USA > Rhode Island > Providence County > Providence > State of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations at the end of the century : a history, Volume 1 > Part 44
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supply of such things as he shall stand in need of; during which time, after the deliverie of the s'd money, he shall be excused for his defects in his Armes; but if the money be not delivered, then to be liable to the injunctions herein contained ; provided, also that the Clark of each Band shall hereby be authorized to ask, receive or destraine for all such fines or forfeitures as by any are made, and that the said sum of monies so levied shall be employed to the use and service of the said Band.
"It is ordered, that the Treasurer shall provide and fitt up on Drum, Collers and halberts for the Band of Portsmouth."
On the 5th of October, 1643, at Portsmouth, it was ordered that "Richard Morise and James Badcock shall look up all the armes in the Town and that ( ) and John Briggs shall go to every house and see what armes are defective; and that the men whose armes are to be handed in to be ( ) by the town aforesaid. If the armes be not brought in timely to forfeit five shillings".
It was further ordered "that every man shall have four pounds of shot lying by him and two pounds of powder and to have it in readiness by the 24th of this month". This day was pitched upon as a day for general training, and every man in the settlement between the ages named in the former order of the town was required to be in readiness at the beat of the drum. The clerk of the band who had been ap- pointed to inspect the arms in the possession of the townsmen, reported many in a condition unsuitable for use, and such of the townsmen whose arms were in this condition were ordered to make their appear- ance before the judge within ten days, "to give answer for their deficiencies there", and every Traine Soldier was required to be pro- vided with his equipments in good order by the last day of April, 1643, at his peril.
A Portsmouth town order provided that "every man do come armed unto the meeting upon every sixth day".
Mr. William Brenton was authorized to fix the days for trainings; officers were appointed to see that every one of the townsmen had the requisite amount of powder and bullets on hand ten days before such training day.
Officers were regularly appointed by the General Assembly of the Colony, called "Gun smiths for the Colony", whose duty it was to keep in order and scrutinize the town arms and those in private hands.
All this activity regarding the militia was incited, no doubt, by the suspicious actions of bands of Indians who had been discovered prowling around the Island, for at the time it was ordered "that if there be any Indians skulking about in any part of the Island, thought to be suspicious, the magistrates are to send forth a man and ladye with there before them", the mutilated condition of the
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records being responsible for the indefiniteness of the eoncluding por- tion of this order.
Having established the militia on an orderly and substantial footing, and being thus in a position where they could dietate to the Indians who had made themselves more or less offensive, the townsmen, in the solemnity of town meeting, issued an order requiring all the Indians in the town to depart forthwith, with all their effects, to the woods, and prohibiting them from returning into the town under heavy penalties.
On the 16th and 17th of March, 1642, the first offieers for the Train Bands of these towns were chosen. Those for the town of Newport being: Robert Jeoffreys, Captain; Jeremy Clarke, Lieutenant; Wm Smith, Ensign; George Gardiner, Senr Sargeant; Robert Stanton, Junr Sargeant; Toby Knight, Clerk; while those for the town of Ports- mouth were: Robert Morris, Captain; Wm Bolston, Lieutenant; Thomas Cornill, Ensign; Wm Cowland, Senr Sargeant; Thomas Gor- ton, Junr Sargeant; Adam Mott, Clerk.
The first Monday'of every month was fixed for training, excepting in the months of May and August, January and February, the first two exeeptions doubtless being the planting and harvesting time, while the weather in the latter months was liable to be too inelement for out of door exercise of this eharaeter.
Although at this period a settlement had been made at Warwiek, the settlers had not assumed any of the funetions of government, holding that so long as they were subjeets of England, they had no lawful right to erect a government without authority from the erown. They, there- forc, never exereised any such power of government or proceeded to eleet any offieers until the organization of a government for the Colony in May, 1647, under the eharter of 1644.
The records of the first year of the Providenee settlement are seant and imperfeet; there is no referenee to any proceedings regarding a military force until after the union of the four towns, Newport, Ports- mouth, Warwick and Providence, in August, 1654. In that year, the 8th of the 9th month, Thomas Harris was chosen lieutenant over the Train Band. John Smith, the miller, ensign, and Benjamin Smith, sergeant. Thomas Hopkins and James Ashton were eorporals, and John Sayles, elerk.
Thus was organized the first military foree in the Colony for its defense against foes from within and without its borders.
Every male was required to be equipped with suitable "arms and furniture" for active service in the Train Band, and was also obliged to take part in the general training. No excuse was aeeepted unless by reason of "age, nonage, sickness, lameness or publique barringe of offiee at the time". In such eases a certificate of the military eom- mander was issued to the person thus disabled. For negleeting to
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take part in the muster or training previous to 1654 there was a fine of 5s., but in that year the penalty was reduced to 2s. and 6d.1
That the homes of the settlers, who lived remote from the compact part of the towns, might not be left entirely unprotected and at the same time the farmer be exempt from the payment of the fine for non-attendance on training days, it was ordered by a vote of the town meeting of Providence, "that those farms which are one mile off the Town alone, shall have liberty to leave one man at home on the trayn- ing days".
In 1655 training days occurred four times a year, a reduction in the number which the laws required some eight years previous, for in 16472 training days were held on the first Mondays in each month except May, August, January and February.
These were days of great importance to the townspeople. Early in the morning the members of the several companies set out from their homes, oftentimes many miles from the rendezvous, bearing their arms and equipments for the day's service.
The Colony orders required them "to make their personal appear- ance, completely armed, to attend their colors by 8 o'clock in the morning at the second beat of the Drum", "provided with a muskat, one pound of powder, twenty bullets and two fadom of match, with sword, rest, bandaleers all completely furnished", and later it was declared that "fyrelocks and snaphaunces with powder hornes be allowed", as well as muskets. The rendezvous was often at some tavern, for the landlord usually held some position in the company. He always made preparation "against a training", for as the day was in the nature of a holiday and all the people laid aside their usual vocations, the tavern and its adjunct, the bar, became an attractive spot, and in those liquor-loving days, alcoholic stimulants were dis- posed of in great quantities on training days. Indeed, it was even hinted that trainings were sometimes ordered that a material benefit might accrue to the tavern keeper. Official notices, proclamations and such orders as were to be given the widest publicity were read at the head of the Train Band.
When the royal proclamation, announcing the death of King Charles the Second and proclaiming James the Second "By the Grace of God King of England, Scotland, ffrance & Ireland", was received in Provi- dence, on the 1st day of May, 1685, the Train Band was assembled in military order, and Thomas Olney, the town clerk, was appointed to read this royal document before the militia, and, with sound of drum and colors dipped, the clerk at the head of the procession pro- ceeded to three public places in the town where this solemn duty was performed before the assembled populace; then he returned to his
1Early Records of Providence, vol. ii, p. 77.
2R. I. Colonial Records, vol. i, p. 153.
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desk and wrote upon the records of the town, for future generations to observe, "the which was duly attended unto & Solemnly performed upon ffriday the first day of May 1685: in the head of the Train Band there together in military Order & in presence of ye Assistants & principal inhabitants of said town".1
In later years the assembling of the companies always brought out a crowd of people and was a more or less festive occasion. It gave the opportunity for an interchange of news and gossip and furnished an excuse for certain excesses. Sometimes a town meeting was held on a training day, and on such occasions opportunity was given for con- cocting schemes for presentation at the meeting, combining all the facilities that are afforded now by the modern caucus. On this ac- count voluntary trainings were sometimes brought about. Such a a proceeding occurred in Providence in the winter of 1655, but the records of the town give but an imperfect knowledge of the difficulties which this affair produced. It was, however, a subject of "great debate" among the townsmen, and doubtless continued to be until the June following, when, at a town meeting, it was voted that 'wheas there hath Bin greate debate this day about Tho : Olnie Rob : Williams Jon ffield, Will Harris & others concerning ye matter of a tumult and disturbance in ye winter, under a pretence of voluntary training it was at last concluded By vote that for ye Colonies sake whoe had chosen Tho : Olnie an assistant & for ye publike union & peace sake it should be past By & no more mentioned."2 Whatever this affair was, it is, of course, impossible now to state, but it would seem as though all those who were engaged in it were heartily ashamed of the whole business and the sooner it was forgotten and forgiven the better it would be for all concerned.
The year 1672 brought to the Colony a series of troubles which aroused the people to a high state of excitement. The efforts of the Connecticut Colony to extend its jurisdiction to the Narragansett Country brought about a conflict at Westerly, where several persons were assaulted and carried away as prisoners. This "riotous, rebel- lious and tumultuous" affair was soon brought to the notice of the men of Providence, and a town meeting was convened3 June 17, 1672. The only matter disposed of was the following unique but determined order: "The town haveing this dai Recueed lettrs Concer the Jntnones of Canitticot men haue with a free vott agreed to withstand and maintain what: thay Can againest Canitticot men"; without further ado the meeting adjourned. With all its quaintness of expression and illiteracy of composition it shows the temper of the people with respect to this overt act of the sister Colony. Hardly had
1Early Records of Providence, vol. 8, p. 152.
2Ibid., vol. ii, p. 81.
3 Providence Records, vol. iii, p. 224.
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they had time to consider the situation which confronted them by this attitude of Connecticut, when a special order from the king was received, proclaiming "War against the Dutch," and urging the Colony to put itself in a "posture of defence," and "especially to take care for powder shott and ammunition."
In this year Arthur Fenner, sometimes called the Captain of Provi- dence, received a commission from the Colony as Captain of the Train Band. This old document is now preserved with the great seal of the Colony of bright red wax still adhering to it, and is in the following words :
"You, Arthur Fenner, Beinge Chosen to the office of Captain of the Train Band of the Towne of Providence and Solemnly Engaged thereunto, Are hereby in his Majties Name Jmpoured and alsoe Required to doe all such things, as by the Acts and Orders of the General Assembly or of the Towne Councill of the Towne aforesaid Relatinge to Traininge or Watchinge have been annexed unto your said office, as also in Case of any suddaine Assault of approach of a Common Enemy to Jnfest or disturb this his Majties plantacone By Direction from the Governor, and Councill, if it may be had, or if through the Suddainness of the Assault, it cannot be had Then at your discression you are to Alarme and gether together the said Train Band. and to the utmost of your skill and ability you are with them (in the name of the Lord of Hosts by all lawful meanes as is Exprest in our Charter) to resist expulse, expell &c. The same in order to preserve the Intrest of his Majtie and of his good subjects in these parts. You are alsoe to follow such ffurther Directions and instruc- tions as shall from time to time be given forth, either from the General Assembly, the Governor and councill, or the Councill of the Respective Towne to which you belong. And for so doeing this Commission shall be your Warrant and discharge Given Under the Sealle of the Colony in the yeare 1672.
"By order of the Generall Assembly of his Majties Collony of Rhod Island and providence plantacons &c. "John Sanford Recorder".
Only a few years later, in 1675, occurred King Philip's war, brought about by the United Colonies, of which the Rhode Island Colony was not a part, but it brought to these plantations all of the horrors of Indian warfare. Its towns were depopulated, the homes of many of the settlers were reduced to ashes, and most of their per- . sonal belongings scattered and destroyed.
It was the middle of July, 1675, that Capt. Benjamin Church, the famous Indian fighter, had followed Philip to Pocasset. Here the Indians had intrenched themselves in a swamp, and the English troops, thinking they might "starve the beast in his den", watched for some days. They knew the sacrifice that must follow if they pene- 26-1
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trated the swamps and underbrush, and confident of soon bringing the Indians to terms by starvation, they dismissed a portion of the troops. But the wily Philip and his band, "taking the advantage of a low tide in the middle of the night, wafted themselves over on small rafts of timber, into the woods that led into the Nipmue country", while the English forees were eneamped and thus eseaped. The eseape, of the Indians was at onee discovered and the foree then engaged in watehing the swamp elosely followed. It was a small force, for many of the soldiers had returned to Boston, while some had been dispatched to Mendon where the restless Nipmueks threatened an attack. In order to unite with the Nipmueks, whose territory Philip was seeking to reael, it was necessary to ford the Blackstone River and then eross the outlying territory of the town of Providenee over the Nipmuek trail towards Quabaug.1 The nearest wading plaee or ford for them to eross was at Martin's Wade, a short distanee south of the present village of Ashton, near which was the home of Jolin Wilkinson. There were other wading plaees, but they were too far distant to be available in the hurried mareh which Philip had undertaken, one being near the Providenee settlement, while the other was far up the river at Woonsocket.
The little band of troopers and foot soldiers kept on, determined that the Indians should not eseape them. About sunset on the 31st of July, they overtook a company of Providence men, doubtless alarmed at the news of a large body of Indians erossing their borders, who united with them. On they went through the country, alarming the settlers along their path and gaining reinforcements as they pro- eeeded. It was long before daylight when they reached the home of Eleazer Whipple.2 Here he joined the forees in pursuit, aeeompanied by his neighbors, Valentine Whitman, John Wilkinson, John Ballou, Jolın Man and several Providenee men.
A eouneil of war was then held and seouts sent out to see if any tidings of the savages could be learned. Before daylight these seouts eame in and reported that they had heard the Indians while at work eutting wood. The troopers then hitehed their horses on an open plain, and the company proceeded about "3 miles to an Indian field belonging to Philip's men, ealled Nipsaehiek". A foot note to this word in the letter of Captain Thomas, printed in full in the appendix to Drake's King Philip's War, says: "About 20 miles to the north- ward of the west from Rehoboth"; but in the light of modern investigation this location is vague indeed, for Nipsaehiek, or Nipsat- chuek, was on Rhode Island soil, and from the doorstep of Eleazer Whipple's house you ean to-day look right off upon the spot.
1Brookfield, Mass.
2A house still standing near Lime Rock village; a more particular account will appear in another chapter.
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Nipsatchuck lies in the boundary line between North Smithfield and Smithfield and to the north of the swamp which now bears the name of Nipsatchuck swamp. It was a well known locality with the Indians, for here was one of their planting fields. It was also a prominent boundary in the carly land titles to this part of the Rhode Island territory.
But what followed is best told in the plain words of Captain Thomas : "At dawning of the day marched forward about 40 rods, making a stand to consult in what form to surprise the enemy, without danger to one another, and in the interim while it was so dark as we could not see a man 50 rods, within 30 rods of us there came up towards us five Indians from Wetamoes camp (we suppose to fetch beans &c from the said field) perceiving nothing of us, at whom we were constrained to fire, slew two of them, the others fled, whereby Weetamos' and Philip's camp were alarmed."
The camp of Weetamo was only about one hundred rods distant, and the firing had awakened the Indians, who were sleeping uncon- scious of any attack. They fled, hotly pursued by the troops. The camp of Philip also was alarmed, and his men retreated from their camp which was about three-quarters of a mile beyond Weetamo. The fight then became general and continued until nine o'clock in the morning of August 1. In this encounter thirty-two of the Indians were slain and several of the troopers wounded. The Indians then retreated and the pursuit was abandoned.
The Providence company which participated in this fight was com- manded by Capt. Andrew Edmonds, an old Indian fighter, to whom was afterwards granted the privilege of operating a ferry, where the Red Bridge now crosses the Seekonk river, by the men whom he said in his petition "fought with me at Nipsatteke", as compensation for his valiant services in the war. The wounded men were taken to Providence, where they arrived about twelve or one o'clock that night, and later were sent to Newport; all of them received grants from the Colony for wounds received "in the late warr with the Indians".1 It was a memorable night to the families in the Louisquisset Country.2 The horrors of war were enacted almost within their door yards, although there were none of those fiendish butcheries which characterized the attacks on many of the Massachusetts settlements. From this time the Indian war, or, as it is more generally known, King Philip's War, raged through the summer and winter of 1675. Whole towns were wiped out by fire and the inhabitants either massacred or carried away
1It is believed that the first recorded evidence of the granting of a pension was for wounds received in this encounter, and Eleazer Whipple was the pen- sioner.
2The Indian name for the country thereabouts.
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into captivity. This appalling news had been promptly circulated throughout the Colonies.
At the Providenee town meeting, on October 14, 1675, it was ordered that six men should be sent out of the town every day "to discover what Indians shall come to disquite the town". Every housekeeper and every man residing in the town was required to take his turn in this means of public safety, and a penalty of five shillings a day was preseribed for non-compliance with this order.
When the news of the horrible acts of the Indians reached Provi- dence, Roger Williams sent a communication to the town meeting respecting the publie safety ; in it he says :
"I pray ye Towne in ye sence of ye Late bloodie practices of ye natives to giue leaue to so many can agree with Wm field to bestow some charge vpon fortifying his house for a security to Women & children. Allso to giue me leaue & so many as shall agree to put up some Defence on ye hill between the Mill & ye Highway for ye like Safetie of ye women & children in that part of the town".1
The house of William Field, which was to be fortified, was located towards the southerly end of the Town street and about. where to-day stands the granite building of the Providence Institution for Savings. During the period when the town was nearly deserted the few towns- men who remained assembled in front of this house, under a tree by the waterside, and transacted the business of the town.
The hill between the "Mill & ye Highway" was called the "Stamp- ers", the reason for which is uneertain. Here, more than twenty years before, liberty was "giuen to so many as please to erect a fortification upon the Stompers hill".
Between these two points, about where Waterman street enters North Main street, was the substantial house of Nathaniel Waterman. For two months after the attack on the town this house of Waterman was selected for the "Royal garrison", and the "King's collors" were here displayed with due formality.
That the inhabitants were fully sensible of the dangers which threatened, is shown by these acts of precaution, as well as by a letter which the town received from Governor Clarke, sent in reply to one asking for aid. . There is no record found among the city's archives which shows positively what this request was, but the nature of the reply leaves little doubt as to its nature.
This letter is addressed to "Captain Arthur Fenner with the rest concerned", and is dated "28 day 12 mo 1675". It says: "We are not of ability to keep soldiers under pay having not provisions as bread neither are you. Therefore what you can secure by your own people is best and what you cannot secure is best to be transported
1Providence Town Papers, 01184.
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hither for security, for we have no hopes but sorrows will increase and time will wear you out and if men lie upon you their charge will be more than your profit twice told."1
This letter shows either one of two things: First, that the Colony was in no condition to undertake the burden that would be thus ini- posed, or, second, that the Quaker influences of the authorities had governed them in the management of the affairs of the Colony, for it must be remembered that the public offices of the Plantations were largely held by those who belonged to the Society of Friends.
This letter was followed soon after by another, which emanated from the General Assembly, specially convened for the purpose of considering measures of safety, advising the same course that had been recommended by the governor.
The authorities seem to have resigned themselves to the fact that the Colony was too poor to undertake to protect its scattered settlements, and advised both the people of Providence and those of Warwick to take up their abode at Newport.
Notwithstanding the attractiveness of Newport as a place of resort, it is significant that the leading officers of the Colony were residents of the Island, and had thus provided a strong body to protect its shores from any hostile demonstrations of the enemy.
This offer was accepted by a great number of the inhabitants of Providence; probably all of the women and children and a good portion of the males took up their residence on the island, some of them temporarily, while others adopted the place as their permanent home.
On the 15th of December, 1675, the garrison house of Jireh Bull, on the Pequot trail on the ridge of Tower Hill, in what is now South Kingstown, was attacked and fifteen persons killed, the house was destroyed and only two of the inmates succeeded in escaping.
"Tradition places the location of this house on the right hand side traveling north, a little distance south of the present corner made by the descent of the road running to the west". The garrison is said to have been built of stone and easily defended by a small number of persons, and its destruction with the slaughter of most of its occupants is thought to have been due to surprise or treachery.
It is stated by Arnold that "this was the first overt act of war within the limits of Rhode Island", and Miss Caroline Hazard, in "Narragansett Friends Meeting", says it was the destruction of this house which was the actual incitement to the Great Swamp Fight, which practically exterminated the Indians and put an end to King Philip's war. It undoubtedly had its influence in precipitating the fight in the Narragansett swamp, but it has already been shown that
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