USA > Pennsylvania > The Reformed Church in Pennsylvania : part IX of A narrative and critical history, prepared at the request of the Pennsylvania-German Society > Part 16
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Besides preaching in Lancaster and New Providence Otterbein served as a member of two committees of supply, which rendered it necessary for him to preach occasionally in Reading and at Conewago, Adams County, and for
192 Georg Gottfried Otterbein (1731-1736) was a younger brother of Philip William. He was the author of three volumes on the Heidelberg Catechism, and of several text-books for schools. The title-page which is here reproduced has been kindly contributed by Mr. Sachse. The American edition has been hitherto unknown.
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Tulpehocken.
some time he also preached at York. These were no doubt the "itinerant labors" to which he referred in his old age as having been undertaken while he was pastor in Lancaster.
In 1758 Otterbein left Lancaster rather suddenly. He had intended to visit his relatives in Europe, but was pre- vented, it is said, by a war which was then raging. When he subsequently remonstrated with Steiner for irregularly accepting a call to Philadelphia the latter retorted: " If I were to make myself a judge of your conduct I would say : ' Your departure from Lancaster and your delay in making your proposed journey to the fatherland do not please me.' * * * But as I do not know your private mo- tives, I cannot presume to judge." 193 From 1758 to 1760
Wetterbern
Otterbein was pastor at Tulpehocken. He is said, in the minutes of Coetus, to have labored " with a blessing." In 1759 he declined a call to Frederick, Md. In a letter to Holland, in 1760, the following passage appears : "We announce with pleasure that Domine Otterbein has deter- mined to remain longer with us. He still labors with great energy and success in Tulpehocken. Occasionally he makes a journey to Fredericktown, in Maryland, in order to keep together the sheep who were left without a shepherd by Domine Steiner, and to feed them with the word of God."
In the same year the call from Frederick was renewed, and it was the judgment of the Coetus that it should be ac- cepted " on account of the isolated position of the church."
19 3 Mayer MSS., I, p. 114.
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On the 19th of April, 1762, Otterbein was married to Susan Le Roy, of Lancaster, Pa. She was no doubt a near relative of Jean Jacques Le Roy, an Indian trader who was killed by the savages at Mahoning in 1755, and whose family subsequently resided in Lancaster. 194 One of her sisters was married to the Rev. Dr. William Hendel. We know nothing concerning Otterbein's do- mestic life, except that his wife died April 27, 1768, aged 32 years and 5 months,195 leaving no children. Her hus- band remained a widower until his death.
During the five years which he spent in Frederick, Otter- bein accomplished a great work. A fine church and par- sonage were erected, and the congregation manifested a degree of energy to which it had previously been a stranger. The pastor was, however, violently opposed by a party who regarded his methods as new and revolutionary. In the English churches he would have been called a " New Light," for he insisted strongly on personal religious ex- perience, and held frequent prayer meetings in which the members of the church were expected to take an active part. It has been intimated that Otterbein's " new mea- sures " rendered him unpopular in the Coetus, and led to persecution, but this is undoubtedly a mistake. Most of the members of Coetus had been educated under pietistic influences and thoroughly sympathized with Otterbein.
In 1765 Otterbein accepted a call to York, Pa., holding this pastorate until 1774. Here he was very popular, so that though he was absent in 1770 and 1771, on a visit to his relatives in Germany, his people refused to give him up.
It was in 1767 that Otterbein's religious methods first claimed the official attention of Coetus. The Rev. Charles
194 Rupp's "History of Lancaster County," p. 354.
195 Records of First Reformed Church, Lancaster.
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Complaints against Otterbein.
Lange had in the meantime become pastor at Fred- erick. He was decidedly opposed to Otterbein's revivals, and even went so far as to bring charges against him. How he was received by Coetus becomes evident from the following section of the minutes, which though somewhat extended is worthy of translation :
" Complaints between D. Otterbein, D. Lange and the congregation at Fredericktown.
" The circumstances are as follows : When D. Otter- bein removed from Frederick to York the congregation was without a pastor for a whole year. Certain members, therefore, met on Sundays, and one of them read a pas- sage from the Scriptures or a book of sermons, or they occupied themselves with religious discourse ; sometimes they sung a psalm or hymn and prayed. Other members did nothing of the kind, but spoke against them.
" This was the state of affairs before D. Lange went there. Although he had been informed of the matter, he at once took the side of those who had opposed the meet- ings. He was therefore accused to Coetus by many mem- bers of the congregation of having publicly and privately used all kinds of objectionable and contemptuous language against those who attended the meetings, also accusing them of sectarianism without giving a reason for his accu- sation. Therefore, they no longer attended his preaching. They further accused him of improper expressions in spiritual matters.
" After D. Lange had been some time in Frederick, D. Otterbein went there on business. He preached there one Sunday, and afterwards D. Lange forbade him the pulpit, that he should not preach in the church when he came to that place.
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" Lange had a great deal to say (before Coetus) against D. Otterbein's preaching. He accused him of despising public worship, the sacraments, the ministry, and also of scattering the congregation. In proof of his accusations he referred to the sermon which D. Otterbein had preached on the previous day at the opening of Coetus. D. Otter- bein defended himself against all the charges which D. Lange had brought against him, declaring himself to be in all respects orthodox, leaving his sermon to the judg- ment of the ministers, because all who were present had heard it.
" After all this had been minutely presented, the follow- ing conclusions were drawn from the facts :
" (a) That neither in general doctrine nor especially in the sermon which he preached at the opening of Coetus can D. Otterbein be justly charged with contempt of wor- ship, of the sacraments, nor of the ministry; nor can he be charged with scattering the congregation.
" (b) That it is not contrary to the teaching of our church for people to meet occasionally for prayer and to study the word of God.
" (c) That no congregation which belongs to Coetus has a right to forbid its pulpit to a member of the same on its own responsibility and without the knowledge of the Coetus.
" (d) That D. Lange should as soon as possible be re- moved to another congregation. If the congregation in Fredericktown becomes harmonious it shall again be sup- plied with a regular pastor ; and if they call a member of Coetus he may accept the call with the approval of Coetus.
" (e) That on account of imprudent remarks concerning divine things D. Lange be required to confess his error.
" D. Lange made the required confession. It was then
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Baltimore.
resolved that, on account of his confession and promise of amendment, D. Lange shall be regarded as a member of Coetus until additional charges are presented."
It subsequently appeared that Lange was an unworthy man, and in later minutes he is termed " a lost brother." We have, however, quoted this action to show how com- pletely the Coetus sympathized with Otterbein.
For several years there had been a conflict in Baltimore which threatened the destruction of the congregation. To relate its particulars would demand more space than we can possibly afford. It may, however, be briefly said that in its earliest years the congregation was not connected with synod and we are therefore unable to determine the date of its organization. The Rev. John Christopher Faber-a relative of John Theobald Faber-was called to the pastorate in 1768; but his services failed to prove acceptable to the most devout people in the congregation. Another ground of objection, according to a statement subsequently entered by Otterbein on the records of his congregation, was found in the fact that he was not a mem- ber of Coetus. In 1770 an effort was made to remove Mr. Faber, but it proved unsuccessful, and the party opposing him then withdrew and built a chapel, though neither party regarded the separation as final, and by mutual consent the whole matter was referred to Coetus.
Benedict Schwob, or Swope,196 became the pastor of the seceding congregation, though as yet he had not been ordained. He had been a ruling elder in St. Benjamin's church, near Westminster, Md., as early as 1763, but of his preparation for the ministry we have no information. From his extant German manuscript we conclude that he
196 The name was variously written, even by its owner. No doubt it was originally Schwab.
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was very imperfectly educated; but he must have devel- oped unusual oratorical talent. His congregation earnestly desired his ordination, and the Coetus after long delibera- tion complied with their request on the ground of the neces- sities of the Church in Maryland. The act was irregular, but was condoned by the authorities in Holland, because Maryland did not " fall within their jurisdiction."
For several years the minutes of Coetus were burdened with the affairs of the Church in Baltimore, and every effort was made to reunite the parties. At last it was determined that both ministers should withdraw to make room for a new pastor. This was believed to be a final settlement, and Faber at once removed to Taneytown. Schwob un- fortunately remained in Baltimore some time longer, and the old church accused him of unfaithfulness to the agree- ment. On this ground they extended a call to George Frederick Wallauer, a minister who had come independ- ently from Germany and had not been admitted to Coetus. By this act the last hope of reunion was destroyed, and the first church was for some years regarded as inde- pendent of Coetus.
The second church had repeatedly requested Mr. Otter- bein to become its pastor, and finally in 1774 he accepted the call. The Coetus had previously expressed its doubt as to the propriety of the settlement on account of the prejudice of one of the parties, but in 1775 the call was regularly confirmed. At the same time the Coetus ex- pressed its satisfaction that " his labors are blest and the opposing party cease from strife."
For nearly thirty-nine years Mr. Otterbein was pastor of the second church of Baltimore. The congregation did not grow rapidly, as the records show, but the members remained sincerely attached to their pastor, though he was
24I
A Burning Question.
often absent on account of general evangelistic work. There was a certain rivalry between the two Reformed congregations which occasionally became acute ; but Otter- bein always remained a member of Coetus in good and regular standing. In 1788, in writing to the synods of Holland, he relates the history of his congregation and then adds : " The schism occurred in my absence. I took charge of that portion of the congregation which was al- ways submissive to Coetus and sought for discipline and order. To take charge of them was with me a matter of conscience. Therefore I have the approval of Coetus."
In 1774 Otterbein made the acquaintance of Francis As- bury, the pioneer of American Methodism. As is well known, the latter did not propose to establish a separate religious denomination ; but in furtherance of the move- ment inaugurated by Wesley and his coadjutors, he founded societies whose sole condition of membership was " a de- sire to flee the wrath to come and be freed from sin."197 The sacraments were not administered in these Methodist soci- eties, but the class system was introduced, and some of the " leaders " then appointed subsequently became earnest Methodist ministers.
With the general features of this system Otterbein must have been familiar from childhood. It was based on the pietistic idea of the " ecclesiola in ecclesia," which had been familiar to the Reformed people of Germany since the days of Jean de Labadie. What was more natural than that it should seem to furnish an answer to what was then a burning question, especially in Maryland? The people were everywhere clamoring for religious instruction, but there were but few ministers and some of the widely scat- tered congregations were but rarely visited. The only
197 American Cyclopædia. Article, "Methodism."
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practicable expedient seemed to be to enlist the laity in the work of the Church ; and Otterbein and Schwob proceeded to organize societies or classes in all the churches to which their influence extended. These societies were to meet as often as possible for religious edification and their leaders were to aid their pastors in promoting devotion and in exer- cising proper discipline. Semi-annual conferences were held, at which reports were presented from the several so- cieties or classes.
In 1883 the present writer discovered the minutes of five of these conferences among the records of St. Ben- jamin's church, near Westminster, Maryland, which is situated in the region once known as "Pipe Creek." 198 From these minutes it appears that the movement was at that time confined to the Reformed Church. It included, we believe, all the Reformed pastors in Maryland, except Wallauer and Faber, whose absence is easily explained, and several Pennsylvania charges were also represented. The pastors who signed the minutes, besides Otterbein and Schwob, were Jacob Weimer, of Hagerstown, F. L. Henop, of Frederick, Daniel Wagner, of York, Pa., and William Hendel, of Tulpehocken, Pa. The class-leaders were among the most devout and influential members of the Church.
Unfortunately these minutes are not complete. They begin May 29, 1774, and end abruptly on the 2d of June, 1776, though the conference adjourned to meet on the 2d of October of the latter year at the house of Jacob Wilt in Conewago. 199 Whether the meetings were con-
198 These minutes were published by the author in an article in the Re- formed Quarterly Review, for January, 1884, and were reprinted by Drury in his "Life of Otterbein."
199 Christ church, near Littlestown, Adams County, Pa.
.
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United Ministers.
tinued we do not know. Probably they were suspended during the period of the Revolution, to be subsequently re- vived in a somewhat different form.
In 1776 the " United Ministers " ordained Henry Wei- der, who had been one of the earliest class-leaders. The fact was not reported to the authorities in Holland, possibly on the ground that Maryland did not " fall within their jurisdiction." Weider does not seem to have been very active in the ministry, but as late as 1790 he was pastor of the Bermudian church in Adams County, Pa. 200 George Adam Gueting 201 was another of the early class-leaders. Otterbein instructed him in theology and in 1783 brought him to Coetus for examination and ordination. Greatly to the displeasure of the Hollanders the Coetus ordained him, on the ground of " the necessities of the Church in Mary- land," but he never became an active member. He was an enthusiast of the most pronounced type, and conducted the " big meetings " on the Antietam which are not yet forgotten. In this respect he went much farther than Mr. Otterbein, who was more quiet and reflective. It was prob- ably greatly due to him that the class-system was revived, but Otterbein was the only one of the original Reformed " United Ministers" who continued to attend the confer- ences.202 Members of other denominations took a promi- nent part, and peculiarities were developed which are fa- miliar to all who have studied the history of early Metho- dism. Otterbein evidently had no idea of establishing a separate denomination ; it was to him a " society" rather
200 Henry Weider was the step-father of Barbara Frietchie, the heroine of Whittier's ballad.
201 The name was also written Guething and Geeting. Many members of the family now generally write their name "Keedy."
202 Schwob had removed to East Tennessee, and had taken charge of sev- eral small Reformed churches ; his later history is unknown.
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than a church, and therefore from 1789 to 1804 he served as one of the superintendents of the movement. Martin Boehm, the other superintendent, was of Mennonite ex- traction, and was never in any way connected with the Reformed Church.
In 1804 occurred an event which, it has been said, " drove the wedge of separation." Gueting had become more and more irregular, and as he did not heed the admonitions of synod he was finally excluded by a vote of twenty to seven- teen. The action was modified by the proviso that on manifesting a proper disposition he might at any time be restored. This action of the synod has been sharply criti- cised, but it is hard to see how with proper self-respect the decision could have been different. There was no reflec- tion on Gueting's personal character, but the type of re- ligion which he represented was certainly foreign to the genius of the Reformed Church, as it now began to be more thoroughly comprehended. It is believed that the action of synod was exactly what Mr. Gueting expected and desired. He became one of the chief organizers of the Church of the " United Brethren in Christ."
Mr. Otterbein remained pastor of the Second Evangel- ical Reformed Church until his death, which occurred October 17, 1813. There can, however, be no doubt that he was warmly attached to the men with whom he had labored, and the latter always regarded him with sincere affection. Popularly the " Brethren " were still known as "New Reformed"; but Otterbein must have foreseen that a separation was unavoidable and one of his last official acts was to give them a settled ministry by conferring on several of them the rite of ordination. Thus he sent them forth with his benediction, though he personally pre- ferred to remain in the church of his fathers. When the
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Testimonial.
division came a number of others who had participated in the conferences declined to make the transition. Among these were J. D. Aurand, Henry Hiestand, John Ernst and Thomas Winters, who became worthy ministers of the Re- formed Church. Winters says in his autobiography : " During this time" (between 1809 and 1815) "I was strongly urged to go into the organization of a new church, called the ' United Brethren in Christ,' which was then in process of formation and which did actually come into being ; but like the great Otterbein whom I greatly loved and esteemed for his piety and talents, I preferred rather to live and die in the Reformed Church."
The congregation of which Otterbein was pastor was, however, so thoroughly permeated by the spirit of the · movement in which he was actively engaged, that after his death it became possible to alienate it from the church to which it originally belonged. How highly Otterbein was esteemed appears in an official letter sent to Holland in 1788 from which we quote the following passage : "In reply to questions concerning Dominie Otterbein, it ap- pears that it has never entered the minds of any one of the ministers to accuse him of erroneous views, or to bring charges against him, except in mentioning certain com- plaints, and then rather as a historical relation than as an accusation. Do. Otterbein has become old, gray, and almost helpless in the difficult service of the Gospel in America. He has done a great deal of good, he has labored earnestly for the salvation of many souls, and the purpose of his ministry-though it may not in the strictest sense have always accorded with the opinion of everyone- was edification and blessing-for what else could it be? He is surely a servant of the Lord, standing before the gates of eternity to give an account of his stewardship."
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This document was signed, in behalf of the Coetus, by Albert Helffenstein and Frederick Dallicker. A more splendid testimonial could not have been composed, and it certainly justifies the reverence with which, in the Re- formed Church, the memory of Otterbein has always been regarded.
CHAPTER XVI.
LATER YEARS OF THE COETUS, 1770-1792. The Last Missionaries-Franklin College-Separation from Holland.
MPLAIN
SOMG
ADEST
FRANKLIN ARMS.
UR sketch of the later years of the Coetus must necessarily be brief, though the period is not des- titute of interest. During the war of the Revolution there were naturally few signs of progress, and in 1778 and 1780 no meeting of Coetus was held. The relations with Holland, how- ever, remained unchanged, though the correspondence was frequently delayed by political conditions.
It is, indeed, remarkable that the German Coetus ap- peared to guard these relations more jealously than had been done by the Dutch Church of New York, though the - latter had the additional tie of community in race and lan- guage. As early as 1767 the Rev. John Leydt appeared before the German Coetus as a delegate from " the Coetus of New Jersey and New York," proposing to open a corre- spondence and soliciting aid for a high-school in New Jer-
(247)
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sey. In taking action on these subjects the German Coetus expresses its approval of both propositions " on condition that it does not affect our relations to Holland." " We will assist in establishing the high-school, having appreciated its necessity. It would be much better to pre- pare ministers in this country than to put the fathers to the expense of paying their expenses from Germany."203 Even the establishment of national independence created no de- sire for ecclesiastical separation. In 1785 the Coetus says : " We do not wish to be separated from the Church of Hol- land. This would be the basest ingratitude and the greatest folly."
The number of ministers sent from Holland in these latter years was not as large as the necessities of the Church demanded. In 1771 came Charles Louis Boehme and Abraham Blumer-men of culture and ability, to whom we have already referred. A year later arrived John Henry Helffrich,204 J. C. Albertus Helffenstein 205 and John Gabriel Gebhart. 206 All of these became eminent and influential. Helffrich and Helffenstein were half- brothers, and Gebhart had been the companion of their boyhood. Helffenstein's father, the Rev. Peter Helffen- stein, was inspector of the Reformed churches of the dis-
203 Minutes of Coetus, 1767. This academy was preliminary to the founda- tion of Queen's College (now Rutgers), which was incorporated in 1770.
204 Helffrich became pastor (in 1772) of churches in Lehigh and Berks Counties and remained there until his death. The same charge has since been occupied by three generations of his descendants. His grandson, the late Rev. Wm. A. Helffrich, D.D., was the author of a number of excellent works in the German language.
205 Helffenstein was pastor at Germantown and Lancaster. Two volumes of his sermons were published after his death and one of them was translated into English. Four of his sons-Samuel, Charles, Jonathan and Albert- entered the ministry.
206 Gebhart, after serving the churches at Whitpain and Worcester for two years, removed to New York. He was pastor at Claverack for 50 years and founded the Washington Institute.
Lancaster, 929 & Marl 179.
2
Costu o Danbluf forgalo
falling
W. Hendel
A: Helfenstern
cria 1
Confirmation of a Call.
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trict of Sinsheim in the Palatinate. At one time he pro- posed to follow his son to America, but advancing years induced him to renounce the plan. 207
Some of the ministers who were sent from Holland were . not successful in their American labors. John William Ingold, who arrived in America in 1774, preached in many churches, but his conduct was irregular and in 1801 he was excluded from Synod. In 1785 came Andrew Loretz, Peter Paul Pernisius, and Bernhard Willy. As they all came from the Swiss canton of Graubündten (Grisons) they were generally known as "the three Graubündtners." When they arrived they were no longer young, but age does not seem to have brought them wisdom. The minutes of 1786 say : " Loretz has returned to Europe-the people cannot understand his speech.208 Pernisius would also re- turn if he had the means." In this connection the secretary of Coetus says : " Old men are suspected by the people. Why should they have come to America at their time of life? They cannot accommodate themselves to new con- ditions." " The three Graubündtners have cost the fathers much money, and have done us no good." These men were all involved in scandals, though Willy afterwards re- gained his credit by faithful service in Virginia.
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