History of the County of Westmoreland, Pennsylvania, with Biographical Sketches of Many of its Pioneers and Prominent Men, Part 31

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The horse was unfettered, the plunder gathered, and the party commenced their return to Pittsburgh, some of them descending in the canoes of the Indians. Three days after their return the first detachment came in. They reported that they had followed the Indians closely, but that the latter had got into their canoes and made their escape.

Other adventures he had, but as they were of a later date than the Revolution they need not be in- serted here. He devoted himself, in accordance with his desire and in fulfillment of his oath, to war with the Indians, and the fame of his successful encounters no doubt highly exaggerated his reputation as a scout, and the fascination in the wild life of the hunter had drawn to his command some of the most noted char- acters of the frontier, among them the Wetzels and, it is said, Kenton. When the general war was over, and when there was no longer a commandant at the Pittsburgh post, Brady still kept up his warfare, and as he lived on the frontier, always in advance of the

settlers, some of his later deeds happened in the new territory west of the Ohio, where these resolute spies guarded the Southwestern Virginia settlements, & general name for the settlements which extended to the Tennessee River.

Thus hare we recounted what has come under our observation touching the life and services of this man, accounts which appear to be worthy of remem- brance, and which have the stamp of truth and au- thenticity. People never, it appears, get tired read- ing or bearing of the acts of this brave man, and although many of his deeds have been preserved in other books, yet we feel justified in recording them among the annals of our early history.

Brady continued to battle for the white settlers long after the treaties with them at the close of the great war, up to 1793. The Indians, used to war all their lives, still continued to harass the settlers in disregard of treaties of any kind, and only for Brady and such men the West would have borne merely the semblance of peace. But after all, Brady, for an attack upon a camp of Delawares, in return for numerous murders committed by them among the settlers along the Ohio, was tried in a court in Allegheny County before the chief justice for murder, and, strange to say, was as- sisted by the testimony of Kyashuta. For an account of this trial we refer to the note marked with this chapter.'

CHAPTER XXV.

LOCHRY'S EXPEDITION.

The Settlements in 1779 and 1780-Ferocity of the Savages, and De- pravity of + Cinas of Whites-Sonie Whites from abont Hansastown kill Friendly Indians-Kirkpatrick's Cabin attacked by Indians, and there- iu of the Custom of claiming Scalps-Brodhead ordered to send a De- tachment under Maj. Craig frum Fort Pitt to reinforce Gen. Clark- Clark's Plan of a Western Campaign-Westmoreland requested to co- operate with Him-Bickerings and Jealousies among the Leaders of the County-Cul. Lochry, as County Lieutenant, under Instructions from the Council, raises a force of Volunteers to join with Clark-The Dimeulties under which Lochry labored-Clark's Letter to the Officers of Westmoreland, dieclosing bis Plan of Campaign-Lochry's Friends volunteer-They rendezvous at Carunban's Block-House-They pro- ceed down the River after Clark to unite with him at Wheeling- Lochry's last Letter-Arriving at Wheeling (Fort Henry), Lochry Buds that Clark had gone on down the River-Lie prepares Boats to follow-Gues to the Mouth of the Kanawha-Capt. Shannon sent for- ward with a Letter to Clark-He and his Men are captured-The In- dians place them on an Island as a Decoy for the other Whites- Lochry's Men Iand come distance above the Island-Upon landing they are attacked by a large Force of Iudians and entirely cut off-Me- morinl of Two of the Prisoners who were exchanged-Capt. Orr, aud his Account of this Expedition-Lient. Samuel Craig's Narrative of his Captivity-New Volunteers called out towards the end of the Year 1781.

WHAT the state of our country west of Laurel Hill about the end of 1779 and the beginning of 1780 was may well be imagined. It would fill a volume to re- peat all the testimony bearing on this one subject at

1 Sce notes Nos. 1 and 2 in Appendix "P."

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this particular time. Some of the inhabitants, where it was possible for them to do so, had left, others were in real poverty. When the collector of taxes came round, he saw in some districts nothing but deserted homes, with rabbits running among the ruins of the cabins, and with weeds growing about the fields. At many places the graves of those who had formerly lived there could be seen near the garden fence, now lying down. Those who remained were collected near the forts and block-houses, or in clusters of two and three families, they barricaded one of their cabins for the use of all. Some farther remote dared the Fates, and trusted that they were too far off to be in the way of danger. At the outer edge of the settlements,-that is, along the Kiskiminetas, the Al- legheny, and the frontier of Washington,-companies of rangers were formed to protect the rest, who at the hazard of their lives ventured out to gather their scanty crops or to prepare the ground. These were continually being driven in, so that many sowed who did not reap, and famine often stared them in the face. From 1778 to 1782 there was scarcely a com- munity that had bread sufficient to do it from the harvest to the spring. Every few days word came of some depredation. Sometimes it would be a settler who ventured out to dig his potatoes, sometimes it would be a cabin full of children, sometimes a set- tler would be missed, and nothing heard of him for months, and even years, and frequently never.

The never-ending war, and the many causes con- curring, led the whites to act worse towards their enemies than at any other time previous, and an in- centive further was the standing reward for the scalps of Indians at war, which, offered early by the State authorities to encourage the inhabitants to assist the soldiers, was from time to time increased. As a gen- eral thing the settlers did not claim these rewards, but there were some very influential persons who did, and who, to their shame, made it too much of a business. Some light is thrown on this traffic in the notes to this chapter.1 Col. Brodhead, writing to Pres-

ident Reed in 1781, says that forty Delawares had come in to join the whites in their frontier war, but a party of about forty men from the vicinity of Han- nastown attempted to destroy them, and were only prevented from doing so by the regular soldiers. He says that he could have gotten a hundred if it had not been for such open enmity as this towards all the Indians alike; that he was not a little surprised to find the late Capts. Irwin and Jack, Lieut. Brownlee and Ensign Guthrie concerned in this base attempt ; and he supposes that the women and children were to suffer an equal carnage with the men. And although Col. Brodhead made several campaigns against the Indians and succeeded in inflicting punishment upon them, and although he used every exertion in his power, sometimes creditable and sometimes discreditable, yet he has borne testimony that the feelings and acts of the whites themselves were in part provocative of that fearful ferocity which was developed on the part of their red enemies.

We can, perhaps, from one instance see how this connection with the savages changed all the finer in- stincts of men who, had these same men not been ac- customed to such ways as they were, would have shuddered at acts which they themselves did without any compunction :

A pious family named Kirkpatrick lived in a cabin

this time announces to President Reed that he has organized a party to go out after aculpa, for although they did not makens much ont of a dead Indian as ont of a living one, yet it was lees trouble and more agreeable tu all concerned to shoot him at once. Cul. Archibald Lochry, the cunuty lieutenant, writes from Twelve-Mile linn, his place of residence, that there is no doubt the reward offered will anewer a good ond. In this correspondence be applies for more ammunition, and adds that for the reason mentioned they were to be applied, and at that time was the most needed. Cul. Huuter had to report the unsuccessful return of a party after scalpe; and in reply the president told him to be of good cheer, and that perseverance would in time produce better effects. Many scalps were sent ih, one after another, and at one time as high as thirteen with accompanying certificates were invoiced to claim the premium. This was in 1781 and 1782. (Sos Col. Records.)

" An incident occurred which led to the repenl of this law before the termination of the war. A party of Indian spies haring entered a wig. wam on French Creek, supposed to be untenanted, discovered, while breakfasting, an Indian extended on a piece of bark overhead. They took him prisoner, but reflecting that there was no bounty on prisoners they shot him under circumstances which brought the party into die- grace and the scalp bounty law into disrepute." (Judge Wilkesou, in " American Pioneer.")

The inducement of the bounty led some of the whites to kill friendly Indians.

Col. A. Lochry to President Reed, 1780. " TWELVE-MILE RUN (WEST OF LIGONIER). " June 1, 1780.

" May it please your Excellency :

"In duty to my country I find it absolutely necessary to hire a gen- tleman in this county at a very high expense to Iny the distressed situa- tion of this county before your Excellency and the Council. Since Mr. Sloan, our representative, left this county we have had three parties of savages amongst us. They have killed and taken five persons two miles from Ligonier ; burnt a mill belonging to one Laughlin. They killed two men and wounded one near Bushy Run. They likewise killed two men on Braddock's road, near Brush Creek. Their striking us again in so many different parts of the county has again drove the greatest part of the County ou the north of Youghioghieny River into garrison."

1 SCALP BOUNTY .- Rewards and bounties were offered at different times by the authorities to stimulate the soldiery and the people. How good this was in effect is questionable. In 1766, Goveruor Murris offered for every male Indian quemy above twelve years taken prisoner and delivered 150 Spanish dollars or pieces-of-eight; for the scalp of every male Indian above twelve years, 130 pieces-of-eight; for every female prisoner and male prisoner under twelve years, 130 pieces-of-eight; for the scalp of every Indian woman produced as evidence of being killed, 50 pieces-of- eight. These bounties were payable on delivery at any of the forts gar- risuued by troops in the pay of the Province, or at any of the county towus to keepers of the jails there. In 1764, Governor Jolin Penn pro- posed as a reward for the capture of every male Indian above ten years of age $150, or for his scalp when killed $134; for every female or every male under ten years of age when captured $130, or for the sculp of such female when killed $30. (Craig.) About 1782 the standing reward was $100 for a dead Indian's scalp, aud $150 for an Indian captured alive and brought in at the time the reward was chuimed. This sum was also al- lowed for the capture of every white man like Girty taken prisoner act- ing with the Indians. The law is said to have been repealed regarding the prisoners, Unt allowed in force as to the scalpe. Col. Samuel Hun- ter, of Westmoreland, was authorized by President Reed to offer the rewards, as were also Col. Jacob Stroud and others. Col. Hunter about 9

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near the fort at Crooked Creek, now in Armstrong County. At that time there were some soldiers sta- tioned at the fort. Two of these were at Kirkpatrick's house of a night along with a neighbor lad. In the morning they had had family worship, as was the custom of the house, and they had arisen from their knees. When Kirkpatrick opened the door an Indian sprang to the opening. The white man pushed him off with his hand against his breast, but as he did so the gun of the Indian in falling was discharged and the ball struck a little girl about eight years old, the daughter of Kirkpatrick. While the men were en- gaged in securing the doors two of them were mor- tally wounded by the Indians. Kirkpatrick himself shot one of the savages, when the three others of the party fled. After a time the lad, being let out, got on a horse which was in the stable and galloped to the fort, and on giving the alarm some other soldiers came out., In the mean time the wounded men had no water to drink but that which was left from wash- ing the dishes. There was no surgeon at the post, and both men died that day. When one who had come from the fort was requested to scalp the dead Indian, he said that Kirkpatrick was the more proper person, as the scalp belonged to him who had killed him. Accordingly Kirkpatrick lifted it. Afterwards a piece of bark was procured, upon which the poor suffering child was carried to Shields' Fort, a distance of twenty miles, that it might there get attention ; but mortification set in and the child died.

In February, 1781, Brodhead received instruction from the commander-in-chief to detach his field- pieces, howitzers and train, and also a part of his small force then about Pittsburgh, to join Gen. Clark. His own force at that post did not then exceed two hundred men after other troops from Maryland had withdrawn from along the Allegheny.1 At this time all the Pennsylvania troops which could be gotten together were sent to join the Southern army under Gen. Greene, and at their departure new fears arose that the unprotected state of the country might tempt the British troops at the north to descend, whence all the militia of the State were ordered to hold them- selves in readiness .?

In March, 1781, Gen. Clark disclosed to Governor Reed his plan of operations to lay waste the country of the Indians and thus protect the frontiers of Penn- sylvania and Virginia. This plan had been previously submitted to Washington and to Jefferson, and met with their approbation. Clark desired the assent of the President of the Council for the volunteers which he said he could get west of Laurel Hill.' The Pres- ident in reply said they heartily concurred in his proposed campaign, but that they could offer him no assistance. They had, however, sent word with the member from Westmoreland to encourage the people

here to co-operate with him in all respecte touching his plan. Christopher Hays was the member of the Council. but he, unfortunately, was opposed to the expedition, and, with Marshall, Cannon, and Pente- cost, was blamed' for taking every step to disappoint the good intentions of Col. Lochry, who from the first encouraged Clark, and who took upon himself to pro- mise volunteers. The fear of invasion had not yet put a stop to the wrangling among the leaders of our people, and these jealousies and bickerings were worse at the time when the people were suffering most. This cause of shame was often made apparent to them, and in many letters from the. President to their cries of weakness and calls for help their open dissensions were called up against them. The letters of Duncan, Perry, Cook, Lochry, Marshall, and Hays all give evidence of this family quarrel. Every man in & public place had his traducer and villifier. It was no difficult thing for an unscrupulous man to get a dozen of his neighbors to sign a petition in which many vile things were said behind a prominent man's back. Brodhead and Duncan were informed on for specu- lating with the public money in buying manors and mill-seats; Lochry and Perry for speculating in am- munition and whiskey. It was like a dance where no two are partners at the same time : Brodhead, Gibson ; Lochry, Brodhead; Cook and Gibson, and so on. They wrangled as badly as school-boys; yea, if pos- sible, as childishly as a pair of toothless barristers, servientis ad legem.

Somewhat alarmed from the repeated representa- tions of the state of our frontier county, and appre- hensive that the aid of the militia would be too slow and tedious, the Council, in the early part of the year 1781, directed Col. Lochry to raise a corps of fifty volunteers to serve for four months, besides voting that a permanent company should be raised for the war. These troops were to be disposed of as Lochry might direct, and were to be supplied through David Duncan, the newly appointed commissioner of sup- plies in the stead of James Perry. Perry, it would appear, was no better an officer than he might have been, and it was alleged that much of the insufficiency of the militia called out from time to time was blame- able to his negligence. President Reed, in a letter to Lochry,5 after complaining of the trouble they had in getting the commissioners to report regularly, says, "It is with much concern we hear that when troops are raised for your protection they are per- mitted to loiter away their time at taverns, or strag- gling about the country," and he fears there had been some negligence in the officers to whose command they had been intrusted. At another time he com- plains, that it does not seem necessary to have the

1 Craig's History of Pittsburgh, 100.

? Egle's History of Pennsylvania, 201.

8 Penu. Archives, Old Series, vol. ix., 23.

" Clark to President (or Governor) Reed, Aug. 4, 1782, Penn. Arch. 5 Archives, vol. ix., 18, March 17, 1781.

6 Id., March 26, 1781.

The following notes from the Archives, confirming the text, are pre- seuted :

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troops staying about Hannastown, and advises the colonel to place them where they would be of more benefit.

Col. Lochry, in,sending in his report, in April, 1781, says that the savages had begun their hostilities, having that early struck the western settlements at four different places, taking and killing thirteen per- sons, two of whom were killed within one mile of Hannastown. Besides this they took away a number of horses and effects. He avers that the county at that time was more depopulated than it had ever

March 27, 1781 .- Brodhead informs President Reed that it was impos- sible for him to garrison Fort Armstrong and Fort Crawford (Kittanning and Puckety, or Logan's Ferry) until the commander-in-chief should order him to eracnate Fort McIntosh.

Col. Lochry to President Read.

"TWELVE-MILE RUN, April 2d, 1781. "I am just returned from burying a man killed and sculped by the Indians at Col, Pomroy's house; one other man is missing, and all Pom- roy's effects carried off."

Gen. William Smith, of Carlisle, to President Reed.

" April 18, 1781.

" Mr. Smith will doubtless inform your Excellency how the People of Westmoreland are drove and distressed by the Indians."

James Perry to Provident Reed.

" WESTMORELAND COUNTY, SEWICKLEY, July 2d, 1781.

" About three weeks ago one James Chambers was taken prisoner about two miles from my house; last Friday two young women were killed in Ligonier Valley, and this morning a small garrison at Philip Cliugensmith's, about eight miles from this and four or five miles from Hannastown, consisting of between twenty and thirty women and chil- dren, were destroyed, only three making their escape. The particulars I cannot well inform you, as the party that wassent to bury the dead are not yet returned, and I wait every moment tu bear of or perhaps see them strike at some other place. That party was supposed to be about seren- teen, and I am apt to think there are still more of them in the settle- ments. Oar frontiers are in a very deplorable situation. . . . "

Minutes of a Meeting in Westmoreland County.

" Agreeable to Publick notice given by Coll. Hays'to the Principal In- habitants of the County of Westmoreland to meet at Capt'n John Mc- Clellen's on the 18th Day of June, 1781.

" And WHEREAS there was a number of the Principal people met on the 2d Day, and unanimously chose Jobn Proctor, John Pomroy, Charles Cambell, Saml. Moorhead, James Barr, Charles Foreman, Isaac Mason, James Smith, and Hugh Martaiu a Committee to Enter into resolves for the defence of our froutiers, as they were informed by Christ. Huys, Kaq., that their proceedings would be approv'd of by Council.

" Ist Resole'd, that a Campaign be carried on with Geul. Clark.

"2d Resole'd, that Geul. Clarke be furnished with 300 men out of Pom- roy's, Beard's, and Duvises Battalion.

"3dly, Resolv'd, that Coll. Archd. Lochry gives orders to sd Colla. to raise their quota by Volunteers or Draught.

"4thly, Resole'd, that £6 be advanced to every voluntier that marches under the command of Geul. Clark on the propos'd Campaign.

"5th, And for the further Incouragement of Voluntiers, that grain be raised by subscription by the Different Companies.

"6thly, that Coll. Lochry council with the Officers of Virginia respect- ing the manner of Draughting those that assosiate in that State and others.

"7th, Resolved, that Coll. Lochry meet Genl. Clark and other officers, and Coll. Crawford, on the 23d Inst., to confer with them the day of Rendezvouse.

"Signed by order of Committee,

"JOHN PROCTOR, President. -Pewn. Archives, vol. ix. p. 559.

Duncan, as commissary, went through every settlement west of Lanrel Hill for forage for the expedition, but could not get enough to supply even the troops at Fort Pitt aud at the posts, neither would Brodhead let any provisions pues down the river .- l'eun. Archires, vol. ix., 190.

been, and that if the savages knew the weakness of the settlement they could easily drive the people over the Youghiogheny. He was doubtful, too, whether they could keep the militia long for want of provisions. There was no ammunition in the county but what was public property, but of which he had given some out to the people with which to defend themselves. He had by this time built a magazine protected by a block-house for the stores near his own house, but this the president did not favor, and directed the stores to be distributed at various posts.

The plan of Clark met with the approval of the commander-in-chief as well as of the president and Council, for it was supposed that offensive operations would keep the Indians at home, and prove a relief more effective to the frontier than that offered by any defensive force whatever. Clark disclosed his plan of campaign in a letter to the officers of Westmore- land, dated the 8d of June, 1781. After stating with what pleasure he heard of the attempt being made by the officers of the county to fall on some mode of distressing the Indians in the coming campaign, either by a separate expedition, as talked of, or by giving as- sistance to the one he was ordered to execute, he goes on to say that his present object was the Shawanese, Delaware, and Sandusky towns. The Delawares of the Muskingum had removed to the west of the Scioto, and those formerly living up the Allegheny to the San- dusky. If the expedition from Westmoreland at- tacked the Sandusky towns, he might at the same time make a diversion on the country of the Shawa- nese and Delawares. Both of these armies by forming a junction might then make some effectual movement which should put an end to the Indian war. Each party might thus facilitate the operations of the other, and so divert the attention of the tribes that they would fall an easy prey. And he advised them that if it was out of their power to get supplies in time for an expedition of such length, it would be advis- able to take such measures as would enable the one army to execute the project laid out for the two. If prejudice were laid aside, and all their strength ex- erted, there was a certainty of peace in the fall.

· So spoke Clark, a brave, cool, resolute man of genius, and who had been encouraged by the men who had the good of the country at heart. The people of Westmoreland were, on account of the known ability of Clark, expected to assist him, but when the decisive time came there were but two men of the prominent leaders in all the county who actually offered their services to lead the volunteers. There had been three hundred promised from the two counties of Washing- ton and Westmoreland, and from the encouragement there were hopes that nearly this number would be raised.

By July the four-month militia ordered to be raised had been mustered in, within three weeks after receiv- ing instructions, and the company of volunteers for the war under Capt. Thomas Stokely had above thirty

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men. At that time the enemy were almost constantly in the country, killing and captivating the inhabitants. The subject of the proposed expedition had been much talked of, and a meeting of the foremost men of the county, presided over by Christopher Hays, gave the expression of the people.1

But all they gave was their expression, and the most of these men in private talk (which really had more weight) expressed their fears at leaving their homes exposed by going off. Brodhead also, from motives of jealousy, retarded the campaign, not only by pro- hibiting supplies from leaving Pittsburgh, but by giving out that he himself was about organizing an expedition for the Sandusky towns, and calling on the people to assist him.

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History of the County of Westmoreland, Pennsylvania, with Biographical Sketches of Many of its Pioneers and Prominent Men, Part 31

Author: George Dallas Albert, editor Publication date: Publisher: Number of Pages:

Author: George Dallas Albert, editor
Publication date:
Publisher:
Number of Pages: