USA > Texas > Tarrant County > History of Texas, together with a biographical history of Tarrant and Parker counties; containing a concise history of the state, with portraits and biographies of prominent citizens of the above named counties, and personal histories of many of the early settlers and leading families > Part 5
USA > Texas > Parker County > History of Texas, together with a biographical history of Tarrant and Parker counties; containing a concise history of the state, with portraits and biographies of prominent citizens of the above named counties, and personal histories of many of the early settlers and leading families > Part 5
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Prior to 1824 Texas had no political con- nection with Coahuila. The latter was a richer and more populous country, and temp- tations greater there to a corrupt ruler. Op- pression was exercised there on a much larger scale than in Texas. The commandant gen- eral ruled as it suited him, and while possess- ing even superior power to the viceroy, there was no check whatever upon his authority, except the presence of his legal adviser, the auditor de guerra, who generally did nothing more than approve and support his opinions. Great distance from the seat of the general government rendered local government more independent and irresponsible, and corrupt. rulers an almost unlimited opportunity to ex- ploit the interests of the people. Every enormity was practiced that enmity or covet- onsness suggested. Under a less oppressive government the province of Coahnila, with its fertile soil, its genial climate and exhilar- ating atmosphere, would have been all that man could desire; but the incubus of com- mercial and agricultural monopoly pressed heavily on the land. The prince merchants smothered development. No factories or invention stimulated industry. Primitive and erude methods continued their old and monotonous way along with no hope of change. Wine and brandy were about the only ex- ports. But the inhabitants of Coahuila were almost exclusively pastoral and agricultural. Here were to be found simplicity and insensi- bility to intrigue, untiring industry and pa- tience under sovore labor, the endurance of
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HISTORY OF TEXAS.
privations without murmur, and a deep-rooted love of liberty. Both the social and political morals of this rural population were of a higher standard than those of the inhabitants of the manufacturing and mining districts of New Spain.
We need not follow here the political fortunes of Coahuila, which were unimportant compared with those of Texas.
THE LABOR SYSTEM.
While the jealons fears of the State gov- ernment that its liberal policy had overshot the mark became more and more confirmed, certain legislative acts, which it was expected would be corrective of past mistakes and pre- ventive of foreshadowed trouble, irritated the settlers. The slave laws of 1827 and the prohibitory one of 1829 respecting foreign merchants, cansed great offense. By decree of September 15, 1827, the constituent con- gress manifested its intention to acquire the gradnal emancipation of slaves already in- troduced. Town councils were ordered to keep a list of all slaves in their respective municipalitie:, designating name, age, sex, ete. Slaves whose owners had no apparent heirs were to become free immediately on the decease of their masters; and on each change of ownership, even in the case of heirs im- mediately succeeding, one-tenth of the unm- ber of slaves inherited was to be manumitted, the individuals being determined by lot. By another decree it was provided that any slave who wished to change his master conld do so, provided the new owner indemnified the former one for the cost of the slave according to the bill of sale.
Although the colonists kept themselves aloof and were indifferent to Mexican legis- lation so long as their own immediate inter- ests were not attacked, their anger rose when
a direct blow was struck at their prosperity. Withont slave-labor the colonization of Texas would have been retarded many years, as nearly all the colonies were established by men of means from the old South, and knew no other way of managing business than by slave labor. The immigrants would have been limited exclusively to the class of labor- ing farmers who, by their own hands, would have reclaimed some small portions only of uncultivated wastes. No capitalist of that day, going to Texas, would have engaged in a venture which would reduce him and his family to the condition of laborers. But the labor system of Mexico, long established, was not affected by this legislation in regard to African slaves. It was indeed far less ex- pensive than that of African slavery. The peon, or Mexican laborer, was in perpetual servitude, practically, although he did not bear the name of slave. Ile bound himself to his master by a written contract on enter- ing his service, and immediately became his debtor for money advanced, sometimes to the amount of a year's wages. The law did not permit an advance of more money than that. Rarely did the account with his employer show a balance in his favor. If he gave offense, committed a fault or failed in the fulfillment of his duties, confinement, shackles or the lash conld be meted out to him; and should he desert his master's service he could be reclaimed through the alcalde, who had anthority to compel him to return and punish him; in short, he was never out of debt, and therefore ever a bondman, with but little more liberty than a slave. His wages varied from one to three reales per day, providing for himself; and as his working days were reduced by the numerons church holidays . observed in Mexico to abont 200, the average cost of a peon was about $50 a year.
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HISTORY OF TEXAS.
Under this system it was not difficult for the Anglo- Americans to evade the law pro- hibiting the further importation of slaves; and under the appellation of indentured ser. vants they continued to introduce them into Texas. The negroes were apprenticed for a term of ninety-nine years. Arguments were brought to bear upon the Mexican govern- ment, inducing it to make an exception in favor of Texas, under the law providing for the immediate manumission of slaves.
RELIGIOUS AND POLITICAL INTOLERANCE.
In legislation, as might have been expected, there was a curious mixture of wise measures with unwise, the latter growing out of the old prejudices, and but a dim foresight of modern requirements. The restrictions on the sovereignty of the people laid down in the constitution, the intolerance of any re- ligion but the Roman Catholic, and the ex- cessive power vested in the chief of the de- partment of Texas, were incompatible with free republican institutions. In strong con- trast with the liberality manifested in the State colonization law was the persecution to which resident Spaniards were subjected. By a law, passed June 23, 1827, they were ex- cluded from all civil and ecclesiastical office; until Spain should acknowledge the inde- pendence of Mexico; and, in November of the same year, all Spaniards, except those domi- ciled in the State thirty years, were banished; travelers of that nationality could not remain more than three days in any town, except in case of sickness or other recognized impedi- ment; those who remained were required to present themselves monthly to the local an- thorities, and were forbidden to carry arms. except those customarily worn for personal defense; and a strict surveillance was kept
over their conduct. During the invasion of Spanish forces in 1829, Coahuila and Texas displayed its patriotism by exacting a heavy forced loan from the resident Spaniards, while the property still remaining in the State of those who had fled to other countries was confiscated. Unmarried Spaniards and wid- owers without children were called upon for one-third of their capital; those who were married and without children, and widowers with only one child, for one-fifth; and those of both classes with more than one child, for one- eighth.
EDUCATION
in Coahuila and Texas was at an extremely low ebb. Only in the town of Saltillo was there a fixed appropriation for the main- tenance of a common schoolmaster, and that was a scanty one. The education of the chil- dren of servants to write was prevented, on the fear that on growing up they would want higher position than that of servitude. In 1820, the Congress endeavored to remedy this evil by enacting a law to establish schools of mutual instruction on the Lancasterian system, but the law did not establish the schools. In these schools were to be taught reading, writing, arithmetic, the dogmas of the Catholic religion and Ackerman's cat- echisins of arts and sciences, the teachers' salary being fixed at $800 a year. The next year another law was adopted, to establislı primary schools on a similar plan, with a sim- ilar result. The people were indifferent to educational progress. Among the settlements of Anstin's colony a few private schools were established, and, in 1829, the first Protestant Sunday-school in Texas was opened, at San Felipe de Austin, by T. J. Pilgrim, of the Baptist Church. It was soon interrupted,
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HISTORY OF TEXAS.
however, when fears were excited by a litiga- tion that the public would recognize it as a violation of the colonization law.
RELIGION.
In regard to religion, the Texas colonists at this early date had neither the opportunity nor inclination to practice it. A traveler there in 1831 says: "The people of this country seem to have forgotten that there is such a commandment as . Remember the Sab- bath day to keep it holy.' This day is gen- erally spent in visiting, driving stock and breaking mustangs." Having furnished the required certificate of his Catholic faith, the Anglo-American eased his conscience by re- fraining from any practical expression of it.
In other respects than these already men- tioned, as causing dissatisfaction between the State and the colonists, the government showed itself otherwise favorably disposed to- ward them. Hitherto they were left unmo- lested in the management of their internal affairs. In 1827 and 1828 parties were au- thorized to sink artesian wells, develop coal mines, navigate the Rio Grande by steam, etc.
THE FINAL REVOLUTION.
The first indication of the approaching crisis which resulted in the revolution for in- dependence, was in 1826, when the Anglo- American element of the population began to resist oppression. The entering wedge is thus very carefully described in Bancroft's history.
" Ilayden Edwards, in 1825, after much trouble succeeded in obtaining from the Coa- huila and Texas government a contract to settle 800 families on lands surrounding Nacogdoches. Returning to the United
States ho spared no pains in endeavoring to fulfill his contract, at the same time inducing his brother, Major Benjamin W. Edwards, to go to Texas and aid him in establishing his colony. Foote says that the latter visited Austin and had a long conversation with him on the subject of Texas colonization; that these two agreed that ' the firm establishment in this favored country of the institutions of civil and religious freedom, and the redemp. tion of a region from foreign rule which rightfully belonged to the United States, and of which they had been notoriously bereaved by fraudulent negotiations, was desirable and practicable; but that they also agreed that the colonies would have yet to suffer a great deal before they would be strong enough to throw off the yoke.' It is difficult, however, to be- lieve that Austin expressed any idea that fraud had been practiced on the United States.
" In October, 1825, Hayden Edwards re- turned to Texas and took up his residence at Nacogdoches. He soon discovered that he had difficulties to contend with that had never troubled Austin. Portions of the lands conceded to him were already occupied by Mexican settlers, some of whom had been driven from their homes after the destruction of Long's expedition, and had recently re- turned. Nacogdoches had again about 100 inhabitants, and certain of the villainous class, formerly of the 'neutral grounds,' had taken up lands. These latter, without regarding Edwards with any particular aversion, were wholly averse to subordination; while the Mexicans, jealous of his authority and angry at an American being placed over them, showed marked symptoms of unfriendliness. There were, moreover, among them many turbulent and bad characters, and not a few fugitives from justice. The result was that,
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HISTORY OF TEXAS.
as Edwards' immigrants arrived, the colony was quickly divided into two hostile factions. Edwards did what he could to preserve order and maintain his authority, but several meas- ures adopted by him were far from politic. The second article of his contract provided that all possessions found in Nacogdoches and its vicinity, supported by the correspond- ing titles, should be respected; and that in case any of the ancient possessors should claim preservation of their rights, it was the empresario's duty to comply therewith. This afforded a wide loop-hole through which to thrust in claiins to the most valuable lands, and old title-deeds were diligently searched for or manufactured.
" In order to ascertain the extent of these claims. Edwards, in November, 1825, call d upon all persons holding such land titles to produce them, in order that their legality might be decided upon according to law. In this there was no harm; but he gave further notice that the lands of those who failed to present their titles would be sold, and that claimants whose title were just would have to pay for any improvements that had been made on the lands by the present occupants. This cansed indignation to the Mexicans and gave great offense to the authorities, who could but regard his notification in respect to the sale of lands as an assumption of power that had never been given him.
" By the sixth artic'e of the contract Ed- wards was authorized to raise the national militia within his colony, and was appointed it's chief until further disposition should be made. Accordingly he gave notice for the election of militia officers to take place on December 15 of the same year. At the same time he proposed that the people should elect an alcalde. With the election of this magistrate the more serious troubles began.
Each party had its candidate for the office. Chaplin, Edwards' son-in-law, was put for- ward by the American colonists, and Samuel Norris, devoted to Mexican interests, by their opponents. The election decided in favor of the former, who took possession of the archives and entered upon the duties of the office. But Sepulveda, the out-going alcalde, and his party disputed many of the votes as having been cast by settlers outside the limits of Edwards' grant, though under the alcalde's jurisdiction. Accordingly they represented the matter to Saucedo, the political chief at San Antonio. Already offended with Ed- wards, by reason of a report sent in by the latter giving an account of his official acts, and which was not deemed sufficiently re- spectful, Sauce lo decided in favor of Norris, and instructed Sepulveda to install him by force of arms if any opposition was offered. No resistance was made, however, and on the exhibition of Norris' commission Chaplin surrendered up the archives of the office to him.
" And now commenced a system of petty tyranny and invidious distinctions which ex- asperated the colonists. Americans, who had wrought improvements on their lands, were ousted from them to give place to Mexi- cans, the favorites of Sepulveda and the alcalde. A band of . regulators' was formed, under the command of James Gaines, the brother-in-law of Norris; and, backed by these ruffians and the official support of Saucedo, the Mexican party domineered as they liked. Moreover, accusations against Edwards were made to the political chief, who did not conceal his hostility to the em- presario."
Hayden Edwards and his brother continued their endeavors to save their fortunes and people, but the Cherokee Indiane, who had
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HISTORY OF TEXAS.
Decome their allies, abandoned them, the Mexican government grew more violent, and even Austin opposed a ty effort at revolution at that time, and the Edwardses in a few weeks altogether failed.
Anstin's colony continned to prosper. Austin himself, making himself a favorite of the government, was even promoted in his political powers. O her colonies also pros- pered to some extent. After the annulment of Edwards' contract, his territory was di- vided between David G. Burnett and Joseph Vellein, and immigrants continued to flow into that portion of Texas. Dewitt, although his first settlers were temporarily driven off by Indians, had laid out the town of Gonzat. lez in 1825, naming it after Rafael Gonzalez, a temporary governor of the State, and dur- ing 1827-'28 he succeeded in introducing considerable numbers of colonists. In De Leon's grant the town of Victoria was founded, and La Bahia del Espiritu Santo had developed into a town of such apprecia- ble dimensions that in 1829 it was raised to the rank of a villa, and the high-sounding title of Goliad given to it. Filisola, in an endeavor to wrench an anagram out of Ili- dalgo's name, spelled the name Golhiad. On the Brazos a flourishing settlement called Brazoria had also sprung up.
However, the experience which the. Mexi- can government had with the Fredonians (Edwards' colonists) caused them to be more watchful of the movements of American im- migrants. Under the liberal and non-ag- gressive policy of Guerrero the colonists were left pretty much to themselves, and he evan aided them in the abolition of slavery. But when he was overthrown, in December, 1829, and Bustamante seized the helm of government, the sleeping tiger of Mexican suspicion and belligeroncy arose and showed
his teeth. And at this time it required but little foresight to see that the increasing American element within. the domain of Texas would ere long attempt to " slip the leash; " for even the government of the United States, and more especially the ex- pressions of many leading men within the Union, were indicative of a general inove on our part to take a hand in the separation of Texas from Mexico; but before the final storm a preliminary gust made its appearance in the form of Texan independence as a sover eigu republic. As Bancroft says:
"It was therefore natural that Mexico should entertain fears as to the future obedi- ence of the Texan colonists, and it was equally natural that the latter would not tamely sub- mit to the imposition of fetters similar to those which the fathers of most of thein had helped to break. Yet in its shortsightedness the government, under the despotie adminis- tration of Bustamante, thoughit to obviate a probable but not unavoidable contingency by adopting the very measures which were most calculated to provoke a spirit of antagonism."
Lucas Alaman, the minister of relations under the new goverment, has the credit (discredit) of inspiring the Mexican legisla- ture to make the fatal mistake of attempting to curb the designs of the United States by the exercise of oppressive measures against the Texan colonists. On February 8, 1830, he laid a memorial before Congress, in which with just reason he calls attention to the danger that Texas was exposed to of being absorbed by the northern republic, and to the carelessness which the goverment of the State of Coahuila and Texas had shown in its neglect to see that the colonization laws were properly carried out. Hle said that the orders providing that no more than the number of families designated in a contract should settle
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HISTORY OF TEXAS.
on the corresponding grant, and that colonies near the boundary line should be composed of settlers, not natives, of the United States, had been withont effect; and he expatiated on the fact that a large number of intruders had taken possession of lands, especially near the frontier, without any pretension of satis- fying the formalities of the colonization laws. To preserve Texas to Mexico, he insisted that the Mexican population in Texas should be increased by making that country a penal settlement, the criminals transported thither to be employed in the cultivation of the soil; that foreign colonists differing from Ameri- cau interests, habits and language should be introduced; that a coasting trade be estab- lished between Texas and other parts of the republic, which would tend to nationalize the department; that the colonization law of August, 1824, be suspended as far as con- cerns Texas, and the settlement of that de- partinent be placed under the direction of the general government; and that a commis- sioner be appointed to examine and report upon the condition of affairs in the Texan colonies, etc.
The congress sympathized with Alaman's views so far as to prohibit the citizens of nations bordering on Mexico from colonizing any of her States or territories immediately adjacent to them; to suspend forthwith all colonization contracts not yet fulfilled, and such as were in conflict with this law; to allow no foreigner, under any pretext what- ever, to outer the northern frontier unless provided with a passport from the Mexican consular agout at the place of his previous residence; and to make no further change with reference to slave laws.
Along with the immediate execution of this law, passed with the special and exclu- sive object of preventing the further immi-
gration of people from the United States, was the annulment of the exemption of the United States settlers already in Texas from taxes, which had been promised for the first six years of their residence there. But it must be confessed that smuggling had been practiced to some extent by some of the colonists under that provision for exemption. Also, along with the execution of this odious law the government sent a large military force into Texas, under the command of Manuel Mier y Teran, commandant general of the eastern provinces, and he was also anthorized to establish inland and maritime custom-houses. A military despotism was naturally inaugurated at an early period. The only colonies recognized were those of Austin, Dewitt and Martin de Leon; all other concessions were suspended until their contracts could be examined and their fulfill- ment verified. Titles were denied to a great number of settlers already domiciled, and in- coming immigrants from the United States were ordered to quit the country immediately upon their arrival. A number of military posts were established, manned by convicts and other bad characters. A series of out- rages was directly begun. Military juris- diction was substituted for that of the local anthorities in many places; settlers were dis- possessed of their lands and property, many of them were imprisoned, and no redress could be obtained for thefts and robberies committed by the troops.
During the year 1831 the local authorities and also the frequently changing a Iministra- tion were at odds with each other, one party almost constantly colliding with another, and these in so rapid succession that the true interests of the masses were lost sight of. Outrages increased as the military officers were angered by resistance or lack of respect,
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HISTORY OF TEXAS.
until even the settlers in the Austin colony began to arise in arıns. A spirit of rebellion began to spread like a prairie fire before a wind.
One John Austin, not a relative of Stephen F., was an alcalde at Brazoria and a brave and influential citizen. On June 10, 1832, he joined the insurgents, and with about a hun- dred men demanded the release of certain prisoners at Anahuac, was refused, and some shots were fired. Bradburn, the Mexican offi. cer, agreed to release the men if Austin with his force would retire six miles away. Austin did this, but Bradburn broke faith, opened fire upon the insurgents remaining in Ana- huac and drove them from the place.
In January, this year (1832), Santa Anna at Vera Cruz pronounced against the govern- ment of Bustamante, and the usual war followed, a la Mexican. The colonists, being enraged by the latter's administration, a number of them met at Turtle bayou and drew up a list of their grievances, June 13, and passed resolutions adopting Santa Anna's plan and pledged their support to the consti- tution and the leaders who were then fighting in defense of civil liberty.
The first skirmish, June 13, 1832, resulted in the insurgents taking the fort at Velasco from the brave Ugartechoa. Meanwhile, John Austin's men around Anahuac successfully cut off supplies and communication. Pied- ras, commanding at Nacogdoches, hastened hitherward to aid the Mexicans, but before arriving fell into the hands of the insurgents, and was coverted to their cause. By his as- sistance Travis and other prisoners were re- leased. Piedras appointed another man to succeed Bradburn at Anahuac and started back to Nacogdoches; but as soon as he turned his back the garrison at Anahuac mutinied in favor of Santa Anna. Bradburn was per-
suaded by some of the officers to re-assume command, but he immediately found so many of the men committed to Santa Anna that he quit in disgust and went to New Orleans, ac- companied by only one man, as guide. On his journey he escape I molestation by saying that he was going to the United States to seek for aid in driving the Mexicans ont of Texas.
Considering Santa Anna's future career, it is interesting to notice the praise given that treacherous Mexican by S. F. Austin at this time. Said he, in an address delivered on the day of jubilee, July 25, 1832:
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