USA > Rhode Island > Rhode Island : three centuries of democracy, Vol. II > Part 92
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EFFECTS OF IMMIGRATION -- Rhode Island was paying a price in the changing nature of its population for the prosperity of its factories ; the latter, demanding labor in vast quantities, had drawn workers from all but the corners of the globe from which immigration had been excluded. The effects of immigration, stimulated by the appeal of the factories, were readily recognized in the segregated social groups in cities and towns. In the "foreign" sections other languages than English were commonly used in most transactions, and in the shops business was conducted in a jargon which was a mixture of American names for money and commodi- ties of exclusively American provenance, the American slang which the newcomers heard so frequently reiterated that they were induced to accept it as "good American," and the vernac- ular tongue of the predominating racial group. The sections were so well defined as to lend themselves readily to delineation by map drawing. In the cities of the ancient world, and in some cities of mediaeval Europe tradesmen were segregated according to occupation. "Dico te priore nocte venisse inter falcarios," said Cicero to Cataline .* Lombardy Street in London derived its name from Lombards from Italy whose shops were established in the section occu- pied by goldbeaters and workers in precious metals. In Rhode Island the sections resemble more nearly the "nations" in mediaeval universities, which gathered to themselves students from all parts of Europe; yet the "nations" in the universities had the saving grace of using Latin as a universal language. Want of a language universal in the sense of being used by everybody, as Latin was used in the mediaeval universities and as it is still used in many European uni- versities as the language of instruction and as the language for communication between stu- dents from all nations, is the most compelling factor in determining segregation of racial groups in Rhode Island.
In the state census of 1925 the classification of racial groups was made with reference to the map of Europe as remade after the World War ; hence the figures are not satisfactory for use in making comparisons with the statistics of the federal census for any earlier period. Poland, as an instance, had been restored as a national state, and in the enumeration of 1925 many persons who had been counted theretofore as Austrians, Germans or Russians were listed as Poles. Because of drastic limitation of immigration in recent years and the operation of rules of "national origin" in determining quotas, changes in Rhode Island since 1925 have not been so marked as in earlier periods. The following table, based upon the Rhode Island state census of 1925, shows the number of persons of foreign birth resident in Rhode Island, and the distribution by national origin and by counties :
*"I say that you on the previous night visited the section of the scythemakers."-First Oration against Cataline.
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COSMOPOLITAN RHODE ISLAND
FOREIGN-BORN POPULATION, 1925.
Bristol
County
Kent County
Newport County
Providence County
Washington County
Total
Canada-French
897
3,408
458
30,426
359
35,548
Italy
2,186
1,608
461
28,793
1,623
34,671
England
602
1,426
913
22,986
958
26,885
Ireland
429
498
1,73I
16,006
336
19,800
Portugal
1,774
700
1,013
5,370
190
8,876
Russia
66
II7
286
7,446
79
7,994
Poland
349
488
52
6,037
I61
7,087
Scotland
IOI
309
375
5,356
383
6,524
Sweden
61
1,016
302
4,974
96
6,449
Canada-English
151
415
357
4,261
119
5,303
Germany
78
1,92I
205
2,676
92
4,972
Atlantic Isles
648
99
896
939
6
2,588
Armenia
3
7
6
2,103
2
2,12I
France
38
108
76
1,734
48
2,004
Austria
22
53
80
1,820
21
1,996
Belgium
3
154
12
1,669
16
1,854
Greece
8
26
234
1,075
26
1,369
Syria
40
7
37
1,164
27
1,275
Norway
26
50
83
403
16
578
Others
299
272
316
3,440
165
4,492
Totals
7,781
12,685
7,894
149,889
4,552
182,80I
Native born
17,861
34,746
33,671
384,953
25,228
496,459
Per cent. foreign-born. .
30.35
26.74
18.99
28.06
15.28
20.91
. .
. .
3
I
4II
415
Lithuania
State
In the table the arrangement of nations is with descending order from largest to smaller contingents. Canadian-French, Italians, English and Irish constituted the largest groups. In the five years between 1920 and 1925 Canadian-French, Italian, English, Portuguese, German, French, Belgian, Greek, Syrian and Norwegian foreign-born population had increased, and Irish, Scotch, Swedish and Canadian-English had decreased. Russian and Austrian foreign- born population also had decreased, but the changes were related to the 7087 persons classified as Poles and 415 as Lithuanians. Atlantic Islanders and Armenians were new groups not dis- tinguished in the federal census of 1920. Besides the twenty groups separated, there were nearly 5000 other persons of foreign birth residing in Rhode Island. Of the foreign-born population one-third was from countries in which English is the common language ; and two-thirds from countries of origin which indicated that they were non-English speaking unless they were bilinguists.
The distribution of foreign-born population by counties reflected the influence of factories in attracting immigrants to Rhode Island ; thus Washington County, with little manufacturing relatively and practically none otherwise than in the neighborhoods of Wickford and Peace- dale, and along the Pawcatuck River, had the smallest percentage of foreign-born population. Newport County was next in order for similar reasons with reference to manufacturing, although the rich soil of Newport County had attracted Portuguese farmers, and the fisheries had brought Greeks and other Mediterranean people and Atlantic Islanders. Bristol County had the largest percentage of foreign-born population to total population because of the com- bined attractions of good land for farming and of factories. Bristol and Warren had been transformed almost within a half-century from quaint seaport towns, with musty wharves reminiscent of whaling and commerce in sailing vessels and fine old colonial mansions, into factory towns with streets lined with tenements and well-defined foreign sections. Barrington also had an Italian section populated first by laborers working in the brick yards, and also a con- siderable number of Italians and Portuguese farmers. The lure of the textile factories in the Pawtuxet Valley appeared in the statistics for Kent County. Providence County, with factories
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RHODE ISLAND-THREE CENTURIES OF DEMOCRACY
and cities, had foreign population in excess of the state average. Assuming only normal experi- ence, persons born in the United States of foreign-born parents would exceed the number of foreign-born, and the population of Rhode Island of foreign origin would be in 1925 probably 400,000 of the total of 679,260.
Two other causes for segregation than nationality have had limited effect in Rhode Island. Negroes, as a rule, have lived under conditions of segregation from almost their first appear- ance ; the reasons have been economic principally and determined by ability or willingness to pay rent. There never has been, with reference to negroes, a concerted restriction to quarters, and the separation of pupils in the public schools because of color or race was forbidden before 1870. Hebrews have preferred, in many instances, to live under conditions of segregation, per- haps as much because of the segregation which was enforced rigorously in countries of origin and because of the security felt in neighborhoods occupied principally by Hebrews, as for any other reasons. In distinctly Hebrew quarters the Hebrew international language, Yiddish, is the vernacular. The Hebrew has been eager to learn English for the economic, if for no other, advantages that accrue from possession of the common language. He has experienced little difficulty in acquiring residential or business property by purchase, or by rental, the essential consideration being his willingness to pay. He, too, like others who have come to Rhode Island with the wish to become identified with the life of the state, has advanced in business and in the professions, and in the esteem of his fellow-citizens as he has merited it.
TOLERATION IN PRACTICE-Rhode Island has been fortunate, indeed, that the invading armies of immigrants have brought with them little of the racial hatreds which have distressed the Old World, and that there has been so little of race consciousness and conflict in state and municipal politics. There have been blocs, to be sure; to deny the existence of racial jealousy and to assert perfect harmony in Rhode Island would be so much at variance with human nature as to suggest that the millenium had arrived. The truth is that, in view of the large number of foreign birth or foreign origin, and the diversity of race cultures represented, there has been a minimum of racial controversy that is most remarkable. The reason is probably no other than Rhode Island toleration in practice. The earliest immigrants experienced from Rhode Islanders a toleration which was almost unique and unprecedented. The immigrants appreciated tolera- tion, and they learned how much toleration can contribute to human happiness, both for the person who is tolerated and for the person who exemplifies toleration in his own life. Tolera- tion has expanded until it is universal among good Rhode Islanders ; it is still the leaven work- ing in the mass, the great process producing assimilation gradually, in spite of the almost over- whelming new population. Toleration is promoted by understanding, and Rhode Island has undertaken two measures to hasten complete understanding. These are universal education for literacy, and the use of the English language as a common speech.
ROLE OF THE SCHOOL-The history of Rhode Island education, and particularly of the development of the public school system, has been treated in other chapters ; the discussion here is limited to the twin problems of literacy and a common language, so far as these are related to immigration. Statistics of illiteracy earlier than 1850 are scarcely reliable; even those gathered after 1850 must be interpreted with the caution that the definitions of literacy and illiteracy have varied from time to time, and that there is no substantial agreement as to exact meaning, even in the twentieth century. Literacy may mean the ability (I) to read any lan- guage or (2) to write any language or (3) to read and write any language, or (4) to read a particular language, or (5) to write a particular language, or (6) to read and write a particular language or (7) to write the person's own name. A Chinaman, for instance, might be classified as literate under definition I if able to read Chinese, and at the same moment as illiterate under definition 4 if not able to read English. The Rhode Island statutes carry two definitions of literacy ; thus a child under sixteen years of age, applying for release from school for employ-
BELLEVUE AVENUE, NEWPORT
1
-
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COSMOPOLITAN RHODE ISLAND
ment, must be able to read at sight and to write legibly simple sentences in the English language, whereas the obligation to attend Americanization classes ends when a person can read and write and speak the English language with facility equivalent to standards established by the State Board of Education.
Statistics for the period between 1850 and 1870 indicated a steady increase of illiteracy for the twenty years among adult inhabitants of Rhode Island. Immigration at the time was principally from countries in which English was the common language, and no significant frac- tion of the population used any other language than English; hence illiteracy was related to proficiency in reading and writing English. The figures for illiteracy, reduced to percentages of total population, were : 2.4 percent for 1850, 3.5 percent for 1860, 5.5 percent for 1865, and 7.7 percent for 1870. The statistics were used at the time without analysis as proof of an alleged need for stricter enforcement of compulsory school attendance laws. As a matter of fact, revealed by analysis of the statistics, there had been during the period an actual decrease in the number of illiterate native-born adult inhabitants of Rhode Island; and there had been no increase of illiteracy among colored population, much as the latter might be expected to follow migration from the South following the war between the states. The increase in adult illiteracy was among foreign-born inhabitants, and was due principally to immigration. As a practical measure for combatting adult illiteracy and for reaching particularly youth beyond school age at the time of arrival in Rhode Island, evening schools were promoted by an appropriation from the general treasury for apportionment to towns and cities. The compulsory attendance statute was revised and strengthened for the effect that better legislation might have on native-born children or immigrant children of school age.
The annual school census statute of 1878, requiring an annual enumeration of persons of school age, within the few years necessary to make the count reliable, had begun to reveal through unimpeachable evidence the large numbers of children and youth who were not receiv- ing instruction in any school. The Commissioner of Public Schools* in 1884 reported : "Each successive census has revealed a steady natural growth in the population of the whole state, and more than a corresponding increase in the number of non-attendants at school. The proportion of such persons by the present census is over twenty-five percent of the whole school popula- tion. The significant fact to be noted in connection with these figures is that the rates of increase for non-attendance is greater than that of the increase in the number of children, and that has been the case since the beginning of the school census. This shows beyond a doubt that we have actually lost ground in our contest with ignorance, instead of gaining or even maintaining our position. At the same time the State Board of Education, in its annual reports to the General Assembly, regretted conspicuous illiteracy in Rhode Island only less than the Assembly's apparent unwillingness to enact measures which should make attendance actually compulsory and which should make the enforcement of attendance laws practically effective. The Board asserted that not more than a quarter of inhabitants of foreign birth could sign their own names.
Manufacturers at the time, while not opposed to education, were not enthusiastic sup- porters of proposed legislation, the effect of which would be to deprive them of the profits believed to accrue from the employment of child labor. Many of them had been actively inter- ested in promoting immigration, including children, with the purpose of obtaining labor to fill up their factories ; it was not part of their plans to send the children to school after bringing them to Rhode Island to work. In later years, after Congress had outlawed the importation of contract labor the manufacturers opposed, less and less openly, however, as time went on, measures to extend the years of required school attendance and to make compulsory attendance laws more effective.
*Afterward the title of office became "Commissioner of Education."
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RHODE ISLAND-THREE CENTURIES OF DEMOCRACY
Counting from 1844, when the Rhode Island General Assembly enacted the first American child labor and compulsory attendance legislation,f almost three-quarters of a century elapsed before the compulsory attendance statute was perfected in 1916. After that the most significant legislation related to the education of children and attendance at school was the statute of 1922, which required an accurate correlation of the annual school census and school attendance rec- ords in such manner as to account for every person between the ages of four and twenty-one. Opposition by manufacturers had been withdrawn previous to 1916 for reasons which included demonstration by cost accounting that child labor had not been so profitable as had been believed. The effect of compulsory attendance laws in force in 1930 should be to limit adult illiteracy among persons born in Rhode Island and living in the state through childhood and youth to the fraction less than one percent that represents those mentally or physically incapable of learning to read and write; native-born illiteracy might continue at a larger percentage because of migration to Rhode Island of persons born and passing childhood years in states in which less attention is given to the education of children. Similar effects might be expected among adults who as immigrants reached Rhode Island within the years of school age.
Statistics published by the Federal Bureau of Education based on the federal census of 1920 indicated less than two percent of illiteracy in Rhode Island for ages ten to twenty-five, and a gain through decrease of 4.43 percent from 6.21 percent in 1890. The gain is attributed properly to excellent elementary schools and effective enforcement of compulsory attendance. Illiteracy of 1.78 percent among persons aged ten to twenty-five resulted from immigration. With Rhode Island in a group of fourteen states having more than one and less than two per- cent of illiteracy were California, Colorado, Connecticut, Delaware, Maine, Massachusetts, Missouri, New Hampshire, New Jersey, New York, Oklahoma, Pennsylvania, and Wyoming, mostly industrial and mining states, which have borne the brunt of immigration.
The school laws of Rhode Island never have required positively that instruction in the public schools shall be in the English language. The law assumes English and the state has never faced the predicament which might arise in the event that a racial group become so thor- oughly entrenched in the control and administration of a town government, including the school committee, that the latter might, at the request or dictation of the bloc, prescribe a course of study for the public schools excluding English as the language taught principally and as the language of instruction, and substituting another language. Two provisions in law appear as possible correctives, viz : (1) Courses of study, as prescribed by a school committee, are not legally effective unless approved by the Commissioner of Education; and (2) release from school for employment between ages fifteen and sixteen years follows demonstration of literacy in English. The Commissioner no doubt could find in the latter ample justification for a decision overruling the school committee's exclusion of English. The purpose of making English the language of the schools of Rhode Island appears also in the requirement that instruction in pri- vate schools shall include English and shall be in the English language if attendance on private instruction is offered as compliance with compulsory attendance laws ; and also in the American- ization statute, which requires instruction in English for persons between sixteen and twenty- one years of age who are not literate in English, and in the resolutions authorizing state support for home classes for women. The State Board of Education in its annual report in 1884, pointed to the situation in Rhode Island at the time as affected by immigration thus: "The urgency is intensified when we consider the vast immigration that is pouring itself from every land upon us, and the fact that the native American population does not increase so rapidly as the foreign- born. At the present rate, the time is not very far distant when those of mixed and foreign parentage will be in the majority. These speculations do not alarm us with an immediate danger, but they do call for immediate provisions against evils great enough, if not provided against, to wreck the nation. The danger to civilization today is not from without but from within. The
¡Carroll D. Wright and all others to the contrary notwithstanding.
1163
COSMOPOLITAN RHODE ISLAND
heterogeneous masses must be made homogeneous. Those who inherit the traditions of other and hostile nations ; those who are bred under diverse influences and hold foreign ideas ; those who are supported by national aspirations not American; must be inducted into the life and spirit of this New World and must be assimilated and Americanized." The board's remedy for the situation was effective compulsory attendance legislation.
The board had recognized the change in the nature of immigration already underway as that from the British Isles was slackening, and immigrants from French Canada and from countries in Europe in which English was not the common language was increasing steadily in volume. Along with the difference in language went the diversity in culture which the board had noted. Legislation had already incorporated recognition of the language problem. The absence and truancy act of 1883 required attendance at public day school or approved private school, but limited approval by school committee to private schools in which the instruction was in the English language and thorough and efficient. Approval could not be refused because of relig- ious instruction. The Canadian French had already undertaken measures to preserve their lan- guage, including the organization of schools.
The statute of 1883 may be explained in terms of toleration ; in its general provisions Rhode Island had reached two generations earlier the position taken by the Supreme Court of the United States when several statutes enacted in as many western states during or immediately following the World War reached the court for decisions as to constitutionality. The Supreme Court upheld the right of a parent to provide instruction for his children in languages other than English, although sustaining the public right to require instruction in English as a common language ; the Court also sustained the parent's right to provide private instruction, while main- taining the public right to require instruction. The effect of the Rhode Island Statute of 1883, if complied with in letter and in spirit, would be to assure literacy in English for children born in and remaining in Rhode Island, and instruction in English for children born outside Rhode Island who came to the state during the years of school age. Its most significant effect would be among the rising generation ; it might, unless the flood of immigration became an inundation, restrict the language problem to concern for persons who came as immigrants, with reasonable alleviation due to the wish to learn the common language which might be anticipated in the instances of most immigrants unless there were some paramount reason contrary.
Perhaps the persistent insistence of the French upon their language was not realized at the time. Among other races there was little opposition to English, although some established and maintained supplementary schools for teaching other languages. As an instance, Germans in Providence supported a Saturday school for teaching German. Other races also supported pub- lic newspapers printed in languages other than English, and societies the membership of which was recruited principally, if not exclusively, from racial groups were common. In most instances these societies were as earnest in promoting the Americanization of their members as in pre- serving foreign culture ; they helped to solve the problems of the period of assimilation. Except for occasional discussion the language question remained in the status suggested by the legisla- tion of 1883 until the World War, along with its revelation of other discomfiting information as to health and nutrition, preparedness, and many other things, brought questions as to the efficiency of the American public school system to public attention. The large number of illiterates among volunteers and drafted men ; the limited education revealed by tests, and the number of drafted men who could not speak and understand English aroused the nation. Rhode Island's reaction appeared in the Americanization Act of 1919, which ordered the establishment of literacy schools in certain towns and cities, and required attendance in Americanization schools of persons between sixteen and twenty-one years of age who could not read, write and speak English. The Americanization bill encountered opposition in the General Assembly and emerged with measures enacted on the last day of the session.
1164
RHODE ISLAND-THREE CENTURIES OF DEMOCRACY
The immediate effects of the Americanization law were encouraging to the promoters. Classes were organized in many towns and cities, and the enrollment included almost so many who were eligible for instruction but not required to attend, as of those who were subject to the compulsory provisions. The work was supplemented in 1927 by provision for state-sup- ported home classes for women, purposing to make instruction in English and for literacy con- venient for women whose household duties practically inhibited attendance on public instruc- tion. In the revision of the school statute in 1922, which followed a survey of finance and administration, the approval of private schools for attendance was transferred from school committees to the State Board of Education. The measure was opposed vigorously in the Gen- eral Assembly by French Canadian members, who were supported in their effort to defeat the bill by the Democratic party .* Two years later, because of continued opposition by French Canadians, the approval of private schools was restored to school committees, and the statutory requirement of teaching English was stated in terms of definite specification of subjects and time. The French opposition to the act of 1922 was related to the French purpose of maintain- ing racial solidarity through the French language; and the French belief that their schools were threatened with loss of approval by the transfer from local to state officers, and that the measure was aimed specifically at the ultimate suppression of foreign language teaching. The fear might be justified in a state less tolerant than Rhode Island.
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