History of Texas, together with a biographical history of Tarrant and Parker counties; containing a concise history of the state, with portraits and biographies of prominent citizens of the above named counties, and personal histories of many of the early settlers and leading families, Part 3

Author:
Publication date: 1895
Publisher: Chicago, The Lewis publishing company, 1895
Number of Pages: 1272


USA > Texas > Tarrant County > History of Texas, together with a biographical history of Tarrant and Parker counties; containing a concise history of the state, with portraits and biographies of prominent citizens of the above named counties, and personal histories of many of the early settlers and leading families > Part 3
USA > Texas > Parker County > History of Texas, together with a biographical history of Tarrant and Parker counties; containing a concise history of the state, with portraits and biographies of prominent citizens of the above named counties, and personal histories of many of the early settlers and leading families > Part 3


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A river in north central Texas tributary to the Brazos, is named in Nolan's honor.


POLITICAL CHANGES.


The events just referred to had no political significance; but the time had now arrived --- the first decade of the present century-when a political move began to inaugurate a dis- turbing wave, involving the possibility of a revolution at some future time, and this move


was the sale of Louisiana to the United States in 1803, by the first Napoleon. When France, in 1762, ceded this territory to Spain, in order to prevent it falling into the hands of the English, the western boundary line between the Spanish and English possessions in North America was clearly defined by the treaty concluded in the following February, at Paris, by the kings of France and Spain of one party, and the king of England of the other party. But in October, 1800, Spain ceded back the territory to France in exchange for Tuscany, with the understanding that its extent should be the same as it had been during the former possession of it by that nation.


The boundary line, however, between Lou- isiana and Texas had never been definitely settled, though Spain had always claimed that Red river, or rather its tributary Arroyo Hondo, was the western limit of the French possessions. This stream was about seven miles west of Natchitoches; but for many . years a conventional line had been recognized by both nations, which ran between the rivers Mermenteau and Calcasieu, along the Arroyo Hondo, passing between Adaes and Natchi- toches and terminating in Red river. This line was violated by the French, who en- croached toward the Sabine river.


Upon the cession of Louisiana to the United States, the question of boundary line was raised. Our Government, even at that early date, began to claim all the country east of the Rio Grande. Several propositions of compromise were made and all rejected, and Texas began to be considered disputed ground. Meanwhile adventurous Americans continued to push their way into this coveted region, and Spain continued her old-time inhospitable policy. By 1806 she had 1,500 soldiers in Texas to withstand the American aggression. The famous and infamous scheme of Aaron


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Burr at this time to set up an independent government somewhere in the Southwest, had also an aggravating teudeney in the com- plication of civil affairs between the two gov- ernments, and served to impel Spain and Mexico to adopt more stringent hostile meas- ures by way of resistance. After some ex- change of correspondence, General James Wilkinson, on the part of the United States, arrived at the Sabine river with a command of soldiers, and succeeded by a short bloodless campaign in establishing that river as the tem- porary boundary line between the nations, and soon returned to New Orleans to resume operations against the contemplated move- ments of Aaron Burr.


A period of calm followed the last trans- action, more thoroughly established by the diversion of public attention to war in Europe. Agriculture would have made more rapid progress in Texas had there not been the suspicions of unwelcome that naturally lingered in the minds of the immigrants. An unforeseen evil, however, arose out of the late compact. The neutral territory soon became the asylum of a large number of des- peradoes and marauders, who organized themselves into a community under a system similar to that of the old buccaneers, and they preyed upon all who came in their way. Their bravery and audacity were unsur- passed, and their fidelity to each other was inflexible. Traders were convoyed across the territory of these outlaws by military escorts, . which, however, were frequently attacked. The Spanish authorities made every effort to eject them, and twice the United States authorities drove them off and burned their houses; but these measures failed to suppress them.


In 1810 Cordero, the Governor of Texas, was promoted to the governorship of the more populous province of Coahuila, and in


his place as Governor of Texas Manuel de Salcedo was appointed. In September ot that year Hidalgo raised the standard of in- dependence, and, during the long bloody struggle which followed, the province of Texas was made the scene of deeds as horri- fying as Hidalgo's massacre of his prisoners and Calleja's atrocities at Guanajuato.


In January, 1811, Juan Bautista Casas, a captain of the militia, took forcible posses- sion of the Texan government by seizing the governor and other leading officers, and pro- claiming himself governor, at the same time publicly advocating the cause of Hidalgo; but he soon disgusted many of the revolu- tionary party (his own) by his despotie and disorderly administration, and Juan Manuel Zambrano conceived the idea of restoring the old order of things. Concealing his real intention, he hoodwinked those of the dis- satisfied whom he approached on the matter, by giving them to understand that his only object was to depose Casas and correct the disorders of government. He was, more- over, favored in his designs by the opportune arrival of the unfortunate Aldama, who, with a large amount of bullion, was proceeding to the United States as envoy of the Independ- ents, there to solicit aid in arms and men. Zambrano cunningly caused the report to be spread among the lower orders that Aldama was an emissary of Napoleon, -a statement more readily believed on account of his uni- form being similar to that of a French aid- de-camp. Nothing aroused the indignation of the common people more than the idea of their being surrendered to the French. By casting the gloomy shadow of that danger over the minds of his Indians, Hidalgo had lately cansed the Grito de Dolores to be raised and rung through the land; and now this wily priest used the same guile in Texas


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advance the royalist cause. Thus the populace and many in the ranks of the revo- Intioniste in San Antonio, and many inside the barracke, were unwittingly on his side.


During the night of March 1, with only five of those compromised to support him, Zambrano sallied forth from his house and raised the signal cry. Possession was im- mediately obtained of the barracks, and be- fore morning dawned Casas was a prisoner, and Aldama confined under guard in his lodging. Zambrano and his party now pro- ceeded with caution; nor did they prema- turely let their real design be known. A governing council of eleven voting members, with Zambrano as president, was elected by the principal inhabitants of San Antonio and vicinity, and measures adopted to secure the province without creating alarm. A force of 500 reliable men was placed in marching order, to be ready for any emer- gency, and commissioners were sent out to solicit aid. Success attended this intrigue, and in a short time the viceregal government was again firmly established in Texas. One writer, in a private letter, mentions that two commissioners were sent to the United States Government to offer Texas to the Union, but the commissioners failed to reach their desti- nation.


During the very next year (1812), how- ever, an expedition organized by a young officer in the United States Army, in con- junction with a Mexican refugee, almost succeeded in annihilating the royalist power in Texas. This Mexican refugee, by the way, was a great character. It was Bernardo Gutierrez de Lara, a wealthy resident of Mexico, who had joined himself to the canse of the revolutionists, and was commissioned by them to visit Washington to obtain aid and sympathy, but his credentials were not


recognized by our Government. Being a fervent patriot, however, he went to New Orleans and began to organize an expedition for the invasion of Texas, which scheme was facilitated by his former commercial relations with that city. Augustus Magee, who had been stationed on the Natchitoches to break up gangs of outlaws on the neutral ground, enlisted some of these same outlaws and pro- ceeded to New Orleans, where he effected an alliance with Gutierrez, giving him the nomi- nal command, so that the Mexicans would believe the invasion was headed by one of their own countrymen.


During the summer the invasion actually. took place, with great success and little loss of blood. By autumn there were 800 men, with Magee as colonel, though actually the commander-in-chief. Governor Salcedo of course resisted them, and laid them siege at one place for four months; but they suc- ceeded in gaining other victories, and cap- turing even San Antonio, the capital, on April 1, 1813. A provisional government was formed, consisting of a council of thir- teen members elected by a popular vote, Gutierrez being appointed generalissimo and governor. Two of these members were Americans. The prisoners, seveutcen in numbor, were all condemned to death; and, as their public condemnation and execution of sentence might be too exasperating to the Americans, they were secretly butchered at night, in the bed of a stream, April 5! The matter, however, soon leaked out, and truly enough the Americans on the neutral ground lost their enthusiasm for the new govern- ment, and Gutierrez was arraigned before a tribunal and deposed. The Americans, be- ing greatly reduced in numbers, abandoned themselves to indolence, but were soon aroused by the news of the approach of an-


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other army, under the command of Colonel Ignacio Elizondo, the renegade who had be- trayed Hidalgo. Gutierrez was reinstated in command for the emergency, and the inva- sion repulsed. Gutierrez was again deposed, mainly by the influence of the American element. Factions, attempts at revolution and counter-revolution, and accompanying skirmishes, etc., continued to be the order of the day, Spaniard-like, or rather Mexican- like, until by the spring of 1814 victory was established by the royalists with some degree of permanency, and another " Inll " or period of peace followed; but the condition of Texas was deplorable, on account of the devastations of the many little armies, and desperadoes, who took unusual advantage of the unsettled state of affairs in such times, and the general un- certainty that always attends such a barbar- ous state of public affairs. Many of the inhabitants had fled and taken refuge in other parts of the world, their crops were destroyed, cattle carried off and their houses burned. The spirit of insurrection was sup- pressed, or perhaps more strictly expressed, had " eaten up its own substance," so that for years the public had the opportunity to settle itself to more peaceable and profitable pur- suits. But little, however, was done, or would have been done, until a new "race " began again to take the field.


In addition to those already named, the men who most prominently figured in the public affairs of Texas during the above period were Toledo, Arredondo, Perry, Tay- lor, Bullard, Cayetano Quintero, etc.


Sympathy for the oppressed in this region spread meanwhile throughout the United States, and attempts at further revolutionary measures were made in various places within our domain. Vigilance was exercised by our


goveruwent to prevent the organization of armies against Mexico, and to maintain neutral ground.


Conspicuous among these sympathizers with the patriots in Mexico was Colonel Perry, who proclaimed in the New Orleans papers in 1815 that an expedition was in preparation to invade Texas; that 1,000 men were ready to engage in the enterprise; and that the undertaking was a worthy one, in respect to both honor and profit. President Madison prohibited Perry's movement, or anything like it; and during the same year several men were indicted in the United States District Court for violating the neu- trality laws. Perry, however, elnded the vigilance of our Government, and succeeded in making his way beyond the Sabine with a small body of men. Jose Manuel de Herrera, who had been appointed minister to the United States by Morelos, and was at the time residing in New Orleans, conceived thie idea of establishing, in connection with Perry's movements, a system of privateering from Galveston harbor. He established a complete system of State government, with headquarters at Matagorda, in 1816, and was supported with such a large force of revolu- tionists as to again intimidate the Mexican goverment. Prospect for a successful rev- olution seemed brighter than ever; Aury, who was commodore of the fleet, at length began to differ from the policy of Perry, of the land forces, and amid other jealousies the cause of the revolutionists was again much weakened, and Perry was soon com- pelled to flee back toward the United States with only about forty men, and, after several repulses of the more numerous band of Mex- icans, were finally compelled either to sur. render or be put to death-which latter


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alternative they indeed chose, Perry blowing out his own brains with a pistol!


Commodore Aury continued to prey upon the Spanish trade, with some success, making his headquarters for about two months in Matagorda bay, and then he went to Florida.


THE " PIRATE OF THE GULF."


At this time Jean Lafitte, a noted character from France, was established at the little is- land of Barrataria, about sixty miles west of the delta of the Mississippi, engaged as a sinnggler and probably as pirate. He was joined by a crowd of roughs, and the goods they seized found ready sale in New Orleans. Governor Claiborne, of Lonisiana, seeing the demoralizing effect of this " trade" upon his favorite city-for many large houses there were in collusion with the marauders- issued a proclamation ordering these free- booters to disperse; but as this had no effect, he placed a r vard of $500 on the head of Lafitte, which the latter treated with such contempt as to offer thirty times the amount for the governor's head. Claiborne then tried force, and again was unsuccessful. La- fitte surrounded the troops sent against him, and dismissed them loaded with presents.


This state of affairs being reported to Pres- ident Madison, Commodore Patterson, of the United States Navy, was ordered to destroy this hornet's nest, and in June, 1814, he ar- rived before Barrataria with gunboats and the schooner Caroline. The pirates, in seven fine armed cruisers and a felucca, manned by nearly a thousand men, at first made a show of resistance; but, finally abandoning their vessels, they made for the land and dis- persed among the swamps. Patterson then took the surrendered vessels and all the spoils of Barrataria to New Orleans.


Lafitte, the " Pirate of the Gulf," was still at large, however, and the gra lually return- ing men again resumed their old nefarious traffic. About this time, war existing be- tween the United States and Great Britain, the latter government approached Lafitte with large offers of position and money if he would assist in their cause; but he asked time to consider, and in this time he entered into correspondence with Governor Clai- borne, by which it was finally agreed that the governor would not further molest him if he would espouse the cause of the United States; and, sure enough, at the battle of New Orleans, he rendered such signal service that President Madison pardoned him of his former offences against our government.


During the next two years Lafitte's move- ments were not conspicuons; but his fol- lowers, to the number of abont 1,000, joined a politico-piratical government at Galveston island, who, for security, swore allegiance to the Mexican government. In consequence Galveston became naturally the asylum of refugees from justice and desperadoes of every nationality. Their depredations on the gulf were carried on to such an.extent that Spanish commerce was almost swept from the sea, and even the vessels of other nations suffered at their hands. The United States would have broken up this uest also had it not been for the opposition of the Spanish minister, Onis. The boundary question had not yet been settled, and it was feared that if our government dispersed the buccaneers from Galveston by armed force it would re. tain possession of the island. Thus for years the "Pirate of the Gulf" remained un- molested. On the site where the city of Galveston now stands he erected a fort and built himself a house, around which namer- ous other edificos sprung up, forming a


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busy settlement, which he named Campeachy.


October 9, 1819, this point was declared a port of entry by the republic of Texas, which had lately been proclaimed as such by the leaders of another expedition into the conn- try, and Lafitte was made governor of the place. This curious man soon afterward hanged a refugee from justice, in satisfaction of the United States authorities, and soon after that again indorsed another man-one of his own party-for committing the crime of- seizing property from a subject of our Government; and for the latter the Govern- ment sent an expedition against him, to break up the Galveston establishment, fear- less of war with the Mexican government. Aware of the determination of the Govern- ment at Washington, Lafitte destroyed bis fortifications, paid off his men, and sailed away forever from the shores of Texas. He ever maintained that he made war only on Spanish vessels. According to one account, he gave a sketch of himself in the following terms:


At eighteen years of age he was a merchant at Santo Domingo. Having become rich, he wound up. his affairs, bought a ship and freighted her with a valuable cargo, including a large amount of specie. He set sail for Europe, with his wife, was captured when a week ont at sea, by a Spanish man-of-war, and robbed of everything he possessed. The Spanish captain had the inhumanity to set him and the crew ashore on a barren sand key, with provisions for a few days only. They were taken off by an American schooner and landed at New Orleans, where his wife died a few days afterward from fever, con- tracted from hardship and exposure. In des- peration, he joined some daring fellows, and they declared eternal vengeance against Spain. "For fifteen years," said he, " I have carried


on a war against Spain. So long as I live I am at war against Spain, but with no other. nation. I am at peace with all the world ex- cept Spain. Although they call me a pirate, I am not guilty of attacking any vessel of the English or French."


The above sounds very much like a piece of fiction, which any pirate might conjure up to justify his nefarious career. Lafitte is de- scribed as a stout, rather gentlemanly person- age, about five feet and ten inches in height, dressed very simply in a foraging cap and blue froek of a most villainous fit; his com- plexion, like that of most creoles, olive; his countenance full, mild and rather impressive; his eyes small and black, which flashed in animated conversation like those of an ugly customer. His demeanor was courteons. He was educated and gifted with considerable talent for conversation. He continued to cruise on the Spanish main for several years. Occasionally he visited Sisal and the island of Margarita, near the mouth of the Orinoco, and finally died at Dilam, in Yucatan, and was buried there.


POLITICAL CHANGES CONTINUED.


After the fall of Napoleon, two refugees from France, Generals Lallemand and Ri- gault, concluded to try Texas as a place of residence, although they received no reply to their request for a permission to do so fromn the Spanish court. In March, 1818, Lalle- inand, with 120 settlers, sailed from New Orleans, landed at Galveston bay and selected a spot on the Trinity river about twelve miles above its mouth, and began to fortify the post. These colonists issued a proclamation that they had settled there to remain, earn- ing their livelihood by the peaceable pursnits of agriculture and the chase, and would de-


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HISTORY OF TEXAS.


fend themselves by force, if necessary, against any invading party; but professional soldiers make poor agriculturists. The first season their crops were meager on account of the drouth, and they maintained themselves for a time by the products of the chase. While thus weakened, a force was sent against them


Mexico, which they could not resist, and ... llemand returned to the United States, while the rest of the colonists scattered, a great part of them probably to Barrataria, at that time controlled by the notorious Lafitte.


Old international questions being now re- vived as to the ownership of the Floridas and the boundaries of the Louisiana Territory, wany propositions and counter propositions were made and refused, with the final result, February 22, 1810, in the form of a treaty signed by the Spanish minister Onis, and the American Secretary of State, by which the Floridas were ceded to the United States and Texas permitted to remain in the hands of Spain. The boundary line between the United States and the Spanish possessions was defined as follows: Beginning at the mouth of the Sabine river, continne north along the western bank of that river to lati- tude 32°; thence by a line due north to the degree of latitude where it strikes Red river; then following the course of that river, west- ward to longitude 23° west from Washing- ton; crossing said river, run by a line due north to the Arkansas, following the south- en bank of that river to its source in latitude 12' north, and thence by that parallel to the Pacific.


The king of Spain, however, failed to ratify the treaty within the six months prescribed, and when he did ratify it, October 24, 1820, the controversy was renewed, the United States being strongly disinclined to recognize the late convention. From the first the treaty


had caused wide-spread dissatisfaction, and a strong party maintained that valuable terri- tory had been given away by the American government for a very inferior one, while, a fundamental principle of the United States was violated in ceding away territory of any kind under any circumstances; but after a year or two of discussion the United States Congress advised the President to ratify the treaty, and accordingly, February 28, 1821, John Quincy Adams informed the Spanish envoy that President Monroe had accepted the ratification.


In natural connection with the foregoing, the angry feeling, aronsel by the treaty, was exhibited in a practical manner at Natchez, Mississippi, by another attempt to organize an expedition for the purpose of revolution- izing Texas. James Long was appointed leader of the enterprise, and in June he started with great enthusiasm for Nacogdo- ches, accompanied by about seventy-five men, which number was rapidly increased. Soon after arriving at that place he could muster over 300 men, among them Bernardo Gutier- rez and Samuel Davenport. Ile immedi- ately proceeded to establish a civil govern- ment, under the control of a supreme council, of which he was chosen president. June 23 this council declared the province of Texas a free and independent republic, and it pro- ceeded to enact laws for the government of the same and providing for revenue by the sale of public lands. Varions agencies were established, at different points, for mercan- tile and governmental business.


For aid, Long left Cook in command at Nacogdoches while he hastened on to Gal- veston to enlist the sympathy and assistance of Lafitte, who at that time was in the height of his glory there; but the wily Frochman told him that it ever had been useless to re-


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sist Mexico by land without a much larger force than had ever been collected for the purpose. On the way to Galveston Long heard through Indian channels that a Mexi- can force, 700 strong, under Colonel Ignacio Perez, was rapidly on his track, at Cochattee, and at once sent orders to Cook immediately to concentrate his outlying detachments at that place. Of all the expeditions to Texas, not one experienced a more speedy collapse or swifter ruin than that of Long's. The posts or " agencies " spoken of were suddenly destroyed and the occupants killed or dis- persed.


Long retired to New Orleans, where he made the acquaintance of the Mexican pa- triots, Milamn and Trespalacios. The next spring, 1821, still another "expedition " was formed against the Mexican government in Texas, with these men as leaders; but they, too, were soon squelched. The next year, 1822, Long was killed in a private en- counter.


Of course, at this time the condition was deplorable, as the outlook for permanent peace was absolutely forbidding. After the expulsion of Long in 1819, every intruder who had settled in the country was driven off, his buildings destroyed and his cattle drivon away. The populated districts alto- gether contained no more than 4,000 civil- ized beings. Agriculture was almost entirely neglected, and provisions were so scarce, even in San Antonio, as to be a subject of fre- quent report by Governor Martinez to the commandant general at Saltillo. The north- eastern borders became the asylum of crimi- nals and the abode of bands of armed despe- radoes engaged in smuggling. Lafitte's piratical establishment had its emissaries about the country, who drove Africans through the land with impunity to New




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