A new history of Texas; being a narration of the adventures of the author in Texas, and a description of the soil, climate, productions, minerals, tons [!], bays, harbours, rivers, institutions, and manners and customs of the inhabitants of that country; together with the principal incidents of fifteen years revolution in Mexico; and embracing a condensed statement of interesting events in Texas, from the first European settlement in 1692, down to the present time: and a history of the Mexican war, Part 15

Author: Stiff, Edward
Publication date: 1847
Publisher: Cincinnati, G. Conclin
Number of Pages: 684


USA > Texas > A new history of Texas; being a narration of the adventures of the author in Texas, and a description of the soil, climate, productions, minerals, tons [!], bays, harbours, rivers, institutions, and manners and customs of the inhabitants of that country; together with the principal incidents of fifteen years revolution in Mexico; and embracing a condensed statement of interesting events in Texas, from the first European settlement in 1692, down to the present time: and a history of the Mexican war > Part 15


Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).


Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24


Iturbide, as cunning as he was base, mastered for a time the opposition ; and on the 18th of May, the silent stillness of night was broken by a simultaneous peal of the seven hundread bells of the capital, and the shouts of the soldiery proclaimed Iturbide Emperor ; and on the follow- ing day this favorite of a mob was duly installed by a de- cree of the national Congress. Making use of a short in- tervening time to strengthen his party, the Emperor on the 31st of October following, turned this Congress out doors and vested the legislative power in a junto of his own choosing. General Victoria who had for some months, by order of the Emperor been incarcerated in a dungeon, now made his escape, and between him, Gen. Santa Anna and the expelled members of Congress, a coalition was formed for the very laudable purpose of deposing the Spanish tyrant.


At this juncture, Santa Anna was in command of Vera Cruz ; and under the auspices of him and his confeder- ates, a plan of government was published, on the 6th of December, which was read with acclamation, and a large body of troops were soon marshalled under the banner of the patriots, and Santa Anna placed at their head. A severe but indecisive engagement soon came off, and on the next day the Iturbide army revolted against him and joined the Santa Anna forces. This event produced a short cessation of hostilities, and an agreement that Con-


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gress should immediately convene, and both parties abide the decisions of that body.


Accordingly, on the 29th of March 1823, the members reassembled, and decreed that the Executive department should be administered by a body composed of three per- sons, and Nicholas Bravo, Gaudelope Victoria and Perdre Celesteno Negrette, were chosen to fill that department of the government. On the 8th of April, Congress decreed that all the acts of the Emperor Iturbide were illegal, and banished him on a pension of eight hundred dollars per year, on condition that he would reside in Italy and at no time return to Mexico. They further decreed that a new Congress should forthwith be elected to form a Constitution and organize the government anew. An " election speedily took place, and the new Congress con- vened on the 15th of November, 1824, adopted the sys- tem of confederated States, and formed a Constitution similar to our own. The debates on this subject are full of interest, and elicited from many of the members an acute and creditable display of talent, indicative of much research and a profound knowledge of the govern- ments of other countries, as well as an intimate acquain- tance with the character, habits, and prejudices of the Mexican people. The Constitution, as it passed through all the departments of the government, was in substance a copy verbatim of that of the United States, with a sin- gle exception of one article which provided for the per- manent establishment of the Catholic religion ; and of course for the support of the clergy. This article has been the theme of many a sectarian tongue, and wheth- er this provision of the constitution was wise or expedi- ent, or whether it was best calculated to promote the in- terests, temporal and eternal, of the inhabitants of Mexico is a question which I will not venture to decide, notwith


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standing the almost unanimous opinion of my countrymen in favor of a total severance of church and state. However much my early predilections may have influenced my feel- ings respecting religious toleration, and however well con- vinced I may be of the necessity of perfect freedom of forms of worship, in most countries, yet I am not entire- ly sure, but in such a population as Mexico possessed, le- gal enactments were necessary ; and the more so, when in strict conformity with the known wishes of perhaps ninety-nine out out of a hundred of the inhabitants.


Again if we take a close review of passing events in other parts of the world, it will be difficult to perceive many unmixed benefits which have flown from the differ- ent modifications of religious rites and ceremonies ; and it is a grave and important question yet to be decided, what particular class of mankind are best qualified to dis- charge the functions of guides to salvation, when among the candidates for such favour there always has been such a diversity of opinion.


Under all the circumstances, it is at least uncharitable to condemn the Mexicans for adopting such modes of wor- ship as was consonant with their notions of right, and it argues little in favor of any sect or denomination of Christians, to refuse that toleration to others which is claimed for themselves. I am aware that the expression of such sentiments is not well calculated to make any writer of the present day popular, but I am far from being sure that such will always be the case : and were I other- wise, I should still write as I think, believing as I do, that a mere caterer for the present appetite of the public, is a contemptible being, and with the time serving politician, is eminently worthy of the most infamous inheritance. This subject will claim a further notice when I arrive at the period of hostilities in Texas, and my reader is now


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requested to take a further review of the progress of events immediately after the adoption of the constitution of 1824.


There were those in Mexico who foresaw the danger of a sudden transition from regal despotism to the forms of the most perfect system of free government then in existence ; and those dangers they believed were greatly multiplied when the sum total of knowledge & as diffused among the whole population, was duly consid- ered. These patriots had, during the pendancy of the debates on the Constitution, contended strenuously for a more undivided and energetic government as being best calculated, all things considered, to promote the objects in view ; but when overruled and outnumbered, they ad- heard to the republican creed, and gave proof of their sincerity by surrendering the Ex-Emperor Iturbide, who had returned from banishment to Mexico in the vain hope of regaining his power, under the auspices of the limited


". Monarchy. In this he was disappointed, and this wick- ed and unhappy man was forsaken by all parties, and by a . decree of Congress condemned to die, and after a brief res- pite was executed at the town of Paddilla.


As early as 1823. the nominal government of Mexico had turned its attention to the subject of Negro Slavery, and by a decree of Congress the further introduction of slaves into every part of the Republic was prohibited ; this decree was easily evaded, particularly in the then province of Texas, and facts in the opinion of the Mexican Cong- ress justified them in promulgating a law in July 1825 abolishing all future traffic in slaves and providing for the emancipation of all native born slaves at the age of four- teen years. Additional provisions for the abolition of the traffic in slavery were from time to time made, and as often evaded, until in 1829, a law was passed and pro- mulgated declaring all slaves in the Republic freemen.


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This law was not in contravention of any of the provis- ions of the Constitution of 1824, but was in furtherance of the principles upon which that instrument was based and in strict conformity of the general sense of the nation, who, after being long kept in limited slavery themselves were unwilling to make perpetual slaves of others, or suffer it to be done by the emigrants to Texas.


In order to a proper understanding of the part that the people of Texas acted in the Mexican Revolution, the at- tention of the reader is particularly invited to bear in mind the measures of the Mexican government respect- ing slavery and religion, at so early a period of its exis- tence, and before the province of Texas had even thrown off the appearance of a wilderness ; and independent of the inhumanity of such traffic at first, such measures were ere long imperiously called for in other respects, Texas having in a brief space of time become a kind of depot for malefactors, not only from the United States, but also from the West India Islands ; and to cap the whole, many a stolen Negro, and many a free one, had found masters in Texas in direct contravention of all the laws until the final decree of 1829.


Again, few if any emigrants entered the country who were not aware of the connection between church and state ; and as this subject connected with slavery furnished pretexts for loud complaints, and exercised a mighty influence over the feelings of those abroad, it is proper to observe here, that at the especial instance of the people of Texas, religious toleration was established by a law of Coahuila and Texas; in 1834, and by the med- iation of their Governor at an earlier period, a revocation of the decree of 1829 respecting slaves, was obtained so- far as Texas was concerned.


From 1821 to '25 a desolating warfare had been waged


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between Spain and Mexico, although the nation had been torn by unhappy domestic dissensions, the Mexicans achieved a series of most brilliant victories over the com- mon enemy, and finally crushed every vestige of Span- ish authority. In this manly struggle for their ancient rights, much as the national glory was eclipsed by con- tending factions, the resistance to Spain elicted the sym- pathy and applause of surrounding nations ; and in 1825 the Independence of the Mexican Republic was acknowl- edged by great Britain, the example having previously been set by the United States of the North.


The frivolous and unmeaning titles of nobility which . Spain had fastened upon the Mexicans, were in the early stages of their government abolished, and in 1830 both by the laws of Congress and of the State of Coahuila and Texas, an extention of time was allowed to those who were settling communities in Texas (known as Emprasa- rios) to fulfil their contracts which were about expiring by limitation. Although most of the grantees had shown an inexcusable slothfiilness to comply with the stipulated conditions, yet inasmuch as their former labor and capital must be entirely lost unless indulgences were given, the government of Mexico manifesed a creditable share of magnanimity and forbearance when these indulgences were allowed, at a time when her laws had been violated in regard to slavery, to religion, to revenue, and to land; and she was content with the promulgation of a law pro- hibiting the further introduction of North Americans after the stipulated quota of Empresarios were complete. This prohibition excited in the United States a general feeling of hostility ; but it was in the absence of correct information on the subject ; and whether this measure of the Mexican government was politic or not. I believe she had good reasons to adopt it, and by so doing, she had not vi-


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olate any existing engagement, having in her colonization laws of 1824 expressly reserved this right, should imperi- ous circumstances require it in regard to any particular nation.


From 1825 to '32 so much had the energies of the nation been paralized, and so much had she suffered from intes- tine commotions, that an overwhelming majority declar- ed for a modification of the Constitution of 1924, time having proved it wholly inadequate to the purpose of its adoption. The patriot and philanthropist had now learned by bitter experience, that a nation who had for upwards of 300 years been accustomed to the legal sway of despotism, were not to be transformed, as if by magic into men suited to enjoy the privileges and bear the responsibilities of a nation of freemen-that some systent must be adopted to infuse into the government more life and energy, and prevent the people from continuing the degraded tools of factious political aspirants-to prevent the people from destroying themselves.


In support of this position, it is only necessary to take a brief review of the operations of contending factions from 1825 to June 1332, the whole of which time insurrections were the order of the day commencing with the mob head- ed by Echavani and Hernandiz and ending with the con- tention between the rival Lodges of York and Scotch Free Masons. The different factions exhausted almost every subject without deciding any, till at length the in -. fluence of these rival masons was adroitly managed to strengthen two political parties, who extended their op- erations to a most fearful extent and desolated the fair plains of Mexico with a recklessness unparallelled in the history of civilized warfare. The very genius of ma- lignity stalked through the land and left every where in his train, ruin, sorrow, tears, and death.


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A tremendous storm burst forth at Olumba headed by the Vice President, Gen. Bravo, and Don Jose Mantano. who figured as the champions of a Royal Government, and Gen. Guerrero was placed in command of the Re- publicans, who derived the principal strength from the York masons. After several desperate and bloody battles, the Royalists were overpowered and their commanders condemned to exile for life. This however, did not de- stroy the elements of the party, but they were content to decide the next contest with less dangerous weapons, and the Presidential election in September 1323 was characterized by fraud and every detestable subterfuge and Manuel Gomes Pedraza, the Royal candidate, was declared elected, by a majority of two votes over his competitor. The republicans believed they had been unfairly beaten and determined not to submit, and to put a stop to these useless scrambles for office, Santa Anna was placed in command of a large body of troops, who proclaimed Guerrero President.


To arms! To arms ! resounded from every quarter, and war in its most terrific fury now raged, untamed, through the land. Gen. Santa Anna, Gen. Sobulo and Guerrero displayed the utmost coolness and courage ; and after shed- ding seas of blood, vanquished the royalists. The com- mander. Pedraza, tled, renounced his claims to the Presiden- cy, and in the following January, (1829) another election was had, when Guerrero was declared President, Busta- mente, Vice President, and Santa Anna, Secretary of War.


In July, a body of 4000 troops from Havana landed at Tampico with the avowed intention of settling the Mexi- can differences ; but Santa Anna was yet in command of the army who mustered them in two months, and compell- ed their surrender on the 10th day of September. A short cessation, and like a mighty ocean, where calm pre-


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cedes a storm, and the messengers of death were again vomiting forth their thunders. Guerrero had been de- clared Dictator, and the Vice President, Bustamente, took the field against him. After several severe conflicts, Guerrero retired to Valladolid and established for a time a form of Government to suit the views of his adherants, in opposition to Bustamente, who had been elected Presi- dent ; thus by party strifes producing two distinct govern- ments, both of which however were short lived, and Guer- rero was captured by his enemies and put to death.


Santa Anna was now deservedly the favorate of the nation, uniting in himself sufficient of the ingredients of Royalty and Republicanism (a mediam between two ex- trems) and having given abundant proofs of consummate ability and courage, the prudent and patriotic unanimous- ly gave him their confidence and elevated him to the Presi- dency.


Under the prompt but prudent administration of Santa Anna, the government of Mexico appeared to be approach- ing something like stability, until about the 1stof January, 1835, when Congress convened, and before despatching much public business, their attention was suddenly arrest- ed by the movements of a most formidable enemy in the person of Alvarez, Governor of Zacatecas. This gentle- man had drawn around him the remnants of all the discom- fited factions, and was well provided with all the necessa- ry sinews of war, but Santa Anna soon bearded the dion in his den, carrying every where death and destruc- tion, and before the end of May, had defeated Alvarez, Guerrero and General Victoria, and completely extinguish- ed the elements of discord in every part of the Republic except Texas, and she will now be brought upon the stage to finish the tragedy.


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No former period in the history of the Republic was so propitious for permanent peace as this; and no people certainly had battled more heroically for their birth rights or surmounted more obstinate difficulties in their march to freedom than had beset the path of the Mexicans for fourteen years. They were now about to enjoy the fruit of their toils, to feel a glow of manly pride ; in remem- brance of the Spartan valor displayed by their compatri- ots in arms, whose lives had been made a willing sacrifice on the altar of their country's emancipation, and to repose in peace and security under the guardianship of those who had braved the flood in its wildest fury and had rode out the storm.


But hark! The clangor of again resounding arms is heard, again and again the discordant notes grate upon the ear, borne listlessly upon the breeze at first, but gradually swelling into tumult and strife, until bursting into a tor- · nado, the field of carnage so painfully familiar to vetrans is realized ; the groans of the dying are heard and the słain in promiscuous and awful confusion are seen, when all is again hushed in silence. 'Tis from the plains of Texas. Goliad and San Antonia are red with human blood; the blood of those who had protected the infant colony from the tomahawk and scalping knife, is shed by the hands of the adopted but spoiled children of Mexico.


How came these adopted children in Mexico? We shall see. Early in 1821, and about the time that the Mexican patriots struck the first blow for freedom, Stephen F. Austin, a native of the state of Connecticut, appeared on the Brassos River, in Texas, to fulfill and carry out a con- tract in accordance with the last will and testament of his deceased father, who had from the government of Spain obtained a grant for a large body of fertile land contigu- ons to the Brassos River. On his application to the Mex.


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ican government, this grant was confirmed and enlarged and under the most liberal provisions of Congress, the germ of a nation was nurtured and warmed into life and activity.


Having planted the first colony, and being a man of uncommon fidelity and enterprise, his intercourse with the government was for many years marked by a scrupu- lous regard for the settlers and a rigid compliance with his engagements, and he received in return the unlimited confidence of the Emigrants as well as the different offi- cers of the government, from whom he could obtain any favour which it was in their power to confer.


Glad would I be if I could say as much for other Em-' orasarios ; and happy would it have been for the Mexican government and many emigrants to Texas, if even a por- tion of the probity and honor which influenced Austin's conduct could have been transferred to those who obtained liberal grants of land at a subsequent period.


But the career of General Austin in Texas is a singu- ar affair, and I bespeak the impartial attention of the reader while I narrate the progress of events at this stage of the settlement of the country, and the part that the Mexican government and the prominent colonists and others have acted from that day to this.


The valuable domain obtained by Austin, and the pro- mulgation of the Colonization laws of Mexico, excited the cupidity of a great many speculators in the United States, and in pursuance of the decrees of the Mexican Congress and the acts of the Legislature of Coahuila and Texas numerous grants were obtained on condition of a strict compliance with the letter and spirit of those laws. The Mexican government had viewed with astonishment the vapid increase of population in the United Sates, and were 20 doubt influenced in their acts by a desire to offer su-


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perior inducements for emigrants by giving them at once an interest in the soil ; and all who applied, whether com- panies or individuals, obtained without other charge than surveying and patenting land in proportion to their wants and their means of populating the same.


In addition to this bounty of land, Emigrants to Texas were exempted from taxes and relieved from most other duties imposed upon all other citizens of Mexico. The federal law of 1824 provided that no tax whatever should be levid upon Emigrants to the country, and by the laws of Coahuila and Texas, this privilege was confirmed and extended to 1840, and subsequently by a law of the Mexi- can congress unless imprerious circumstances should re- quire the prohibition of emigrants from any particular na- tion.


By the Imperial Colonization law of 1823, the federal law of 1824, and by the Constitution and laws of the State of Coahuila and Texas, the rights and duties of the Colonists were clearly defind. Their rights and privileges were numerous, and among these it will be sufficient to mention the privilege of introducing at the time of their emigration to the country, implements of industry, includ- ing machinery, furniture and $2000 worth of merchandise for sale, duty free, with a perpetual guarantee of security of person and property. The true meaning and intent of " this last clause has been much censured ; but it should be remembered that the Mexican government borrowed from high authority the right of protecting the friendless, and that this policy as yet pursued under the government of Texas is quite as proper as at any former period of the world.


A small quotation from the 22nd Chapter of Samuel presents a case in point, and for that reason is inserted here. "David therefore departed thence, and escaped to


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the cave of Adullum, and when his brethren and all his father's house heard it, they went down thither to him."


"And every one that was in distress, and every one that was in debt, and every one that was discontented, gather- ed themselves unto him, and he became a Captian over them, and there were with him about four hundred men."


In pursuance of law, Robinson, De Witt, Burnet, Ed- wards, Milam, Zavalla and others, obtained grants for large bodies of land for the ostensible purpose of coloniz- ing the county; and had their contracts been fulfilled, the Mexican government would have been content, the set- tlers would very generally have become independant, and the grantees would have been in lawful possession of such domains as would have enriched them.


On the part of the grantees it was stipulated that they would introduce and locate in the country a definate nuin- ber of families each ; that these families should princi- pally be from the State of Louisiana, and all of them of the Catholic faith ; that they would support the Catholic religion, and especially rear children in the faith of that Church, and teach them the Spanish language, and make ample provision for building churches and endowing and supporting good schools.


These conditions are worthy of especial notice, afford- ing as they do, abundant evidence that the Government of Mexico was alive to what they supposed would be the interest and happiness of the colonists, and wished to rear up a wealthy, enlightened and free community, whose feelings would be in harmony with her own ; exacting nothing in return but obedience to the laws, and that com- mon gratitude, which is supposed to ilow spontanously from most of mankind, when in receipt of extraordinary bounties.


Failing to comply with the stipulated conditions upon


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which these large grants of land had been obtained, the Mexican government was beset on one hand by the indi- vidual colonists, who justly complained of the want of good faith in the Empresarios, and these in turn besought the government for an extension of time to fulfill their contracts with the government, as well as the different individuals whom they had allured into the country, and now sought in every possible way to defraud of their quota of land, in entire disregard of the most solemn compact both with these individual emigrants and the government of the country.


In repeated instances the indulgences asked were grant- ed ; and it was not until 1897 that the Mexican authori- ties discovered a viper in their bosom, whose poisoned fangs were to lacerate them at the first moment when this could be done with impunity ; and it is believed that we are to look to the unsettled state of the government and alternate triumph of parties for a solution of an other- wise most impolitic policy which went the whole extent for a time of encouraging sedition, by granting as fast as desired almost every thing these adopted citizens required at their hands.




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