USA > Texas > A history of central and western Texas > Part 14
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Excepting the Indians the total population of Texas at this time was estimated at 38,500*, including 5,000 negroes and about 3,500 Mexicans.
* Morfit's report.
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This population, slightly more than one-third of the present population of Houston, was dispersed in isolated cabins or small villages from the coast to the San Antonio road, from the Sabine to the Nueces. Their actual resources were little more than the soil and season's bounty of crops could supply. Even the bare necessities of life were difficult to obtain, and the arrival of vessels from New Orleans and the occasional capture, by the Texas navy, of a Mexican supply ship, kept army and citizens from starva- tion. Enthusiasm and hope were unbounded, and it was on the credit of the future that Texas began her independent existence.
Upon the leaders of such a population, with such poverty of means, devolved the task of establishing a national government. Mexico threat- ened war, and on the frontier the Indians made repeated incursions. So an army and navy were necessary to maintain national existence. Nothing is more costly than provision for war, and the republic had no money and few citizens to spare for this purpose. Had it not been for the many American volunteers coming into the country, it would have been very difficult to maintain any military organization. Aside from a few vessels, most of them fitted ont at private expense and commissioned as privateers, the Texas navy during the revolution was of little importance, and for two years following there was practically no navy. After this a few ships were maintained which were finally consolidated with the United States navy.
One of the first acts of congress was to issue bonds, with the public lands as security. But the capital of America and Europe was unwilling to invest in them. Furthermore, the paper notes and scrip of different kinds issued by the government depreciated rapidly. For thirty thousand people to tax themselves for the support of a national government, especially in a new and undeveloped country, seems nothing less than impossible. Though in 1837 the Texas cotton crop was valued at two million dollars, that was the chief item of her productive resources. Mean- while the public debt at the beginning of the first session of congress was estimated at a million and a quarter dollars. The sale of scrip receivable for public lands had proved unremunerative. Thus it began to appear that the expense of maintaining an independent government was more than the republic could bear, and bankruptcy became a more formidable enemy than Mexico or the Indians.
The first session of congress met at Columbia. The numerous pro- visions for national and local civil government were made, a postoffice de- partment was created, the courts were organized. The boundary between
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Mexico and Texas as claimed by this congress was declared to extend from the mouth of the Rio Grande to its source, thus including a large part of what is now New Mexico. A national seal and a standard were adopted. The former was much like the present state seal in general de- sign, while the first flag was an azure ground upon the center of which was a golden star. This was later changed to a tricolor, with a blue ver- tical field next to the staff and upon it the Lone Star, and two horizontal stripes, the white above the red.
Only a few weeks after the first congress of the republic assembled, Texas lost two of her greatest citizens, Lorenzo de Zavala and Stephen F. Austin. The latter will always be revered as the founder of modern Texas and the most powerful of the steadying influences which preserved the country during its most trying crisis.
The first congress adjourned from Columbia to meet in the temporary capital at the new town of Houston. There were two sessions of the con- gress in 1837. The most important work undertaken was the settlement of the land question. The land offices had been suspended by the general consultation in November, 1835, and up to this time it had not been deemed prudent to open them. In less than half a century three suc- cessive national governments had controlled the public domain of Texas, so that the titles to lands in the older parts of Texas exhibit a remark- able complexity of origin, As soon as Texas was freed from the Coa- huila-Texas state, the provisional government was very generous in its land bounties to the volunteers during the war for independence, as also in its inducements to colonists later. The loose system which had pre- vailed during the Mexican regime gave opportunities for extensive frauds. Soldiers' headrights were bought and sold by speculators. Old grants were revived, and forged or fictitious claims were not infrequently sold to investors and immigrants. Toward the end of 1837 a general land law was finally passed, which, though defective and not preventing all the frauds, provided the best system available at the time, which while dealing justly with past claims would also give generous opportunities to new claimants.
The Texans inaugurated their national housekeeping with greater liberality than conditions would warrant, and they were compelled to suf- fer the usual penalty of extravagance. Despite Houston's economy the public debt at the end of 1838 was nearly two million dollars, and the republic's credit was nearly exhausted. The various efforts to raise money had met with only partial success, and Texas paper was below par on all
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foreign exchanges and the decline still continuing. The commerce of the country was not large, and, except cotton, there was little production be- yond home consumption. At this time therefore the prosperity of Texas was more in prospect than in actuality, and despite the encouraging signs there were many problems for the inexperienced government to solve.
The constitution provided that the first president was to hold office two years, and thereafter the term was to be three years; and that the incumbent was not eligible to a successive term. Houston's first term expired in December, 1838, and the preceding September Mirabeau B. Lamar was almost unanimously chosen president, with David G. Burnet vice president.
Lamar's administration, which lasted from December, 1838, to the corresponding month in 1841, was in many respects a reversal of Hous- ton's, and the republic suffered more from change in presidential policies than from any other one cause. In his first message to congress, Lamar indicated his aversion to annexation to the United States, his advocacy of a definite and progressive educational system, a retaliatory and ex- terminative warfare against the Indians in contrast with the previous conciliatory treatment, and a progressive building up and strengthening of the national bulwarks and powers.
Problems of finance offered the greatest difficulty, and that they were not well solved is shown by the fact that during this administration the public debt increased from two million to seven and a half million dollars, while the public credit became exhausted, and Texas securities were worth only a few cents on the dollar and were scarcely negotiable anywhere. The land tax and the various tariff laws were of necessity continued, al- though free trade was the goal to be early sought. Lamar proposed the founding of a national bank, but congress refused to sanction such a plan. The establishment and purchase of a navy drew heavily upon the credit of the government, as also an adequate system of frontier defense. The bond issues of this period, though backed by the strongest pledges of the republic and secured by the public domain and offered at high rates of interest, went begging in the United States because of the wari- ness of financiers who had lately passed through a panic ; while a quarrel between a hotelkeeper and the French minister to Texas caused a suspen- sion of the negotiations for a bond sale which had been nearly arranged between French bankers and the Texas commissioner. Similar negotia- tions in England also failed. The treasury notes of the republic were
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unredeemed and had to be accepted on pure faith. During this period the excess of imports over exports was in the ratio of seven to one.
These facts and other unsuccessful measures of administration made Lamar so unpopular that he retired from the active duties of the presi- dency and during the last year of his term Vice President Burnet was acting president. But, admitting a lack of executive ability for the crisis then confronting Texas, and that Lamar was visionary and intemperate in many of his acts, it remains to be said that the exigencies from within and the troubles threatening from without were most trying and prob- ably could not have been satisfactorily dealt with by any president.
No state in the Union has suffered more continuously and severely from the Indians than Texas. From the days of LaSalle until their last depredations, only a few years ago, they were a constant menace to all efforts at civilization and permanent growth. For more than fifty years after the American occupation the Apaches and Comanches harried the frontiers and sometimes carried their warfare to the heart of the settle- ments. During Houston's administration a spirit of conciliation had marked the dealings with the Indian tribes, and there can be no doubt that the failure of his successor and the people in general to observe the proper diplomacy toward the Indians resulted in vast loss of life and property.
It was during Lamar's administration that the famous organization known as the Texas Rangers had its origin. For hardihood, reckless daring, ability to undergo hardship, and individual shiftiness and skill, these men have never been surpassed. This splendid body of men has been a permanent feature of the military defense of Texas from the re- public to the present time, and, while in some degree resembling the militia of other states, their almost constant service and their effectiveness under all conditions make them unique among the police organizations of states and nations. They could live in the saddle, and while, for the most part, pursuing the ordinary occupations of their neighbors, they were ready at a moment's notice to fly to the danger point to meet an Indian raid or to avenge the depredations of outlaws. During the early part of Lamar's term several large appropriations were voted to support some tweive hun- dred of these mounted volunteers for frontier service, each term of er .- listment to be for six months.
These Rangers as well as private citizens were kept busy during these years. Immigrants came in rapidly after the cessation of hostilities be- tween Texas and Mexico. Both speculators and settlers found the lands
Vol. 1-10
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occupied by the Indians, especially in northeast Texas, the most desir- able for their purposes. The Indians of Texas, especially the Comanches, were never reconciled to this invasion of their hunting grounds. Hence, with the progress of settlement, there ensued a war for possession between the two races. It was inevitable that the whites should win, but at the expense of many scenes of bloody and relentless warfare.
As has been mentioned, the Mexican government, impotent itself to prosecute an active war against Texas, resorted to underhanded methods in fostering rebellion and discontent among the inhabitants. In 1838 there occurred what is known as the Nacogdoches rebellion, in which the Mexican population about Nacogdoches and a number of Indians dis- claimed their allegiance to Texas, but before the army of the republic could reach them they had dispersed. This was probably part of the movement in which Mexico tried to arouse the natives against the Texans. Shortly afterward Manuel Flores, bearing dispatches from the Mexican government to the northeastern Indians, was pursued and attacked near Austin, was killed, and the papers he carried revealed the plot.
The Cherokees, living north of Nacogdoches, who had been concerned in the Fredonian war, were ready for rebellion. They lived on lands that were among the richest of Texas and consequently much coveted by settlers and speculators. They claimed possession of these lands through an unratified agreement with the Mexican government, and resented all encroachments from white settlers. Perhaps the danger from these In- dians and the actual hostilities to which they had been provoked were magnified to suit the purpose of those who wanted their lands. The authorities determined to remove the Cherokees beyond the settle- ments, and when negotiations for removal had failed General Douglass moved against them with five hundred troops, in two engagements killed over a hundred of the tribe, and drove the rest from their homes.
The fiercest and most troublesome Indians 'of this period were the Comanches, to the north and west of San Antonio. Matters came to a crisis with them in 1840. Showing a disposition to make peace, twelve of their chiefs came to San Antonio and met in council the Texas commis- sioners. Some captives which it was known were still held were de- manded, and when the chiefs refused to comply with this order soldiers were introduced into the council chamber and the chiefs were threatened with imprisonment until the prisoners were returned. Then ensued a desperate fight both in the court house and between the Indians and citi- zens outside. The twelve chiefs were killed and but few of their fol-
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lowers escaped. A war of retaliation followed. Two attacks were made on Victoria, the town of Linnville on the coast was burned, and after killing a number of persons and gathering large number of stock the Comanches set out for their homes. The Texans quickly organized in pursuit and overtook the enemy a short distance from Gonzales. In the battle the Indians were routed and most of their spoils recovered. A little later Colonel Moore, with about one hundred Texans and Lipan In- dians, followed the trail of the Comanches to their village, where he at- tacked and nearly exterminated the entire population.
During Lamar's term the Mexican federalists endeavored to secure the co-operation of the Texans in a revolution against the central govern- ment with the design of forming a separate federation among some of the northern states. This was but one of the phases of the revolutionary struggles then convulsing the entire Mexican republic. Texas was not officially concerned in these movements except so far as her citizens vol- unteered for service in the campaigns. A number of restless spirits, be- ing without military occupation at home, sought adventure and other re- wards across the borders. The "Republic of the Rio Grande," as the pro- posed federal government was named, was short-lived mainly because of the fickleness and treachery of the Mexican leaders. The Americans who served in the campaigns displayed their characteristic bravery and defiance of overwhelming numbers, and, when deserted by their federalist allies, they on several occasions defeated superior forces and fought their way to safety on their own side of the Rio Grande.
One other military expedition of this period is worthy of note. The Texas congress of 1836 claimed as the southwestern boundary the Rio Grande from the gulf to its source. Within this territory lies Santa Fe and a large part of New Mexico. It was proposed to open commercial relations with this rich city and extend the authority of Texas over that ancient seat of Spanish civilization. The enterprise failed to receive the sanction of congress, but some of the officials, including President Lamar, were interested in it, and the affair was conducted without any conceal- ment. The expedition, consisting of about three hundred soldiers, set out from Austin in June, 1841. It was a thousand miles to Santa Fe, and the way was beset by dangers and privations. There was an insufficient supply of provisions, the desert had little water or grass, and watchful Indians lay in wait for all stragglers from the main company.
General Hugh McLeod was the leader, and others in the company were Colonel William G. Cooke, Major George T. Howard, Captain Cald-
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well, Captain Sutton, Captain W. P. Lewis, Lieutenants Lubbock, Mun- son, Brown and Seavy, Dr. Brashear, the surgeon, Dr. Richard F. Bren- ham, Josè Antonio Navarro, George Wilkins Kendall, editor of the New Orleans Picayune, George P. Van Ness and others well known in Texas. The commissioners appointed to arrange trade relations were Cooke, Navarro and Brenham. After proceeding in the generally northwestern direction until reaching the Llano Estacado west of Palo Duro, the ex- pedition divided, one party going north and the other to the northwest towards the town of San Miguel. On the way several members of the latter company died, and all were exposed to innumerable hardships and fights with the Indians.
When near San Miguel, on September 14, a detachment was sent forward with letters to the alcalde, expressing the pacific intentions of the expedition and asking permission to purchase provisions. Pro- clamations were also sent ahead, stating that the Texans had come to establish trade relations, and that if the inhabitants of New Mexico were not disposed to join, peacefully, the Texas government, the visitors would retire immediately.
After proceeding some distance the advance guard were suddenly surrounded by a hundred or more Mexicans, armed with lances, swords, bows and arrows and old-fashioned carbines, under the leadership of Dimisio Salazar, who addressed them as amigos. He then informed the party that it was contrary to law for foreigners to enter the province with arms, and requested that all weapons be given into his safekeeping. Hardly had this request been acceded to when the friendly attitude of the captors changed, and had it not been for the interference of one of the Mexicans, who maintained that the prisoners had a right to see the governor before their cases were acted upon, all undoubtedly would have been shot down. As it was, they were taken into San Miguel and placed in prison The next day they were taken out to meet Governor Armijo, who also greeted them as friends, and informed them that he was an honorable man and not an assassin and, moreover, a great warrior.
While the advance guard were being held at San Miguel, the governor aroused the inhabitants by exaggerated reports as to the inten- tions of the invaders, and made preparations to capture the main body of the Texans. On September 17th, Colonel Cooke and his men sur- rendered at Anton Chico, having been betrayed to the enemy by William P. Lewis, a member of the expedition. Three days later they set out,
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under guard, on their long march to the city of Mexico. On October 12th the other division of the Texans, more than one hundred and fifty in number, who had been captured in Colorado, were marched into the plaza of San Miguel, and it soon became understood that all the cap- tives were to be sent to the city of Mexico. Armijo released four of the prisoners, but the remainder were started on their long journey to the capital. In several divisions, the prisoners arrived in the spring of 1842. In April some of them were released, at the intercession of for- eign ministers, on the plea that they were not Texans and had joined- the expedition without being aware of any hostile motives of the leaders. The remainder, after being confined a few weeks in various Mexican prisons, some of them being compelled to work upon the public highways in chains, were released by order of General Santa Anna, June 13, 1842. The only exception was Navarro, Mexican by birth and member of a distinguished family, who was condemned to death. He escaped from prison, however, and ultimately returned to Texas.
This first Santa Fe expedition was not undertaken altogether for the purpose of developing closer trade relations between Texas and Santa Fe and securing a share of the commerce which passed over the Santa Fe trail to the Missouri river. The military character of the enter- prise and the well-known desires of the Texans were sufficient warrant for the assertion that the plans also contemplated the acquisition of this rich territory of Texas, with the incidental rewards of the spoils of con- quest for the individual members of the expedition.
During this administration the independence of Texas was recog- nized by foreign nations. This formal act of according the privileges due to an independent nation was performed for Texas by the United States in 1837. The inclination of Texas to a free-trade policy gained her favor in England, resulting in the negotiation of a commercial treaty in 1838, and recognition of her independence was extended in 1842, al- though not without much opposition from the anti-slavery element of England. In 1839 a treaty was signed between France and Texas, al- though diplomatic relations were later severed for a time, as already mentioned. And in 1840 Holland and Belgium held out the hand of fellowship to the new republic.
While Lamar was president the permanent location of the Texas capital was decided. Since the beginning of American settlement many towns had the honor of being the seat of official business. San Felipe from its founding in 1824 until 1835 was the official center of the Amer-
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ican colonies, corresponding roughly to the modern county seat, and in 1835, through the meeting of the general consultation and the provi- sional government, became in fact the first capital. From March I to 17, 1836, Washington on the Brazos entertained the constitutional con- vention and provisional government. From Washington President Bur- net and his cabinet moved to Harrisburg. The last official transaction there was on April 14th, the day before Santa Anna arrived. Several days later the members of the government assembled on Galveston island. The island was entirely wanting in any accommodation and served only as a place of refuge until after the battle of San Jacinto.
TEXAS CAPITOL BUILDING AT COLUMBIA
On May 8th the government moved to Velasco, which at that time had some reputation as a summer resort and contained houses for the offi- cials. President Burnet resided at Velasco during the summer, and this was the capital till the latter part of September. On July 23rd the president had designated Columbia as the place for the assembling of the first congress, which met there October 3d. Within a few weeks agitation began for the removal of the government, fifteen towns or townsites being applicants for the honor. The vote on the question was taken on November 30th, when Houston, which did not at that time have
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a single permanent habitation, was chosen by a bare majority as the capital until the end of the session of the congress beginning in 1840. The first congress adjourned at Columbia December 22, and about the end of the following April the president and other government officials arrived in Houston, and congress assembled at the new location on May Ist.
Though the location of Houston was designed to be temporary, efforts were made to remove the government to a permanent capital before the expiration of the period assigned for its seat at Houston. A commis- sion of five members was appointed in October, 1837, to consider sites for the capital. Bastrop, Washington, Nashville and several other places were offered. The first commission was succeeded in the same year by another commission, which reported in April, 1838, and offered for the consideration of congress a number of sites on the Brazos and Colorado rivers. A vote was taken in joint session, the ballots being distributed among a dozen situations. Eblin's league on the Colorado, adjoining the present town of LaGrange, received 27 out of 42 votes. May 22d, President Houston vetoed the bill on the ground that the congress then in session was not empowered to decide the matter of permanent loca- tion, and that subsequent congresses up to 1840 might repeal the act. Another reason, assigned by the citizens of Fayette county, was that the president desired to protect himself and other investors who had bought Houston town lots with the promise that the capital should remain there until 1840. The house of representatives sustained the veto.
The location of the capital became an issue in the campaign of 1838, creating a somewhat sectional feeling between what was then east and west Texas. January 14, 1839, President Lamar approved a bill creating a commission with more extended powers than were possessed by the former bodies. The commission was restricted in its selection to the ter- ritory north of the San Antonio road and between the Trinity and Colo- rado rivers, but had authority to make a final selection without reference to congress or the people. The five commissioners made their report on April 13, 1839. The sites of Bastrop and Waterloo were the only ones considered in the final vote of the commissioners, and Waterloo was adopted. The site contained 7735 acres, and was purchased for the sum of about $21,000. The settlement at Waterloo had been begun only a few months before, on the edge of the frontier between the white settlements and the Indian domain, so that the transfer of this tract of wild land to the government at a price of nearly three dollars an acre
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