USA > Rhode Island > Providence County > Providence > State of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations at the end of the century : a history, Volume 1 > Part 33
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1 James De Wolfe (1763-1837) was speaker of the house from May, 1819, to February, 1821, when he resigned to take his seat in the United States senate. He succeeded William Hunter (1774-1849), who was speaker of the house from May, 1811, to February, 1812, and United States senator from December, 1811, till March 4, 1821.
2 For a somewhat detailed account of political conditions in Rhode Island up
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CHAPTER XVIII.
THE PERIOD FROM 1812 TO 1830.
The Republicans tried conclusions with their opponents again in 1812, but the people of the state, especially those who had shipping and commercial interests, were great sufferers from the embargo and non- intercourse policy of Madison's administration, and were alarmed at the prospect of war with Great Britain.1 At a large meeting of young men, held in the state house in Providence, just before election, strong resolutions were passed, denouncing the approaching war, and recom- mending the support of the Federalist ticket. The latter won by an increased majority. At the May session a joint committee of the general assembly was appointed to voice the latter's sentiments regard- ing public affairs, to draw up a statement concerning the exposed con- dition of the coast, and to recommend instructions to Rhode Island members of Congress. In accordance with the report of this commit- tee, the assembly adopted a resolution, opposing a declaration of war against Great Britain, and requested the senators of the state in Congress to endeavor to secure the removal of restrictions on com- merce. At the July session a council of war of six leading citizens of the state was elected to confer with and advise Governor Jones. A petition, adopted at a meeting of freeholders in Providence, and pre- sented at the October session, prayed for the enactment of a law for- bidding the "distillation of grain into spirituous liquors". The house negatived the proposition by a decisive vote, but Speaker Mason, of Providence, who seems to have been largely interested in a distillery, was declared by a Republican newspaper to have indignantly asked if
to this period, see S. H. Allen's "Federal Ascendency in 1812" in Narr. Hist. Reg. vii, 381.
1 The sentiment in Rhode Island, to quote the words of Benjamin Cowell, was that " a British war is unnecessary as it would be unjust". (See his anony- mous Letter to a Member of Congress on the Subject of a British War. p. 32.) The Rhode Island representatives in Congress, Richard Jackson and E. R. Potter, addressed their constituents with a pamphlet, dated March 16, 1812, in which they urged them to cast off all party lines and vote against those favoring such measures.
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THE PERIOD FROM 1812 TO 1830.
he was to be allowed to conduct his own business, or if he was to be hampered by restrictive legislation.1
When news of the declaration of war reached Providence, bells were tolled, stores closed, and flags half-masted. The Providence Gazette of June 27, 1812, in commenting upon the report of the committee on foreign relations recommending war, declared that "they reported in several heavy columns their malignant, hostile manifesto against Great Britain, and with gigantic strides and ostentatious swellings, had thrown down the gauntlet of defiance to John Bull, in favor of the atrocious murderer and incendiary Napoleon Bonaparte". It de- clared the action of Congress "a work of darkness". "We are now", it said, "to contend against an oppressed nation gloriously struggling for the preservation of its liberties". Although the supporters of the national administration still constituted a strong minority, public opinion in the state was generally opposed to war. On the night of July 20 a small schooner which was being fitted out in Providence for a privateer, was taken down the river and scuttled.
At the presidential election in November, the Madison ticket re- ceived only 2,084 votes to 4,032 for De Witt Clinton, the Federalist candidate. In the August previous, Richard Jackson, jr., and Elisha R. Potter, the Federalist candidates, were elected to Congress over Jonathan Russell and Isaac Wilbour, by about 1,300 majority.
A committee was appointed at the February session of the general assembly in 1813 to consider whether any violation of the compact by which Rhode Island had accepted the Federal constitution had occurred. In messages to the assembly, Governor Jones discussed the state's rela- tions to the Federal government, and stated that, in accordance with the advice of the council of war, he had determined that the final authority as to the use of the state's militia outside of its borders rest- ed with him and not with the President. The 500 men whom President Madison required as the state's quota, were, however, drafted and dis- patched outside of the state upon Madison's requisition.2 The Gover- nor delivered messages on the subject at cach session. The burden of them was that the country had been egged on to an unjust war, a war especially detrimental to Rhode Island's interests; that the coast of the state was in a defenseless condition ; that the general government had removed the garrisons from the Newport forts, and had invited
1 James B. Mason was speaker of the house from 1812 to 1814, and was elected representative to Congress in 1814 and 1816. He owned a gin distillery building at India Point, Providence, which was carried on during Mason's political career by Darius Sessions.
2 For Rhode Island's participation in the War of 1812, see the bibliography at the end of the last volume, under HISTORY 1790-1840; also chapter on "The Wars and the Militia." For Commodore Perry's victory at Lake Erie, Sept 10, 1813, see the bibliography under BIOGRAPHY. See also chapter on " The Sea Force in War Time.
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STATE OF RHODE ISLAND AND PROVIDENCE PLANTATIONS.
the state to garrison them with state troops, but required the latter to aeeept the commands of a regular army offieer. A memorial to the President, demanding the protection of the Federal government was adopted, and a resolution was passed, instructing the Governor to employ patrols to guard against surprise by the enemy. A commit- tec was appointed at the June session to eolleet evidence regarding Rhode Island seamen detained against their wishes in the service of foreign powers, and to take the most efficient measures to seeure their release. The committee's report, rendered at the June session, showed that the impressed seamen were 19 in number. No opposition was made to the Federal state tieket-which was known as the "Peaee Prox."
In his message to the general assembly in February, 1814, Governor Jones used extremely strong language in denouneing the aetion of the Federal government. The reverses which had occurred to our arms were apparently a just retribution, caused by an all-wisc Providence because of the wickedness of the administration in bringing on an unjust war. "We should, however", the Governor said, "indulge the hope that our national rulers will remember that there is a point at which oppression must stop, and that, notwithstanding our respect for the laws and our strong attachment to the union of the states, there may be evils greater than ean be apprehended from a refusal to submit to unconstitutional laws". This was a thinly veiled threat of seees- sion. The state joined with Massachusetts and Conneetieut, two eoun- ties of New Hampshire and one eounty of Vermont in holding the Hartford convention.1 At the September session, Governor Jones was authorized to borrow $100,000 for the purpose of providing elothes and other necessaries for the state troops in the service of the general government, and he was requested to order the militia to march to the relief of a neighboring state, in case of the invasion of the latter's territory.
The Republican minority in the state eritieised the state government bceause it did not assume the direet taxes assessed against the state, as it could, they elaimed, have obtained a rebate. The freemen of Little Compton sent in a petition at the March session requesting such action, but the Federalists elaimed that the direct tax law was unconstitu- tional, and refused to recognize it. The Federalist watchword, which accompanied its "Peace Prox" in April, of this year, was "No war; no direet taxes to support it; but Jones, peaee, and freetrade togeth- er". The Republicans again allowed the election to go by default. They seemed to derive some consolation, however, from the fact that Governor Jones's vote was growing smaller each year, a circumstance
1 Rhode Island's delegates were Benjamin Hazard, Daniel Lyman, Edward Manton, and Samuel Ward. The proceedings of the convention were published in 1833 in Dwight's History of the Hartford Convention.
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THE PERIOD FROM 1812 TO 1830.
which was, of course, attributable to the lack of opposition. At the congressional election in August, the Federalist candidates, James B. Mason and John L. Boss, jr., were elected by seven or eight hundred majority in a full vote.
At the February session of the general assembly in 1815, Governor Jones reported that the state had advanced the money to pay for clothing and other needful articles for Major Wood's battalion of Rhode Island soldiers in the United States service, and that the state also had advanced the money to pay that command a portion of the money due its soldiers upon the assurance of the United States author- ities that the sum would be refunded. The Governor laid before the assembly the proceedings of the Hartford convention and commended its action. The Governor's council of war was continued through the year.1
The Republicans held a convention of delegates from the several towns, and nominated Peleg Arnold for Governor in opposition to Governor Jones. The latter was re-elected, however, by a decisive majority, although the total vote was only 5,960. The Federalist majority in the house was 26. In November, 1815, the cotton manu- facturers of Rhode Island sent a memorial to Congress asking for more protection.
The two parties had another trial of strength in April, 1816. Jere- miah Thurston of Hopkinton was placed on the ticket as their candi- date for Lieutenant-Governor by the Federalists. The Republicans nominated Nehemiah R. Knight, then clerk of the United States Cir- cuit Court, for Governor. The campaign was fought upon war issues. The Republicans accused their opponents of disloyalty, while the Fed- eralists, in their appeal to the people, commended Governor Jones for having refused to obey the President's call for troops. Governor Jones received 3,591 votes, and was elected by 332 majority-452 less than the year before. The Federalist strength in the house was somewhat less than usual, although it was still double that of their opponents. The leaders of the party, however, were sensible of the fact that their unpatriotic course during the war was a dead weight and must soon put them in the minority. Senator Howell's term in the United States senate was to expire on the 4th of the next March. It had always been customary to elect senators at the October session preceding the 4th of March when their term was to commence. Had the Federalists waited in this instance until October, they would have had to take the chance of defeat at the semi-annual election of house members in August. They had obtained an unquestioned majority in the grand committee. Still
1 It was on September 23 of this year that the famous gale of 1815 occurred, causing tremendous damage throughout the state. (For accounts of this gale see R. I. H. S. Publ. ii, 202, 232.)
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STATE OF RHODE ISLAND AND PROVIDENCE PLANTATIONS.
it was less than they had had since 1811, and they knew that the August clection might go against them. Therefore they decided to hold the clection in June, and thus make sure of the choice of a Federalist. They carried the house on a motion to go into grand committee for the purpose by a vote of 40 to 20. Then, in balloting for senator, the Republicans abstained from voting, and the Federalist candidate, James Burrill, jr., was elected unanimously. The Republicans made a great outcry over the affair, insisting that it was an act of usurpation. The Federalist defense was rather weak, and finally, to silence criti- cism, Judge Burrill, at the February session in 1817, sent in his resig- nation. The August house was nearly as strongly Federal as its predecessor, and Mr. Burrill did not risk much in resigning, for he was immediately re-elected, the Republicans, as on his previous election, abstaining from voting. The Federalists made no nominations for presidential electors in 1816, and the electoral vote of the state was cast for Monroe, the Republican candidate.
In view of the fact that no opposition had been made to Monroe in the previous November, the Federalists claimed that the Republicans ought not to oppose the Jones ticket in April, 1817, but the Repub- licans thought, that if it was a question of courtesy, the fact that they had not opposed the Federalist candidates for Congress in August, 1816, was a fair offset to the action, or non-action of their opponents in November. They again nominated Knight and Wilcox, and a warm campaign ensued. Political rallies were seldom held in the early days of the century. The issues of the day were generally explained by political pamphlets, or through the medium of the newspapers. Dur- ing Washington's and Adams's administrations, when the Federalists experienced but little opposition in the state, the Governor and other state officers and Federalist leaders in the assembly were accustomed to hold an informal caucus at the February session, and decide upon the party "prox" to be supported at the state election in April. These caucuses were probably as representative of party sentiments as have been delegate conventions of a later date, but after the Republicans became strong, they often had a majority or a strong minority of the general assembly. At such times the legislative caucus was not suffi- ciently representative, and prominent Federalists not then members of the assembly were invited to meet in caucus with the Federalist assem- blymen. The Republican caucuses were necessarily more democratic from the first, because the larger portion of the towns were represent- ed by their opponents, and because many of their ablest leaders resided in towns that invariably sent Federalists to the assembly. Republicans in towns unrepresented by Republican members of the assembly were invited to send delegates to the Republican conventions, and thus the conventions of that party gradually became delegate conventions, while those of their opponents in time became in a certain sense mass
.
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THE PERIOD FROM 1812 TO 1830.
conventions, attended by leading members of their party. It is easy to understand, however, that as the general assembly was usually in ses- sion about the last of February, and as it contained a large proportion of the politicians of both parties, the town where it was then in session, and the state house itself were the most convenient places in which to hold these political conventions, and that they were, in fact, if not in name, largely in the nature of legislative caucuses.
When the opposing "proxies" were fairly launched, the party papers were filled with long political essays in the form of communi- cations, setting forth the political issues as the writers understood them, in which personal abuse of the candidates of the opposite party appeared to be considered the most weighty arguments. The Federal- ists, during the time of the French Revolution and of the Bonaparte era which was its outcome, were accustomed to bestow the terms of "Jacobins" and "Democrats" upon their opponents; while the Re- publicans called the Federalists "Tories", "Monarchists" and " Aris- tocrats". For a few years, however, previous to 1817, the term "Jacobin" had gradually been falling into disuse on the part of their opponents, who had shown a desire to usurp the name of Republican by occasionally calling themselves "Federal Republicans". In the campaign which preceded the state election of 1817 there was a notice- able difference in their newspaper arguments from those of the pre- vious year. They had lost the aggressive feature. Instead of com- mending Governor Jones for refusing to allow the militia to be marched outside the state, they sought now to defend his action. He thought that he was doing his duty ; it was best for the state after all ; and his action had really saved the state much expense at a time when it was hard for the people to pay their taxes ; he had labored conscien- tiously for the best interests of his state. By such arguments they sought to defend and palliate conduct which their opponents declared was disloyal.1 The Republican ticket was triumphant in a total vote of 7,830 by an average majority of less than 70. The Republicans cast 229 votes in-Providence, which was 20 per cent. larger than their high- est previous total, while Jones's vote in the town (544) was smaller than in 1816. A disagreeable incident occurred at Newport on elec- tion (inauguration) day, which led to a court martial of a militia officer and an exchange of compliments between the party organs. According to the usual custom regular troops had been sent from Fort Wolcott to participate in the parade, and the band of the fort was also loaned for the occasion. The latter marched to the
1 This election gave rise to a well written electioneering pamphlet, addressed by a " Citizen " of Warwick To the Freemen of the State of Rhode Island, in which the author defends Governor Jones, and told his readers: "If you elect Mr. Knight and his friends, you elect many of the hirelings and tax-gatherers of a government, which, by its misconduct the last twelve years, has brought the country to a state of mourning and misery."
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STATE OF RHODE ISLAND AND PROVIDENCE PLANTATIONS.
wharf to grect the Providence boat on its arrival. The band was placed under the orders of Captain Robert B. Cranston, a local militia officer who appeared to be acting, although in an unofficial capacity, as a master of ceremonies at that point. As the boat was tying at the wharf, Cranston called for some marches with which the band was . unfamiliar. Thereupon, just as Governor Jones was stepping ashore, Cranston ordered the band to play the "Retreat". Although he soon had it changed to "Yankee Doodle", Governor Jones interpreted the affair as an intentional insult. He was still the captain-general and commander-in-chief of the militia, and as such demanded the respect and obedience of militia officers. Cranston disclaimed any intention of insulting his excellency, and the Republicans generally made light of the affair. But the Federalists still had a majority in the house, and at the following June session, a joint resolution was adopted order- ing a committee of inquiry to consider the case. The committee, which was composed of members of both parties, declared Cranston's conduct "highly improper, and derogatory to the dignity and honor of the state". A court martial was convened, but it decided that it had no jurisdiction, as the accused officer was not on duty and was in civilian's clothes at the time.1
President Monroc made a northern tour in the summer of 1817. He reached Newport June 29, and the next day went to Fall River, and from there to Bristol. The steamer "Fire Fly" conveyed him from the latter place to Providence, where he arrived in the evening. The next day, after visiting points of interest in the town, and seeing the "original cotton mill" at Pawtucket, he procceded on his way to Bos- ton. The citizens and officials, generally without distinction of party, united in doing honor to the Chief Magistrate of the nation. He was grected with military and civic parades, the ringing of bells, salutes, illuminations and addresses. That of the town council of Providence, which was supposed to have been written by a prominent Federalist politician,2 was so cordial and complimentary in its character as to receive the commendation of the Republican local organ, the Colum- bian Phoenix, which seldom praised anything that emanated from a Federalist source. At the June session the senate, in view of. the scarcity and high price of grain, passed an act, which was rejected by
1 The proceedings of the court martial, as officially reported by the judge ad- vocate, were published in 1817. Robert Bennie Cranston (1791-1873), although a Republican at this time, was subsequently found in the Whig ranks. His court martial did not cause him to lose caste in military circles, as he was made a lieu- tenant-colonel in 1818. Afterwards he was for a time sheriff of Newport county, and in 1837 was elected to Congress as a Whig, and was twice re-elected serving until 1843. In 1847 he was elected for the fourth term. He was afterwards elected mayor of Newport, but declined the office. In his will he bequeathed $75,000 to those poor of Newport " who were too honest to steal and too proud to beg.'
2 Senator Burrill.
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THE PERIOD FROM 1812 TO 1830.
the house, prohibiting its use in the distillation of spirituous liquor between June 30 and September 30 of that year, under penalty of a fine of $1,000, one-half of which was to go to the informer.1 In the representative elections in August the Republicans elected 33 and the Federalists 39 members of the house.
At the February session of the assembly in 1818 a resolution was adopted calling for the records, papers and correspondence of the late council of war, and ordering them to be deposited with the secretary of state. The cotton and woolen manufacturers in and near Provi- dence sent a petition to Congress, early in the year, reciting the condi- tion of the two industries, and asking that the duties then existing upon foreign cotton and woolen products be made permanent.
The Republicans renominated Governor Knight and the other state officers in 1818, while their opponents issued a "Union Prox", with ex-Congressman Elisha R. Potter at the head. The Federalists seemed to have but little hope of winning. In their newspaper arguments they carefully abstained from abuse of their opponents and even avoid- ed using the term "Federalist" in speaking of themselves. The total vote cast in this contest was the largest ever given at a gubernatorial election under the charter. Knight received 4,509, and Potter 3,893 votes. The Republicans had two majority in the house, and now controlled both chambers. A proposition introduced at the June session of the assembly to extend the right of suffrage to citizens who were not freeholders, but who paid taxes or served in the militia, was postponed to the next session. The congressional election in August was not contested by the Federalists, Samuel Eddy of Providence, sec- retary of state, and Nathaniel Hazard, speaker of the house, being chosen. At the October session a committee, appointed to consider and report upon certain recommendations in the Governor's message, reported that it was not prepared to recommend free schooling for persons employed in manufacturing establishments. A committee was appointed at this session to consider and report upon the expediency of amending the act regulating the manner of admitting freemen.
At the February session in 1819 a committee was appointed to con- sider the advisability of establishing free schools. Mr. Hine of Coven- try introduced a resolution in the house requesting freemen, at the annual election in April, to express their opinions regarding the expe- diency of calling a convention to form a written constitution. On motion of Benjamin Hazard of Newport, the matter was postponed, and a committee was appointed to take the matter into consideration, and also consider and report regarding fraudulent practices at elec-
1 The fact that the senate was then controlled by the Republicans leads to the suspicion that the advocates of this proposed prohibition measure had Con- gressman Mason's India Point distillery in mind and that the non-concurrence of the house in the measure was due to its having a Federalist majority.
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STATE OF RHODE ISLAND AND PROVIDENCE PLANTATIONS.
tions. No opposition was made at the April election to the Republican ticket, although political lines were drawn in the choice of town repre- sentatives.
At the February session of the assembly in 1820, George Field of Cranston introduced a bill for the establishment of a free school system throughout the state, which, after a brief discussion, was postponed to a future session in order to obtain the sense of the freemen regarding the matter. A law was passed abolishing the summary process in the collection of debts, which had always been enjoyed by the banks. A bill passed the senate in June to extend the right of suffrage to citizens equipping themselves and serving in the militia. It was postponed by the house. The subject of a constitutional convention was quite generally discussed throughout the state this year. A convention was held in Providence to further such an object. Two of the Feder- alist semi-weeklies of the town united with the Republican organ in its advocacy, and one of the former1 declared in an editorial "that a free people have for more than forty years submitted to a species of government, in theory, if not always in practice, as despotic as that of the autocrat of the Russias."
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