USA > Texas > Tarrant County > History of Texas, together with a biographical history of Tarrant and Parker counties; containing a concise history of the state, with portraits and biographies of prominent citizens of the above named counties, and personal histories of many of the early settlers and leading families > Part 12
USA > Texas > Parker County > History of Texas, together with a biographical history of Tarrant and Parker counties; containing a concise history of the state, with portraits and biographies of prominent citizens of the above named counties, and personal histories of many of the early settlers and leading families > Part 12
Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).
Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24 | Part 25 | Part 26 | Part 27 | Part 28 | Part 29 | Part 30 | Part 31 | Part 32 | Part 33 | Part 34 | Part 35 | Part 36 | Part 37 | Part 38 | Part 39 | Part 40 | Part 41 | Part 42 | Part 43 | Part 44 | Part 45 | Part 46 | Part 47 | Part 48 | Part 49 | Part 50 | Part 51 | Part 52 | Part 53 | Part 54 | Part 55 | Part 56 | Part 57 | Part 58 | Part 59 | Part 60 | Part 61 | Part 62 | Part 63 | Part 64 | Part 65 | Part 66 | Part 67 | Part 68 | Part 69 | Part 70 | Part 71 | Part 72 | Part 73 | Part 74
In the fall of 1856 a formidable negro con-
N
86
HISTORY OF TEXAS.
spiracy was discovered in Colorado county, which contemplated a simultaneous insurrec- tion and the massacre of the white popula- tion, with the exception of their young women, who were to be made captives. The slaves had systematically organized, with secret signs and pass-words, and provided themselves with bowie-knives and a few fire- arms. Their intention seemed to be to fight their way into Mexico, which they called a " free State." On the detection of the con- spiracy, more than 200 negroes were severely punished with the lash, two being whipped to death, and three prominent leaders were hanged September 5. It was asserted that every Mexican in the county was implicated in this intended uprising, and they were or- dered to leave and never return, under pen- alty of death. Similar measures were adopted in Matagorda county.
THE CART WAR.
In 1857 Texan wagoners committed many acts of violence upon Mexican cartmen in the transportation of goods from San Anto- nio. The freight rates were so low as to drive the Texan wagoners from the field. The latter, moreover, were not quite so faith- ful as the Mexicans. Outrages became so numerous and high-handed that General Twiggs, the United States commander at San Antonio, was compelled to furnish a military escort to trains transporting Goverment sup- plies. In October, the Mexican minister at Washington addressed the United States Gov- ernment on the matter, stating that he had been assured that the number of men thus inurdered was no less than seventy-five, and that many Mexicans had been compelled to fly to Mexico, in a state of destitution. In November, Governor Pease addressed special
messages to the legislature on the matter, stating that Mexican citizens engaged in the business of teaming were not safe without a military escort. As the counties in which the deeds of violence were committed did nothing to stop them, he suggested the pro- priety of legislative interference. The senate referred the matter to a committee, who re- ported in favor of inflicting a penalty upon those counties, but introduced no bill to that effect, and so the matter ended. The legis- lature, however, approved the action of the governor in calling out a company of troops, which, by the way, was ineffectual in regu- lating a large section of country with the criminals scattered over it. When the road was abandoned by the Mexican cartmen and booty became scarce, they began to commit depredations on the property of the citizens. The latter, though so indifferent to the rights of the Mexicans previously, were now enraged and resorted to lynching; and in the neigh- borhood of Goliad the traveler would see many a corpse suspended from the boughis of the black oaks. The "Cart War" was thus brought to an end.
POLITICAL PARTIES.
The general political parties were not defi- nitely organized in Texas until during Pease's administration. The party factions opposed to each other previous to this differed only on personal or local matters. After the annex- ation the people naturally allied themselves gradually with either the Whig or the Demo- cratie party, but took no zealous part in their issues for eight or ten years, on account of the greater importance of local questions; these settled, they began to become more decidedly Whig or Democratic, with a far greater pro- ponderance on the Democratic side. Between.
T
87
HISTORY OF TEXAS.
1854 and 1857, " Know-nothingism" had considerable influence. By the latter party, in 1855, L. D. Evans was elected to Congress from the Eastern District of Texas, and the same year Dickson, for governor, received 17,968 votes, against Pease, who was then re-elected.
In 1857 the death of two eminent Texas statesmen took place, -Thomas J. Rusk and James Hamilton, of South Carolina. Their sketches may be found on a subsequent pago, by the index.
SIGNS OF THE COMING STORM.
December 21, 1857, Hardin R. Runnels, the successful Democratic candidate, was in- angurated governor. Ile had been elected by a vote of 32,552 against 23,628 for Sam Ilouston.
By this time the old slavery question began to loom np in its various relations to passing political events, and nothing so exasperating could happen to the American public, both North and South. Runnels addressed a mes- sage, in January, 1858, to the legislature, calling attention to the aspect of affairs in Kansas, and clearly advocating the doctrine of secession. "During the same month a Democratic Stato convention at Austin re- solved that it suspected the United States Government of abandoning the principle of " non-intervention" in respect to the slavery question, in its dealings with Kansas and Nebraska. T. J. Chambers offered resolu- tions to the effect that any act on the part of Congress tending to embarrass the admission of Kansas as a member of the Union would be a usurpation of power, etc., and that in case Congress should do such a thing Texas should again declare independence. In ie- sponse to the governor's message the legisla-
tre adopted a resolution to appoint delegates to a general convention of the Southern States, to act in self-defense and in protection of immigrants in Kansas from the South, who were denied the rights of citizenship there.
Runnels, at the close of his terin, again ran as a candidate for governor, on the Demo- cratic ticket, but was defeated by Sam Hous- ton, independent, by a majority in favor of the latter of 8,757 votes, the latter being known as opposed to secession. In 1858, a vacancy occurred on the supreme bench, and the Democrats nominated for it a Mr. Buck- ley, whose reputation was not the best, and was of well-known disunion proclivities; and he was defeated by an overwhelming ma- jority, by Bell, an avowed Unionist.
During the canvass of 1859, the Demno- cratic convention at Houston contained mem- bers who spoke publicly and vehemently in favor of secession, and even upheld the Afri- can slave trade. Indeed, so much sympathy for Southern independence was manifest at that convention that the Democratic party of Texas was clearly known as connnitted in fa- vor of secession, if the Federal Government did not recode from its intervention policy with the great Southern institution.
Honston, therefore, took his seat as gover- nor at a time when intense political excite- ment prevailed throughout the United States, as well as in Texas. By the close of 1859 the opposing parties were uncompromisingly arrayed against each other on the slavery question, and the fire of disruption was be- ing kindled. The victory of the Abolition party in Kansas and the John Brown raid at Harper's Ferry aggravated the feeling of dis. appointment throughout the South. Accord. ingly, in December, this year, the legisla- ture of South Carolina, famous for taking the lead for the South, passed resolutions in favor
88
HISTORY OF TEXAS.
of secession, and appropriated a contingent of $100,000 for military purposes, should it be required. These resolutions were ad- dressed to the governors of all the Southern States. On the receipt of them, Houston addressed a long message to the Texas legis- lature, opposing secession. It had a great influence upon that body, for the members very temperately passed resolutions favoring union, except that they held that a State had the right to secede, etc. There were majority and minority reports of the committees of both branches of the legislature, the minority holding that a State did not have the right to secede.
Many years. previously, a secret order was formed for the purpose of establishing a Southern empire, with slavery, and known as the Knights of the Golden Circle. Its em- pire was to have Havana, Cuba, as its center and extend in every direction from that six- teen geographical degrees. It is said that the filibustering expeditions of 1850 and 1857 were undertaken under the auspices of this organization, and that now, in the anti- slavery agitation at the North, the disap- pointed Democrats began to turn to it for aid. "In 1860," says Bancroft, "two mem- bers of the order, George W. Bickley and his nephew, were employed to organize ' castles,' or lodges, in Texas, receiving as remuneration for their work the initiation fees paid by in- coming members. Such castles were soon established in every principal town and vil- lage in the State, and they became a power in the land. In it were many members of the legislature and prominent politicians. By its influence the sentiments of the people were revolutionized; from its fold were drawn the first armed rebels in Texas under the fa- mons ranger, Benjamin Mccullough; it fur- nished the vigilance committees; and to its
members were charged murders and incendi- ary acts committed during the war."
Even after South Carolina had positively declared secession from the Union, in De- cember, 1860, Houston stood true to his prin- ciples of Unionism, though it must be confessed that many Union men in the State were suspected of too great sympathy with the Abolitionism of the North, and were hanged by vigilance committees, and that most others were terrorized into silence. So said Senator Clingman, of North Carolina, at the time. Remember, it is not understood that such outrages are chargeable to the Democrats as such, but to "mobocrats," of whatever party. Sixty of these Knights, says Bancroft, issued a call for a State convention at Austin, to meet January 28, 1861. The mass of the people considered the proceeding as irregular, as the Knights took pains to put in their own men as judges at the primary elections wherever practicable, and barely half of the counties were represented at the convention by the people. The legislature, by a joint resolution, recognized the infor- mally elected delegates and declared the con- vention a legally constituted assembly. Hous- ton's veto wasoverruled, and on the appointed day the convention met. February 1, it passed the ordinance of secession, by a vote of 167 to 7, subject to a vote of the people on the 23d. This body, also, without waiting to hear what the result of the popular vote might be, appointed a " committee of public safety," with secret instructions, and ap- pointed also delegates to the Confederate convention at Montgomery, Alabama. This committee of safety usurped the powers of the executive, and appointed three commis- sioners to treat with General Twiggs, in com- mand of the United States forces in Texas, for the surrender of his army and the na-
8L
ماركـ
1
89
HISTORY OF TEXAS.
tional posts and property. February 16th he complied, surrendering 2,500 men, and all the forts, arsenals, military posts, public stores and munitions of war, all the property being valned at $1,200,000 cost price.
A few days before the popular vote was taken, as above noted, Houston delivered a speech from the balcony of the Tremont House in Galveston, to the excited public, on the question of secession. His personal friends, fearing that violence would be offered, entreated him to remain quiet; but he was not to be stopped by any apprehension of danger. Ile stood erect before the people, and in prophetic language pictured to them the dark future. "Some of you," he said, " laugh to scorn the idea of bloodshed as a result of secession, and jocularly propose to drink all the blood that will ever flow in con- sequence of it. But let me tell you what is coming on the heels of secession: the time will come when your fathers and husbands, your sons and brothers, will be herded to- gether like sheep and cattle at the point of the bayonet, and your mothere and wives, sisters and daughters, will ask: Where are they? You may, after the sacrifice of count- less millions of treasure and hundreds of thousands of precions lives, as a bare possi- bility, win Southern independenco, if God be not against you; but I doubt it. I tell you that, while I believe with yon in the doctrine of State rights, the North is determined to preserve this Union. They are not a fiery, impulsive people as you are, for they live in cooler climates; but when they begin to move in a given direction, where great in- terests are involved, such as the present issues before the country, they move with the steady momentum and perseverance of a mighty avalanche; and what I fear is, they will overwhelm the South with ignoble de-
feat." Before the close of his speech, how- ever, he said, " Better die freemen than live slaves. Whatever course Toxas may pursue, my faith in State supremacy and State rights will carry my sympathies with her. As Henry Clay had said, ' My country, right or wrong,' so say I, My State, right or wrong."
It seems from the above that Ilouston was a shrewd reader of human nature, as also from the following remarks in his message to the legislature a year previously: " To nul- lify constitutional laws will not allay the existing discord. Separation from the Union will not remove the unjust assaults made by a class in the North upon the institutions in the South. They would exist from like pas- sions and like feelings under any govern- ment. The Union was intended as a per- petnity. In accepting the conditions imposed prior to becoming a part of the Confederacy, the States became a part of the Union. In becoming a State of the Union, Texas agreed ' not to enter into any treaty, alliance or con- federation, and not, without the consent of Congress, to keep troops or ships of war, enter into any agreement or compact with any other State or foreign power.' "
The result of the vote of February 23 for delegates to the State convention to consider the propriety of secession, was in substance as follows: Austin, the capital, San Antonio, and other western towns, as well as counties, gave Union majorities; the German colon- ists, too, were for the Union, while the rest of the Stato gave large Confederate majori- ties. Ont of about 70,000 voters in the State, 53,256 cast their votes; and of this number 39,415 were in favor of secession, and 13,841 against it.
To lose no time, the State convention as- sembled on March 2, in order to be ready for immediato action as soon as the result of the
90
HISTORY OF TEXAS.
vote was known, which proved to be on the 5th. They, therefore, immediately assumed the powers of government. It instructed its delegates at Montgomery to ask for the ad- mission of Texas into the Southern Confed- eraey that had just been formned; it rent a committee to Governor Houston to inform him of the change in the political position of the State; it alopted the Confederate con- stitution, and appointed representatives to the Confederate congress. During the Con- federacy, Lewis T. Wigfall and William S. Oldham represented Texas in the senate, and John A. Wilcox, C. C. Herbert, Peter W. Gray, B. F. Sexton, M. D. Graham, William B. Wright, A. M. Branch, John R. Baylor, S. II. Morgan, Stephen HI. Derden and A. P. Wiley in the house.
In his reply to the above convention Hous- ton said that that body had transcended its powers, and that he would lay the whole matter before the legislature, which was to assemble on the 18th; wherenpon the con- vention defied his authority and passed an ordinance requiring all State officers to take the oath of allegiance to the new govern- ment. Honston and E. W. Cave, secretary of State, refused to take the oath, and they were deposed by a decree of the convention, and Edward Clark, lieutenant governor, was installed as the executive. Houston then appealed to the people, and when the legisla- ture met, sent to it a message protesting against his removal, stating at the same time that he could but await their action and that of the people. Ile argned his case ably and well before both the legislature and the peo- ple, but the legislature sanctioned the acts of the convention. Houston then retired to private life.
During these years Indian depredations con- tinued, and were more frequent and daring after
Twiggs had surrendered all the United States forces on the frontier to the Texans; and also after the removal of the Indians from the reservations in Young county the hostility of the red savages was intensified. The more peaceable Indians had been removed to a : great distance, while the more hostile were next in proximity. There was one remarka- ble exception, however, to the above observa- tion: A band of emigrants from the Creek nation, consisting of Alabamas, Coshattas and a few Muscogees, persevered in their peaceful pursuits on Alabama creek, on the side toward Trinity river, despite the frequent depredations committed upou them by "mean whites." As a community they set a model example of industry, honesty, patience and pe tecableness.
While the northern and western frontier was subjected to slily conducted forays by the untutored savages, the sonthern borders on the Rio Grande were afflicted with a more open and formidable invasion by a Mexican desperado named Cortina. Ile and his gang had long been known for their frequent thefts of cattle and other depredations. He and his followers, by professing sympathy with the persecuted Mexicans living in Texas, added to their numbers until they had nearly 500, and, liko the old Mexican regime, began to inaugurate a little rebellion against the gov- ernment. But booty was their principal ob- ject, and they made their escapes the easier by alternating in their operations between Texas and Mexico, claiming while followed in one country to be citizens of the other. The gang sometimes committed murder, as for example in Brownsville, in September, 1859. On the 29th of that month he issued a "proclamation " professing that his object only was to protect perseented Mexicans in Texas, and that an, organization had been
1
91
HISTORY OF TEXAS.
formed for the purpose of chastising their enemies. It is claimed that he was assisted secretly by Mexican money and arms. Dur- ing October and November there were several collisions of Cortina and his men with the Government military forces, with loss on both sides. IIe devastated the country along the Rio Grande for over 120 miles, and back to the arroyo Colorado. This unprincipled desperado was finally defeated in May, 1861, when he burned a village named Rome. But he afterward revolutionized Tamaulipas, be- came governor, and intrigued both with the Confederates and the United States officials. In 1871 he was a general under Juarez, and in 1875 mayor of Matamoras and general in the Mexican army.
During the great civil war it was fortunate for Texas that she was geographically situated at a distance from the seat of the main con- flict. The patriotism of her sons caused all of them to lose much in property, but no battle took place in, or destructive army marched through, her territory. Although her commerce suffered considerably, she found in Mexico a fair market for her cotton, her main staple, and her mmnerous ports on the gulf enabled her more easily to run the blockade.
THE STORM BEGUN.
Within a month after the installation of Clark as governor, hostilities broke out. On April 14, 1861, Fort Sumter, at Charleston, South Carolina, was evacuated by Major Robert Anderson, and on the following day President Lincoln issued his proclamation for 75,000 volunteers. Enlistment for the South- ern cause was begun in Texas at once, and early in May Colonel W. C. Young crossed Red river and captured Fort Arbuckle and other military posts of the United States in the 1
Indian Territory, the Federal soldiers retreat- ing to Kansas. Colonel Ford also, assisted by an expedition from Galveston, took pos- session of Fort Brown, opposite Matamoras, meeting no resistance. Captain Hill, in com- mand there, was still holding it for the United States, having disobeyed the order of General Twiggs to evacuate it, but he had too small a force to hold it against assault.
Governor Clark issued a proclamation June 8 that a state of war existed, and shortly afterward the ports of Texas were blocka led. By November 15,000 Texans were enlisted for the Southern cause.
The election of 1861 showed the small majority of only 124 votes in favor of Fran- cis R. Lubbock for governor, over Clark, can- didate for re-election, and he was inaugurated November 7, 1861.
Going back a little, we should state that in July of this year Lieutenant-Colonel John R. Baylor had occupied Fort Bliss, on the Rio Grande, and on the 25th Mesilla, across the Rio Grande. Major Lynde, commanding the United States fort, Fillmore, near by, having failed to dislodge Baylor, surrendered his whole command of about 700 men. Lieu- tenant-Colonel Canby was at this time in command of the department of New Mexico, and made preparations to meet the invasion, while Major Sibley, of the United States Army, had joined the Confederates, and with the rank of brigadier general was ordered in July to proceed to Texas and organize an ex- pedition for the purpose of driving Federal troops out of New Mexico. Sibley reached El Paso with his force about the middle of December, and issued a proclamation inviting his old comrades to join the Confederate army, but met with no response.
Early in 1862 Colonel Canby made Fort Craig, on the Rio Grande, his headquarters.
92
HISTORY OF TEXAS.
February 21 he crossed the river and en- gaged the Texans, but was repulsed. This was the battle of Valverde, in which General Sibley had 1,750 men to 3,810 on Canby's side; but only 900 of Canby's men were reg- nlars, and the others were of but little serv- ice. Encouraged by success so signal, Sibley immediately marched on to Albuquerque, sending a detachment on to Santa Fé, and easily took those places, but, a part of his army meeting with defeat by Colonel Slough, he had to begin a retreat which did not end until he reached Texas. In this bootless cam - paign the Texans lost 500 men; and even General Canby afterward reported that that portion of the country was too unimportant to hold by the expenditure of blood and treasure.
In May, 1862, Commodore Eagle, of the United States Navy; demanded the surrender of the city of Galveston, but could not en- force his demand. October 4 following he was re-inforced and easily took the place without much resistance. The Texans criti- cired General Ilebert for giving up that city, and he was superseded during the next month by General Magruder, who forthwith made preparations to recapture the island. Ile made good preparation, with great se- creey, to attack the island by both land and water, and he was successful in regaining the point, after an engagement that cost the Federals great loss. But the port continned to be blockaded.
At first, and during the earlier part of Governor Lubbock's administration, the Tex- ans enlisted freely and cheerfully, believing that the contest would soon end in victory for them, but ere long they began to feel the tedions burden of war in many ways. Trade was interfered with, military law pro- claimed, conscription resorted to, etc. All
males from eighteen years of age to forty-five were made liable to service in the Confed- erate army, with the exception of ministers of religion, State and county officers and slave-holders, the possession of fifteen slaves being the minimum number entitling to ex- emption. Governor Lubbock was an ex- tremist in regard to this system. In his message to the Legislature in November, 1863, he suggested that every male person from sixteen years old and upward should be declared in the military service of the State; that no one should be permitted to furnish a substitute, and in the same message informed the Legislature that 90,000 Texans were already in the field. When one calls to mind that the greatest number of votes ever polled in the State was but little over 64,000, it will be seen what a tremendous drain had been made on the strength of the country!
August 31, 1861, the Confederate congress passed a law confiscating all the property of Union men, and banishing the men them- selves. Many persons who had spent their lives in Texas thus lost their property, and even temporary absentees in the North, who would have found it difficult, if not impossi- ble, to return, were likewise deprived of their possessions. Many Unionists, in their at- tempts to escape to Mexico, were caught and pnt to death. Says the San Antonio Herald, a paper loyal to the Confederacy: "Their bones are bleaching on the soil of every county from Red river to the Rio Grande, and in the counties of Wise and Denton their bodies are suspended by scores from the black-jacks."
By the close of Lubbock's administration, in 1863, the tide of public opinion and feel- ing began to ebb, as the Confederate arms had met with serious reverses, and the dark
93
HISTORY OF TEXAS.
shadow of the impossibility of an independent confederacy was casting a gloomy sky over the sunny South.
After the recovery of Galveston island, no other operation of importance occurred until September, 1863, when the Federals at- tempted to effect a lodgment at Sabine City, the terminus of a railroad. The blockade of Sabine Pass was temporarily broken by the capture of two United States gunboats, out- side the bar. Afterward the Confederates erected a fort at Sabine City, defended by a formidable battery of eight heavy guns, three of which were rifled. A detachment of 4,000 men, with gunboats, from Banks' army, made an attempt in September, 1863, to take Sa- bine City, but met with ignominions defeat, losing two gunboats, 100 men killed and wounded, and 250 as prisoners. The garri- son of the fort consisted of only 200 Texans, of whom only forty-two took part in the ac- tion. These were presented by President Davis with a silver medal, the only honor of the kind known to have been bestowed by the Confederate government.
Need help finding more records? Try our genealogical records directory which has more than 1 million sources to help you more easily locate the available records.