned. The supreme council of war, on being requested by the inhabitants of the county for militia from the adjoining counties to defend the frontiers, replied that they should depend on their own militia. Samuel Rea, the lieutenant of the county, on July 4, 1780, reported that he had enlisted about fifty men, and others were coming in daily ; that he had issued commissions to Captain Johannas Van Etten, Lieutenant John Fisk and Ensign Thomas Syllaman. The plundering and burning of houses was still continued by the Indians. They were pursued by the militia who, on September 8, 1780, marched from Gnadenhutten, a small Moravian town situated behind the Blue Mountains, on the west branch of the Delaware river. They were attacked September II, 1780, by a party of whites and Indians and four Americans were killed and nineteen wounded. This attack caused a more stringent action, and Lieutenant-Colonel Gerger with a suffi- cient force of men was stationed along the verge of the frontiers. These Indian troubles aroused the inhabitants of the county, and on December I, 1780, Lieutenant Samuel Rea reported that upwards of three hundred men were equipped and ready for service.
The Gilbert and Peart captives numbering fifteen, after viewing the burning of their homes, were led by the Indians across the Blue Mountains into the wild and rugged region between the Lehigh and the Chemung branch of the Susquehanna. During their captivity they had to endure the fearful ordeal of the gauntlet. They were separated from each other, some adopted by the Indians, others hired out for service in white families. Finally, after a captivity of two years and five months, they were all released and collected at Montreal, Canada. From thence they returned to Byberry, where they had lived before settling on the Mahoning creek.
That the council of war was alarmed at the Indian invasions and atroci- ties is evidenced in their authorizing Colonel Jacob Stroud to encourage the young men of the county to hire out and in small parties to strike the enemy near home, offering $1,500 for every Indian or Tory prisoner taken in arms, and $1,000 for every Indian scalp.
The last years of the Revolutionary War were uneventful in Northamp- ton county history. Business was prostrated, the closest economy required, and a still further disheartening complication arose from the depreciation of the public money. There were several resignations and appointments of military officers. The execution of Ralph Morden, convicted of high treason, took place at Easton November 25, 1780. The hostilities had been principally transferred to the South, where unequivocal success had followed the advances of the American army. Peace was formally declared in 1783, the soldiers returned to their homes and families. Northampton's soil had never felt a hostile tread other than that of the stealthy savage, nor shook under the
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tramp of an army except Sullivan's. Her people were as a whole ready and cheerful in patriotic sacrifices, and many a brave son went forth to battlefields from which he never returned.
Among the Swiss and Palatine population of Northampton county dur- ing the Revolution there were a great many who were gunsmiths and armor- ers, some of them being descendants of the ancient armorers of the feudal period of Central Europe. These people brought with them to Pennsylvania the rifle and improved upon the German model with such ingenuity that they produced a new rifle, a firearm superior to any other in the world-the American backwoods rifle. These artisans of the backwoods performed serv- iees far more important than shouldering a musket in the rank and file of the army. Soon every blacksmith was forging gun-barrels, every cabinet- maker shaping gunstocks, every gunsmith rifling gun-barrels. Not only were they employed, but their wives and children and the families of their neigh- bors were lending a helping hand in cleaning, burnishing and putting the finishing touches to this new weapon of warfare. The Pennsylvania rifle had taken the place of the old musket in the eastern colonies long before the outbreak of the Revolutionary War. There are but few of the names of those tillers of the virgin soil of Penn's colony handed down to posterity who possessed the ability to produce a better weapon of warfare than was used by any of the armies of the world. The council of safety of Philadelphia established a gun factory at Philadelphia, and John Golcher was engaged to instruct the workmen in the art of boring and grinding the gun-barrels. This factory was afterwards removed to Allentown, and Golcher returned to Easton, where he began manufacturing a double-barreled revolving rifle with one hammer. Henry Derringer, father of the inventor of the Derringer pistol, settled in an early day in Easton. John Tyler was in charge of a gun factory at Allentown, and Daniel Klest was located at Bethlehem. General Daniel Morgan often stopped at his gunshop to have his soldiers' rifles examined and put in order. Abraham Berlin was a blacksmith by trade, but during the Revolution he was a gunsmith. Stephen Horn was engaged for several years at gun work and then took up powder making. The Young brothers, John and Henry, were also engaged in the vocation of gun making ; Henry did a large business, and his brother, who was an armorer, decorated the rifles, also the swords manufactured by Isaac Berlin. John Young became well known by the American authorities and delivered to the colony of Virginia one thousand rifles. Johnston Smith was a partner in this trans- action and his duty was to gather the rifles from the different makers. Young also furnished one hundred and fifty rifles for military companies forming in Philadelphia. A partner in this transaction was Adam Foulk, who seems to have been of migratory turn of mind, as he was at various times in busi- ness in Easton, Allentown and Philadelphia. There is little known of Anthony Smith and Andrew Shorer, who manufactured guns in Bethlehem. Peter Newhardt, another gunmaker, was from Whitehall township, and Jacob Newhardt, John Moll and George Layendecker at different times worked in the state factory, and they were in business for themselves in Easton after its removal to Philadelphia after the British evacuated that place. Mathias Miller was a descendant of the ancient German armorers,
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THE REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD
and before the war was engaged in locksmithing in Easton. His guns were remarkable for their exquisite firelocks. Ebenezer Cowell, an employe of the state gun factory, came to Allentown on its removal to that point, but remained after its return to Philadelphia. George Taylor and Richard Back- house, both residents of Easton, in connection with the Durham iron works, made cannons, cannon-balls and did considerable experimental work on gun- barrels. These artificers were exempted from military service by the com- mittee of safety on account of their valuable services in the manufacture of arms for those engaged on the battlefields.
The Henrys were of English descent, and from the time of their arrival in this country they were more or less identified with government service, either as soldier, statesman or manufacturer of arms. The first of the Henrys in America was William Henry of Lancaster, Pennsylvania, who established a factory in 1752 for the making of firearms. His muskets and rifles were in great demand during the Revolutionary War, and as deputy quartermaster- general he was superintendent of arms and military accoutrements. His son, William Henry, came to Nazareth in 1780, built a small factory and contracted with the colony of Pennsylvania and the Continental government for the manufacture of muskets. The water-power was poor, the demand for muskets greater than the supply, and to facilitate this work in 1812 he built a gun factory at Bolton, three miles northeast of Nazareth. The location was one of the most delightful spots along the Bushkill creek, formerly known by the Indian name Lehicton. A few years later the works passed into the hands of his sons, William Henry and John Joseph Henry, who conducted the business until 1822, when the latter became the sole owner. The fame of the Henry rifle spread along the whole frontier. On the organization of the North American Fur Company by John Jacob Astor, he ordered all the supply of his rifles from the Henry factory, which was the only one at that time that could furnish them. The manufacture of rifles ceased when the North American Fur Company went out of existence, but for many years rifles and pistols were manufactured by the Henrys for the militia of the South and West, and they figured very prominently in the Civil War .*
* The Henry rifle of the Civil War time was the most remarkable gun of its day. It was a sixteen-shot magazine gun. The output was small, and the writer has never heard that it was furnished to troops by the government. It played an important part in the battle of Alatoona, Georgia, in October, 1864. The Confederate General Hood had left Atlanta to attack General Sherman's rear, and the first point he struck was Alatoona, the Union ammunition and food supply station, held by a very small garri- son. It was attacked by a full Confederate division, which was firmly resisted until reinforcements arrived. It could not have held out had not one of the regiments (the Seventh Illinois) been armed with the Henry rifle, which was spoken of by the Confederates as "the gun the Yanks had that fired off all day with one loading." The regiment had purchased these guns itself, each man paying $80 apiece for them, and they had only arrived from the North a few days before the battle. This was the battle which gave birth to the famous song, "Hold the Fort, For I Am Coming," these words being a paraphrase of General Sherman's signal flag message from Kennesaw Mountain at the opening of the battle. The writer of this speaks from personal knowledge .- (Editor).
CHAPTER XV FRIES' REBELLION
The close of the Revolutionary War found the people of the country in a state of disquietude and unrest, with no organized national government. The formation of a national government was the cause of allaying the minds of the people, a majority of whom settled down to industrial habits and the blessings of peace. There were, however, discontented citizens, many of whom had been connected with the American army who, during their term of service as soldiers, had imbued a military spirit that was antagonistic to the laws of the land. This spirit of revolt was more evidenced in the northern than in the southern colonies. In the latter section of the country, which had suffered the most during the closing period of the war from the scarcity of the necessities for the preserving of life and of the lack of funds to purchase same, there was a disposition to return to their avocation of tilling the soil, which was their principal industry. This was made largely successful by slavery, which then existed amongst them.
The closing events of the eighteenth century witnessed three events in America which at the time seriously alarmed the friends of the new republic. The first of these was Shay's rebellion in Massachusetts; in 1794 the opposi- tion of the people of southwestern Pennsylvania, which was known as the Whiskey rebellion, and for the suppression of which Northampton county furnished twenty cavalrymen and three hundred and seventy-four infantry- men ; the third event, which was known as Fries' rebellion, occurred in 1799, and was confined to the adjoining townships of Bucks and Northampton counties.
The threatened war with France caused Congress to pass a special tax. The amount to be raised was $2,000,000, of which $237,000 was assessed to Pennsylvania. This tax was levied on real estate and slaves; there being but seventeen hundred slaves in Pennsylvania, the tax fell chiefly on build- ings and lands. Discontent soon became manifest in the communities inhab- ited by the Germans, and designing men threatened that the provinces would again revert to the British throne. The law was a just one, and the burden of taxes fell upon those who well could afford it; the people, however, opposed it and would not listen to any explanations. The administration of President Adams was unpopular and politics had much to do with the opposition. The authorities of Northampton and Buck counties positively refused to furnish their quota under the law to increase the militia. In this condition of affairs, with the people against the government, it is not strange that a determination to resist the law should manifest itself.
The most active in stirring up these disturbances was John Fries, an inhabitant of Milford township, Bucks county. He was by trade a cooper, also an auctioneer. In his travels through the rural districts he took every opportunity to ferment the discontented people. He had been a soldier in the Revolutionary War, also in the Whiskey insurrection, had an extensive
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acquaintance, and no one was held in higher esteem; therefore his arguments were always conclusive. The other active leaders were John Getman and Frederick Heaney, the latter a resident of Plainfield township, Northampton county. He was for many years a justice of peace and a highly respected citizen.
Pennsylvania was divided into nine districts to enforce the tax law. The fifth district comprised Northampton, Luzerne and Wayne counties ; Jacob Eyerly of Nazareth was appointed commissioner. The dissatisfaction and discontent were largely augmented by a German newspaper, the Messenger and Intelligencer, published by Jacob Weyganat at Easton. Communications of libelous character against Eyerly and his appraisers were admitted to its columns. The assessors feared bodily harm; the women especially railed at them, set dogs on them, and often threw scalding water on their heads. In Hamilton township (now Monroe county) the people became so enraged at Nicholas Michael, the assessor, that a mob visited his house to do him harm, but he escaped to Easton. This state of affairs suggested to Commissioner Eyerly the propriety of calling a public meeting to explain to the people the law, thereby to obtain their submission peaceably. This meeting was held at Heller's tavern at Wood Gap, then known as Gaptown, and was presided over by Captain Jacob Heller. Commissioner Eyerly was accompanied by Judge William Henry, who proceeded to explain to the people assembled the House Tax Law, but the latter were not disposed to listen; they refused to accept a proposition that they appoint their own assessors, as such a course would amount to a submission to the law. A similar effort to explain the law was made in Upper Milford township, with like effect.
The resistance to the law had now reached a point where it became necessary for the civil authorities to take notice of this flagrant opposition. Subpoenas were issued by Judge Henry, and persons were examined to obtain testimony against the offenders of the law. The witnesses, however, were reluctant in giving information, fearful of bodily harm from the insur- gents. Judge Henry arranged to meet a number of persons at Trexlertown; the crowd there assembled were noisy and impudent, and from the proceed- ings there exhibited it became evident that the local authorities could not quiet the disturbance, and that federal aid was inevitable. What had become a local disaffection assumed a national importance; warrants were issued for the arrest of those who were opposed to the house tax, and they were declared insurgents and traitors to their country.
The warrants were placed in the hands of United States Marshal Samuel Nichols, who arrived at Nazareth, March 2, 1799, and proceeded to execute them. The authorities arrested twelve in Lehigh township ; five others volun- tarily gave themselves into custody. These prisoners were sent to Bethlehem and confined at the Sun tavern. The marshal next proceeded to Macungie township, meeting with no resistance until they came to the house of George Snyder, near Emaus, who, armed with a club, defied the officers and refused to receive the warrant. The next attempt was at Millerstown, where the marshal's deputies attempted to arrest Henry Shankweiler. A crowd present declared if he were arrested they would fight. The marshal warned the mob of the consequences of a riot, and as Shankweiler refused to accompany the
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officers, the latter left amidst a shout of the people of "Liberty!" The offi- cers succeeded in arresting Adam Stephen, Herman Hartman and Daniel Everly. They then returned to Bethlehem, where the prisoners were confined.
The arrest and confinement of these prisoners at Bethlehem was soon noised abroad, causing unusual excitement and indignation throughout the surrounding country. The lives of Commissioner Eyerly and Judge Henry were threatened, and for several months their homes were nightly guarded. Meetings were held in Northampton county for the purpose of organizing and rescuing the prisoners. Fries having learned of these meetings, imme- diately prepared to lend his assistance. At a meeting of the Northampton county rescuers, Andrew Shiffert was elected captain of a body of men which had collected, and began their march towards Bethlehem. Fries, at the head of his insurgents to the number of one hundred and forty, variously armed, some with guns, others with swords and pistols, overtook the North- ampton county delegation near the south end of the Lehigh bridge. Marshal Nichols received information of the intended rescue, and on consultation with the authorities organized a posse of twenty men. Two armed men about noon on March 7, 1799, arrived at the Sun tavern, and were promptly arrested and confined. Later three other men, mounted and in uniform, among them Henry Shankweiler, arrived in Bethlehem; but, making no demonstration, they were permitted to mingle with the crowd, which num- bered about four hundred. News of the arrival of the insurgents at the Lehigh bridge reached the officers at the Sun tavern; it was determined to send a delegation of four citizens to prevail upon them not to come into Bethlehem. John Mulhallon, William Barnett, Christian Roth and Isaac Hartzell were appointed, and, proceeding on their errand, they crossed the bridge and met the Northampton insurgents. The latter, on being asked who was their commanding officer, replied they had none, that they were all commanders. The committee then explained the result of their resistance to the laws of the United States in rescuing their prisoners, but all argu- ments had no effect. It was finally agreed that three of the insurgents should accompany the committee to confer with the marshal. This conference was held, the two men arrested in the morning were released and returned to their companions just as Fries and his contingent from Bucks county reached the bridge. The committee tried to prevail on Fries to abandon the march, but their arguments were fruitless. Fries, at the head of two companies of riflemen, one company of mounted men armed with drawn swords, with cockades in their hats, proceeded towards the Sun tavern. The insurgents reached the inn about one o'clock P. M., drew up in line, resting on their arms. The marshal had stationed armed guards at the bottom and top of the stairs in charge of the prisoners. Fries, accompanied by two men, on entering the hotel, asked permission to ascend the stairs, which was granted by the marshal, whereupon he immediately demanded the release of the prisoners. The marshal replied it was not within his power to release them, and if he was determined to take them he must get them the best way he could. Fries then descended the stairs, reported the result of his interview to the insurgents, who expressed their determination to have the prisoners at any risk, and at once prepared to take them by force. Instructing his NORTH .- 1-10.
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men not to fire until they had been fired upon, Fries and his command rushed into the tavern, but the marshal's posse succeeded in clearing the entry of the enemy. This repulse maddened the crowd; they returned to the charge with a greater force, yelling, striking the floor with the butts of their guns, and so great became the alarm that the posse feared for their own safety. The marshal consulted Judge Henry what was best to be done, and he advised the surrender of the prisoners, but this he refused to do. The marshal suggested that he and his prisoners should proceed towards Phila- delphia, and if the mob rescued the prisoners it would be their act, not his. Fries continued his demands for the release of the prisoners, and threats of violence were made against Henry, Eyerly and others in case they were not given up. The affairs thus taking a serious turn, the marshal concluded to deliver the prisoners to Fries, and they were accordingly released and turned over to them. The crowd soon dispersed, and in a little while there was not an armed man to be seen anywhere in the village of Bethlehem.
Immediately on the release of the prisoners, Fries returned home and, deliberating on his insurgent act, he doubted with all sincerity its propriety. Efforts were made to harmonize matters so that the assessments could be made. Meetings were held, committees appointed, and the people peacefully submitted to the law, none being more willing to have it carried out than John Fries, who returned to his occupation of vendue crying, and his conduct evidenced his repentance of his former acts. The government authorities were kept informed of the progress of events in the disaffected districts. When information reached the President of the disturbances at Bethlehem, he assembled his cabinet, and after deliberation a proclamation was issued declaring that the insurgents had been guilty of treason. On the appearance of the proclamation great excitement prevailed; the insurgents began to realize the seriousness of their resistance to the laws of the land. The newspapers reviewed the question from a legal as well as from a political standpoint. Fries' name was so frequently mentioned that he became greatly disturbed in his peace of mind ; he frequently expressed himself that he would give all he was worth if the matter was settled. The proclamation gave the affair a national importance; the state legislature received it, but took no action.
A change of policy now took place, the Fries rebellion being relegated to the military forces for treatment. The Secretary of War on March 20, 1799, made a requisition on the governor of Pennsylvania for militia to quell the insurrection. The governor called out the militia, ignoring Northampton county, as it was deemed that its militia would be unreliable owing to the residence of a number of the insurgents within its boundaries. Brigadier- General William Macpherson was placed in command of the government forces. The War Department called all the available regulars, about five hundred, and made a requisition on the governor of New Jersey for two thousand militia. Headquarters were established at the Spring House on the Bethlehem turnpike, where the state troops arrived early in April, and they were soon followed by the regulars.
General Macpherson issued an address to the people, dated April 6, 1799, advising them of the danger of combining in an unlawful proceeding, pointing
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out the duty and necessity of the people to submit to the laws; reviewed fully the tax law, how it affected all classes, and promised full protection to all that needed it. The army proceeded from the Spring House to Sellers- ville, accompanied by Judge Richard Peters of the United States court, who was on hand to bind over for appearance any person who might be arrested, for at this point the active operations of the campaign were to commence. Fries naturally was the first prisoner that the military leaders sought to secure. Four companies of cavalry were detailed on the morning of April 5th to capture him. He was crying a vendue, mounted on a barrel, with a fire shovel in his hand when the troops appeared. He immediately fled, as also did his audience. Fries made for a near-by swamp, but was captured by the soldiers. The next day, after making a statement before Judge Peters, he was taken to Philadelphia with another prisoner, John Eberhard, and they were lodged in jail to await their trial for treason. The others accused in the late disturbances were arrested, and the army retired to Reading, Pennsylvania, where the militia was disbanded. The military expedition, as far as arresting those who had disturbed the peace of Bucks and Northamp- ton counties, was a success, the leaders were in the hands of the Federal authorities, and the trial, conviction and execution alone remained to be accomplished.
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