USA > Texas > A history of central and western Texas > Part 5
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But in addition to the tyrannical system that arrayed the laity against the crown, a long period of exactions had alienated the great mass of the clergy, who became the most eager agitators for revolution. The expul- sion, in 1767, of the Jesuits, who had endeared themselves to the people, was still a bitter memory. Impoverished by costly European wars, Spain now resorted to measures that caused a general union of the clergy with the forces of revolt. In December, 1804, by royal order, all real estate and funds accumulated from loans on real estate belonging to the bene- volent institutions were sequestered for the benefit of the royal revenues. Moreover, a little later, the deposits of corporations, the domestic reve- nttes, and all available money wherever vested were demanded to rein- force the failing national exchequer. These levies brought ruin to thon- sands of all classes, but from the clergy in particular the protest was bitter and unanimous.
Such were the principal influences in operation during the early years of the nineteenth century to provoke revolt among the Spanish-American colonies. That revolutionary agitators and liberators were prompt to take up the cause of their oppressed people was a matter of course, since even now, with much less real justification, revolutionary movements in the Spanish-American republics are of such frequency as to be regarded common defects of the national character. And that many revolutionary conspiracies were fostered by sympathy and material support in the United States needs no further proof than the following narrative.
Turning from Mexico to the United States, we find by 1805 many developments which were soon to affect the status of Texas. December 17, 1803, William C. C. Claiborne had received possession of Louisiana from the French agent, Laussat, and in the autumn of 1804 a territorial
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HISTORY OF CENTRAL AND WESTERN TEXAS.
government was organized with Claiborne as first governor. Already American frontiersmen and settlers were pouring into the region, estab- fishing homes, opening up new avenues of trade, and all the while extend- ing their occupation to the west. Eager to prove the value and extent of the purchased territory, Jefferson had authorized the Lewis and Clark expedition, and those bold explorers were now pushing their way up the Missouri, where white men had never set foot before. About the same time Lieutenant Zebulon M. Pike was exploring the headwaters of the Mississippi, and was soon to start on his journey of discovery along the southwestern limits of Louisiana.
Hardly had the treaty for the Louisiana purchase been completed, when the question of western boundaries came up. Before 1763 the line of demarkation between New Spain and French Louisiana had never been definitely determined. As a result of La Salle's settlement, the French made claims to the country even as far as the Rio Grande. With the transfer of all the Louisiana country to Spain, the boundaries ceased to be a matter of controversy until 1800. The limits of Louisiana as defined in the treaty of San Ildefonso were indicated by this sentence: "The colony or province of Louisiana, with the same extent that it now has in the hands of Spain, and that it had when France possessed it." Practically the same language was used in the treaty negotiated by the American ministers and Napoleon in 1803. As can be readily seen, this was a very indefinite description of limits. Jefferson and his cabinet asserted that the Rio Grande was the southwestern boundary, although it is clear from their subsequent instructions to the Louisiana army of occupation that they did not feel justified or consider it expedient to enforce this ex- pansive claim. Certain it is that the shadow of the claim is thrown over a long series of events from this time until the close of the Mexican war in 1848.
With revolution threatening in Mexico, and with the spirit of ex- pansion dominating government and people in the United States, there comes upon the scene a new character-the first, and from many points of view the most interesting, of the political and commercial adventurers whose enterprises are intimately involved in the contest between the Spanish and American civilizations.
Aaron Burr had served brilliantly in the Revolutionary war, winning distinction in the futile campaign against Quebec and during the first four years of the war rising from the ranks to the command of a regi- ment. Then turning his attention to the law, he soon gained honors and
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rank among the notable advocates and political leaders of New York. As the political opponent of Hamilton's faction, he advanced from the attor- ney-generalship of the state to a seat in the United States senate in 1791, and in 1800, he and Jefferson receiving an equal number of votes for president, after a long contest in the house of representatives, he was given second place, while Jefferson became president. As vice president, his career was a stormy one. The object of bitterest hostility from Ham- ilton and the Federalists, he soon alienated himself from the favor of his own party, and at the close of his term was a political outcast, all his versatile talents and experience being unavailing to reinstate him in power in the east.
With intimate knowledge of international politics in general, and of conditions in Mexico and the Spanish-American relations in the South- west in particular, Burr directed his energies to schemes of imperial aggrandizement in the west. It has never been conclusively proved that he did not contemplate carrying out a plan for a western confederacy, along similar lines to that projected by Wilkinson a few years before. With some such thoughts in mind he made a tour of the west in 1805, and with the prestige of his former office and reputation he found abundant opportunities to sound and influence the opinions of all classes. In Wil- kinson he found, at first, a ready coadjutor in his deepest designs. Wil- kinson was now in command of the American army in the Mississippi valley. That he gave willing ear to Burr's intrigues shows the duplicity of his character; he was the same man who had sworn allegiance to Spain in 1787 and had been given a pension and military rank by the crown.
In Andrew Jackson, major general of the Tennessee militia and the popular idol of the Cumberland, Burr found an honest, patriotic and enthusiastic soul, in whom no hint of disaffection to the Union could har- bor, but who became fired with ardor at the thought of leading a crusade into Mexico. Whatever may have been Burr's original plans, this visit to the west convinced him of the thorough loyalty of its citizens to the federal government. But against Spain he found the people readily hostile and many of them prepared to join an army of invasion. The ultimate extent and object of Burr's schemings may perhaps never be known. But his practicable enterprise soon reduced itself to an invasion of Spanish territory, partaking largely of the character of a filibuster.
Understanding the discontent of Spanish-America, and relying on the impulsive hatred of western Americans for all Spanish institutions,
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HISTORY OF CENTRAL AND WESTERN TEXAS.
he allowed his imagination to fancy a vast empire beyond the Mississippi river, where he might become the dominant figure in its government in recompense for his previous disappointments and failures.
In the net of his conspiracy Burr enmeshed a large number of influential men. both in the east and in the west. At Harman Blenner- hassett's island in the Ohio river the building of boats and other practical preparations for the expedition were completed. Many persons through- out the Louisiana territory, as also east of the Mississippi, were cognizant of the plot and in more or less active sympathy with the movement. Presi- dent Jefferson long refused to be disturbed by continued reports of the conspiracy, and it was not until the latter part of November, 1806, that he issued a proclamation warning all good citizens to desist from taking part in the military enterprise which he understood was being directed against the Spanish dominions. This proclamation did not reach the authorities along the Mississippi until the first of the year. By this time other causes had brought the expedition to verge of failure.
Burr's little fleet of boats had left Blennerhassett's island and with only about one-tenth of the force that had been expected were coming down the river to rendezvous at Natchez. In New Orleans, the French and Spanish population, dissatisfied with the new government, were caus- ing Governor Claiborne no end of anxiety, which was magnified by tlie knowledge that the Burr conspirators were enlisting support in the city.
The Spanish authorities were hardly less well informed than the Americans of Burr's movements. From disputing the American claim to the Rio Grande by diplomatic means, they now seemed confronted with the necessity of repelling actual armed invasion, whose object was less that of territorial conquest than that of revolutionizing the entire Spanish- American provinces. Thus a hurried movement of troops and colonists was made into Texas, so that by June, 1806, over a thousand soldiers were in that province, nearly seven hundred of them being stationed on the frontier. Crossing the Sabine, they advanced into territory clearly in- cluded in Louisiana, and from which by the instructions of the American department of war they were to be rigidly excluded. The situation was such that hostilities seemed unavoidable, and the prospect of war with Spain gave the Burr expedition its strongest ground for success. Thou- sands of settlers would have volunteered eagerly to annihilate Spanish power in America, and the general opinion seemed to be that the war would not cease with the driving of the enemy beyond the Sabine.
Wilkinson reached Natchitoches and took command of the American
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HISTORY OF CENTRAL AND WESTERN TEXAS.
forces on September 22, 1806. Up to this time, as many proofs go to show, Burr and Wilkinson were acting in concert, and Wilkinson's attack on the Spanish forces at the frontier was meant to be the opening engage- ment in the general campaign against Mexico. With the first battle, the Burr forces should be resolved into an army of invasion, whose progress would not stop short of the conquest of Mexico.
But Wilkinson failed to carry out his part of the program, and thus became the chief instrument in effecting the ruin of Burr's hopes. Though Wilkinson's actions accorded with political wisdom and expediency, his proved character for double-dealing and selfish intrigue only convinces us, in this instance, of his skill as an opportunist and political trimmer. He was uncertain of the success of the campaign. Reliable information showed him the essential weakness of Burr's following. While, by quieting the discontent in Louisiana and then throwing the weight of his authority to crush the Burr conspiracy, he saw an opportunity to figure as the savior of the west to the Union. His policy decided on, he proceeded to carry it out in a manner that history can find little fault with, whatever the motives behind his actions.
The Spanish troops, under Governor Cordero, were at Nacogdoches, while Governor Herrera, with about four hundred men, was encamped at Bayou Pierre, east of the Sabine. Immediately on his arrival at Natchi- toches, Wilkinson opened negotiations with Cordero, calling attention to the presence of Spanish troops on American soil and threatening to expel them by force if not withdrawn at once. Cordero refused to act without instructions from Captain-General Salcedo, but Herrera, in command of the forces actually intruding on American territory, broke camp on Sep- tember 27th and three days later took position on the west bank of the Sabine. Thus the honor of American arms was vindicated and the integ- rity of United States territory preserved, and, Herrera's retreat having been approved by Salcedo, all pretexts for war were for the time removed .*
* Lieutenant Pike, who passed through Texas the following year, gives Herrera credit for the outcome of this brief war :- "We owe it to Governor Herrera's pruderee that we are not now engaged in a war with Spain. When the difficulties commenced on the Sabine, the commandant-general and viceroy consulted each other, and mutually determined to maintain inviolate what they deemed the dominions of their master. The viceroy therefore ordered Herrera to join Cordero with 1,300 men, and both the viceroy and Gen. Salcedo ordered Cordero to canse our troops to be attacked should they pass the Rio Oude [ Hondo]. These orders were positively reiterated to Herrera, the actual commanding officer of the Spanish army on the frontiers, and gave rise to the many messages which he sent to Gen. Wilkin- son when he was advancing with our troops. Finding they were not attended to, he called a council of war on the question to attack or not, when it was given as
Vol. 1-4
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HISTORY OF CENTRAL AND WESTERN TEXAS.
November 5, 1806, while their respective armies were encamped on both sides of the Sabine, Wilkinson and Herrera concluded what is known as the Neutral Ground treaty. In reality this was only an agreement between two unaccredited agents of the two governments; but its provi- sions were sanctioned by practical observance for a period of thirteen years. This boundary compromise served for some time to arrest organ- ized aggression from America, and is also in other ways an important event of Texas history. It provided that the country lying between the Arroyo Hondo on the east and the Sabine on the west should be con- sidered a neutral ground between the two governments until a final settle- ment should be effected.
This Neutral Ground remained for some fifteen years a no-man's land, and neither the United States nor Mexico exercised direct juris- diction over it. It became a desperadoes' paradise. Its community of thieves perfected an organization so strong that they overawed the soldiery, and it eventually required a severe war of extermination to put an end to their operations. They were a greater menace to travel and commercial intercourse between the two nations, than all the legal restric- tions enforced by Spain. Their regular business was the robbing of traders who crossed the borders, and the latter were compelled to travel in caravans under the protection of a strong military guard. These condi- tions continued, with occasional attempts by the authorities on both sides to suppress them, until 1819. In the treaty of that year, by which Spain ceded Florida to the United States, the Texas-Louisiana boundary was fixed at the Sabine and the state of Louisiana extended its jurisdiction over the Neutral Ground.
The Neutral Ground treaty was the death-blow of Burr's hopes. Wil- kinson having withdrawn his support from the cause by coming to an agreement with Herrera, and also having turned state's evidence of the conspiracy in its broadest conceivable proportions, Burr, far from leading an army of invasion and conquest, was marked with the charge of treason, and soon afterward was captured in the wilderness and taken to Rich- mond, Virginia, to stand trial. Though acquitted of an overt act of trea- son, Burr did not establish his innocence in such a way as to regain
their opinion that they should immediately commence a predatory warfare, but avoid a general engagement; yet, notwithstanding the orders of the viceroy, the commandant-general, Gov. Cordero's, and the opinion of his officers, he had the firmness, or temerity, to enter into the agreement with Gen. Wilkinson which at present exists relative to our boundaries on the frontier. "'
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popular favor, and for nearly a century his name was stained with the blot of treason.
In recent years his actions have been viewed in a more favorable perspective. McCaleb,* who has made the most logical and successful defence of Burr's career, indicates the proper setting of Burr's enterprise in American history in the following sentences: "If we return now [after Burr's trial and disgrace] to the west, we shall discover that the passing of Aaron Burr had not materially affected the condition of affairs. Pa- triotism and honesty were no longer disputed characteristics of the fron- tiersmen ; nor was their malignant hatred of Spain doubted. Moreover, the same adventurous spirit that Burr had enlisted survived and was to manifest itself for succeeding decades in filibustering enterprises, moving ever westward-tidal waves of society beating down the barriers of an opposing civilization. By the summer of 1808 the Neutral Ground was filled with adventurers, who crossed the Sabine, bartered with the natives, caught wild horses, and gave Nemecio de Salcedo no end of trouble. They were recognized as Burr's legitimate successors."
For years the Burr conspiracy threatened the peace of mind of Spanish governors and viceroys, who ascribed to that remarkable schener and adventurer the life and spirit of many movements undertaken to overthrow Spanish authority from the direction of America. Through- out the remainder of his life, says McCaleb, Burr continued to manifest a deep interest in the affairs of the southwest, especially after Texas began its struggle for independence. "One day, upon reading some accounts from that quarter, he exclaimed, 'There! you see? I was right! I was only thirty years too soon. What was treason in me thirty years ago, is patriotism now! " Burr died September 14, 1836, some months after Texas liberty was vindicated at San Jacinto.
* The Aaron Burr Conspiracy, by W. F. MeCaleb, 1903.
CHAPTER IX
THE FIRST DECADE OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY
Within the boundaries of the province of Texas there were few developments worthy of notice during this decade. The governor from November, 1808, to January, 1811, was Manuel de Salcedo. A descrip- tion of the province, prepared by him in August, 1809, is valuable as an official resumè of Texas just previous to the beginning of the revolu- tionary troubles that filled the following decade.
There were three presidios in the province-San Antonio de Bexar, la Bahia del Espiritu Santo and los Adaes. The presidial system of gov- ernment was in vogue until 1806, when the entrance of emigrants and the introduction of troops on account of the boundary difficulties had brought the province under a more active and efficient system of military occupa- tion. The governor recommended the entire abolition of the presidial system, which he asserted was responsible for the deplorable condition of Texas politically as well as regards the military.
The population of the province was estimated as follows :
San Antonio and its jurisdiction 1,700 souls
La Bahia and its jurisdiction. 405
Villa de San Marcos de Neve and its jurisdiction. 82
Villa de Trinidad and its jurisdiction .
91
Nacogdoches and its jurisdiction. 655
Bayou Pierre (Spanish, but on neutral ground east of Sabine) 189 66
3,122
"The inhabitants have no occupation ; they are without means. One wonders how they cultivate the soil without implements; the houses are very rude."
"The Indians in this province present another subject that deserves consideration. They are at peace at present," largely owing to the active
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measures taken by Cordero since 1806, for up to that time they committed frequent depredations at San Antonio and other settlements. "The king should establish trading houses to forestall American traders."
The cession of Louisiana the governor regarded as "the most illegal act possible," having been brought about "by certain Frenchmen and enemies of Spain. Its acquisition is generally considered by Americans as one of the most important negotiations for the United States ; it makes them masters of the Nile of Western America, and affords them a south- ern outlet for the populous provinces of the west. A frivolous pretext this ; they had a good market in New Orleans while Louisiana belonged to Spain. What they desire is to approach closer and closer to the treasury of Mexico. They will never be content to see the boundary fixed at the Sabine or at the Rio Grande ; though if they wanted merely the navigation of the Mississippi, why should they wish to encroach further? They are ambitious, and Spain must defend her rights and fix the boundary where it belongs. Troops for this purpose should be sent, the province settled and fostered by opening a port. It is a mistake to depreciate the Amer- icans. They are not to be despised as enemies ; they are naturally indus- trious ; hence they are robust, active, sober and courageous. The popu- lation of the United States is over 7,000,000, and if that country does not maintain a standing army above a certain number it is not because it is unable to do so; it has a large body of good fighters at its disposal continually. There are no natural barriers between the Spanish provinces and the United States; on the contrary, large rivers extend across the boundaries, and there are well known roads .... The entrance of emigrants from Louisiana is another subject that needs careful consideration, so as to guard against the introduction of any seditious characters."*
The position of Texas and the imminent dangers to which it was exposed from the United States could not have been better stated than in this report of Governor Salcedo, and the desperate situation that he por- trays might be employed to extenuate somewhat the severity of the measures adopted by Spain and Mexico to avert the American con- quest.
About this time there was published in the United States a journal of exploration which brought to general knowledge a fund of new infor- mation about the west and southwest bordering on the Spanish dominions. In America the pathfinders have been quickly followed by the pioneers.
* Taken from a summary of the official report, prepared by Mr. E. W. Winkler.
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HISTORY OF CENTRAL AND WESTERN TEXAS.
The Lewis and Clark expedition resulted in the exploitation of the Louis- iana territory and even to the far northwest, and similar results were to follow from the explorations of Zebulon M. Pike in the southwest. The account of his travels was published in book form after his return, and presented to Americans the first reliable information concerning the region of the Arkansas river valley, and also of the Spanish territory about the Rio Grande and of the Texas province.
In the summer of 1807, this intrepid explorer, who in the previous fall had discovered the peak which bears his name, and in the following winter had been placed under arrest by the Spanish authorities and .escorted to Chihuahua, was now returning, still under Spanish escort, to Louisiana. From El Paso the party had journeyed down the Rio Grande to the presidio Rio Grande, about forty miles below the present Eagle Pass, and from there struck across the country by the old Spanish trail between Coahuila and Texas.
June 7th the party crossed the Medina river, which was at that time the boundary between Texas and Coahuila, and in the afternoon reached San Antonio. "We were met out of San Antonio about three miles by Governors Cordero and Herrera in a coach." They were entertained most hospitably, and after supper attended a dance on the public square. Pike and his companions remained a week in San Antonio, each day being a festival occasion. He was delighted with the city, and his de- scription and comments afford a pleasing picture in contrast with the scenes of atrocity and bloodshed which were soon to be enacted in this city.
The explorer conceived a great admiration for the local governors. Though Pike's portrait of these officials may have been overdrawn, it is difficult to reconcile their characters with those usually painted of the ruling Spaniards of the time, or to believe that in the strife of the suc- ceeding years humanity and justice were all on one side and bloodthirsty cunning and barbarity on the other.
Don Antonio Cordero, to quote Pike's account, "was one of the select officers who had been chosen by the court of Madrid to be sent to America about thirty-five years since, to discipline and organize the Spanish pro- vincials, and had been employed in all the various kingdoms and pro- vinces of New Spain. Through the parts which we explored he was universally beloved and respected; and when I pronounce him by far the most popular man in the internal provinces I risk nothing by the assertion
. His qualifications advanced him to the rank of colonel of cavalry, .
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HISTORY OF CENTRAL AND WESTERN TEXAS.
and governor of the provinces of Coahuila and Texas .... Since our taking possession of Louisiana he had removed to San Antonio in order to be nearer to the frontier, to be able to apply the remedy to any evil which might arise from the collision of our lines." The excellences of Don Si- mon de Herrera, governor of New Leon, whose seat of government was at Monterey, were not less conspicuous in the eyes of Pike, who de- scribes him as a man of wide knowledge and experience of the world and "one of the most gallant and accomplished men" he ever knew.
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