USA > Virginia > The planters of colonial Virginia > Part 12
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Despite the persistence of the small slave holder it is ob- vious that there were certain forces at work tending to in- crease the number of well-to-do and wealthy planters. Now that the labor problem, which in the Seventeenth century had proved so perplexing, had finally been solved, there was no limit to the riches that might be acquired by business acumen,
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THE PLANTERS OF
industry and good management. And as in the modern in- dustrial world the large corporation has many advantages over the smaller firms, so in colonial Virginia the most eco- nomical way of producing tobacco was upon the large planta- tions.
The wealthy man had the advantage of buying and selling in bulk, he enjoyed excellent credit and could thus often afford to withhold his crop from the market when prices were mo- mentarily unfavorable, he could secure the best agricultural in- struments. Most important of all, however, was the fact that he could utilize the resources of his plantation for the pro- duction of crude manufactured supplies, thus to a certain ex- tent freeing himself from dependence upon Birtish imports and keeping his slaves at work during all seasons of the year. Before the Eighteenth century had reached its fifth decade every large plantation had become to a remarkable degree self- sustaining. Each numbered among its working force various kinds of mechanics-coopers, blacksmiths, tanners, carpenters, shoemakers, distillers. These men could be set to work when- ever the claims of the tobacco crop upon their time were not imperative producing many of the coarser articles required upon the plantation, articles which the poor farmer had to im- port from England. For this work white men were at first almost universally made use of, but in time their places were taken by slaves. "Several of them are taught to be sawyers, carpenters, smiths, coopers, &c.," says the historian Hugh Jones, "though for the most part they be none of the aptest or nicest."53
The carpenter was kept busy constructing barns and ser- vants' quarters, or repairing stables, fences, gates and wagons. The blacksmith was called upon to shoe horses, to keep in order ploughs, hinges, sickles, saws, perhaps even to forge outright such rough iron ware as nails, chains and hoes. The
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COLONIAL VIRGINIA
cooper made casks in which to ship the tobacco crop, barrels for flour and vats for brandy and cider. The tanner prepared leather for the plantation and the cobbler fashioned it into shoes for the slaves. Sometimes there were spinners, weav- ers and knitters who made coarse cloth both for clothing and for bedding. The distiller every season made an abundant supply of cider, as well as apple, peach and persimmon brandy.
And the plantation itself provided the materials for this varied manufacture. The woods of pine, chestnut and oak yielded timber for houses and fuel for the smithy. The herd of cattle supplied hides for the tanner. The cloth makers got cotton, flax and hemp from the planter's own fields, and wool from his sheep. His orchard furnished apples, grapes, peaches in quantities ample for all the needs of the distiller. In other words, the large planter could utilize advantageously the re- sources at hand in a manner impossible for his neighbor who could boast of but a small farm and half a score of slaves.54
It was inevitable, then, that the widespread use of slave labor would result in the gradual multiplication of well-to-do and wealthy men. In the Seventeenth century not one planter in fifty could be classed as a man of wealth, and even so late as 1704 the number of the well-to-do was very narrowly lim- ited. In a report to the Lords of Trade written in that year Colonel Quary stated that upon each of the four great rivers of Virginia there resided from "ten to thirty men who by trade and industry had gotten very competent estates."55 Fifty years later the number had multiplied several times over.
Thus in Gloucester county in 1783, of 320 slave holders no less than 57 had sixteen or more. Of these one possessed 162, one 138, one 93, one 86, one 63, one 58, two 57, one 56, one 43 and one 40.56 In Spotsylvania, of 505 owners, 76 had six- teen or more. Of these Mann Page, Esq., had 157, Mrs. Mary Daingerfield had 71, William Daingerfield 61, Alexander
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THE PLANTERS OF
Spotswood 60, William Jackson 49, George Stubblefield 42, Frances Marewither 40, William Jones 39.57
The Dinwiddie tax lists for 1783 show that of 633 slave holders, no less than 60 had twenty-one or more negroes. Among the more important of these were Robert Turnbull with 81, Colonel John Banister with 88, Colonel William Diggs with 72, John Jones with 69, Mrs. Mary Bolling with 51, Robert Walker with 52, Winfield Mason with 40, John Burwell with 42, Gray Briggs with 43, William Yates with 55, Richard Taliaferro with 43, Major Thomas Scott with 57, Francis Muir with 47.58 The wealth of the larger planters is also shown by the large number of coaches recorded in these lists, which including phaetons, chariots and chairs, ag- gregated 180 wheels.
Thus it was that the doors of opportunity opened wide to the enterprising and industrious of the middle class, and many availed themselves of it to acquire both wealth and influence. Smyth tells us that at the close of the colonial period there were many planters whose fortunes were "superior to some of the first rank," but whose families were "not so ancient nor respectable."59 It was the observation of Anbury that gentlemen of good estates were more numerous in Virginia than in any other province of America.60
In fact the Eighteenth century was the golden age of the Virginia slave holders. It was then that they built the hand- some homes once so numerous in the older counties, many of which still remain as interesting monuments of former days; it was then that they surrounded themselves with grace- ful furniture and costly silverware, in large part imported from Great Britain; it was then that they collected paintings and filled their libraries with the works of standard writers; it was then that they purchased coaches and berlins; it was
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COLONIAL VIRGINIA
then that men and women alike wore rich and expensive clothing.
This movement tended to widen the influence of the aristoc- racy and at the same time to eliminate any sharp line of de- markation between it and the small slave holders. There was now only a gradual descent from the wealthiest to the poor man who had but one slave. The Spotsylvania tax lists for 1783 show 247 slaveholders owning from one to five negroes, 116 owning from six to ten inclusive, 66 owning from eleven to fifteen inclusive, and seventy-six owning more than fifteen.61 In Gloucester 156 had from one to five slaves, 66 from five to ten inclusive, 41 from eleven to fifteen inclusive, and fifty-seven over fifteen. Thus in a very true sense the old servant holding aristocracy had given way to a vastly larger slave holding aristocracy.
It is this fact which explains the decline in power and in- fluence of the Council in Virginia, which was so notable in the Eighteenth century. This body had formerly been repre- sentative of a small clique of families so distinct from the other planters and possessed of such power in the govern- ment as to rival the nobility of England itself. Now, how- ever, as this distinction disappeared, the Council sank in pres- tige because it represented nothing, while the House of Bur- gesses became the mouthpiece of the entire slave holding class, and thus the real power in the colonial Government.
Historians have often expressed surprise at the small num- ber of Tories in Virginia during the American Revolution. The aristocratic type of society would naturally lead one to suppose that a large proportion of the leading families would have remained loyal to the Crown. Yet with very few excep- tions all supported the cause of freedom and independence, even though conscious of the fact that by so doing they were jeopardizing not only the tobacco trade which was the basis
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THE PLANTERS OF
of their wealth, but the remnants of their social and political privileges in the colony. When the British Ministry tried to wring from the hands of the Assembly the all-important con- trol over taxation which all knew to be the very foundation of colonial self-government, every planter, the largest as well as the smallest, felt himself aggrieved, for this body was the depository of his power and the guardian of his interests. A hundred years before, when the commons rose. against the oppression and tyranny of the Government, the wealthy men rallied to the support of Sir William Berkeley and remained loyal to him throughout all his troubles. In 1775 there was no such division of the people; the planters were almost a unit in the defense of rights which all held in common.
It is obvious, then, that slavery worked a profound revolu- tion in the social, economic and political life of the colony. It practically destroyed the Virginia yeomanry, the class of small planters who used neither negroes nor servants in the cultivation of their fields, the class which produced the bulk of the tobacco during the Seventeenth century and constituted the chief strength of the colony. Some it drove into exile, either to the remote frontiers or to other colonies; some it re- duced to extreme poverty ; some it caused to purchase slaves and so at one step to enter the exclusive class of those who had others to labor for them. Thus it transformed Virginia from a land of hardworking, independent peasants, to a land of slaves and slave holders. The small freeholder was not destroyed, as was his prototype of ancient Rome, but he was subjected to a change which was by no means fortunate or wholesome. The wealthy class, which had formerly consisted of a narrow clique closely knit together by family ties, was transformed into a numerous body, while all sharp line of de- markation between it and the poorer slave holders was wiped out. In short, the Virginia of the Eighteenth century, the
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Virginia of Gooch and Dinwiddie and Washington and Jeffer- son, was fundamentally different from the Virginia of the Seventeenth century, the Virginia of Sir William Berkeley and Nathaniel Bacon. Slavery had wrought within the borders of the Old Dominion a profound and far reaching revolution.
NOTES TO CHAPTER I
1 Peter Force, Tracts and Other Papers, Vol. III, A True Dec- laration, p. 25.
2 Purchas, Vol. XVIII, pp. 437-438.
3 Peter Force, Tracts and Other Papers, Vol. III, A True Dec- laration, p. 23.
4 Alexander Brown, The Genesis of the United States, Vol. I, p. 37.
5 Peter Force, Tracts and Other Papers, Vol. I, Nova Brittania, PP. 21-22.
6 Hakluyt, Discourse, pp. 89-90.
7 Hakluyt, Discourse, p. 105.
8 Hakluyt, Discourse, p. 31.
9 Hakluyt, Discourse, pp. 14-15.
10 Alexander Brown, The First Republic in America, p. 49.
11 Alexander Brown, The Genesis of the United States, Vol. I, p. 349; Peter Force, Tracts and Other Papers, Vol. I, Nova Brit- tania, pp. 16-17.
12 Alexander Brown, The Genesis of the United States, Vol. I, p. 239.
13 Alexander Brown, The Genesis of the United States, Vol. I, P. 202.
14 P. A. Bruce, Economic History of Virginia, Vol. II, p. 445.
15 Neill, The Virginia Company of London, p. 338.
16 Randolph Manuscript, p. 212.
17 P. A. Bruce, Economic History of Virginia, Vol. II, p. 440; Alexander Brown, The Genesis of the United States, Vol. I, p. 239.
18 P. A. Bruce, Economic History of Virginia, Vol. II, p. 441. 19 P. A. Bruce, Economic History of Virginia, Vol. II, p. 443.
NOTES TO CHAPTER II
1 P. A. Bruce, Economic History of Virginia, Vol. I, p. 161 ; Alexander Brown, The First Republic in America, p. 232.
2 William Strachey, Historie of Travaile into Virginia Britan- nia, p. 121; P. A. Bruce, Economic History of Virginia, Vol. I, p. 162.
162
163
NOTES
3 Ralph Hamor, True Discourse, pp. 24, 34.
4 G. L. Beer, The Origins of the British Colonial System, p. 79. 5 Edward Arber, The Works of Captain John Smith, p. 535. 6 Alexander Brown, The First Republic in America, p. 268.
7 G. L. Beer, The Origins of the British Colonial System, p. 87.
8 G. L. Beer, The Origins of the British Colonial System, p. 81. 9 Alexander Brown, The First Republic in America, p. 268.
10 Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. IX, pp. 40-41.
11 Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. IX, pp. 176-177.
12 P. A. Bruce, Economic History of Virginia, Vol. II, p. 416.
13 Alexander Brown, The Genesis of the United States, Vol. I, PP. 355-356.
14 The lack of towns in Virginia was a source of great regret to the English Government, and more than once attempts were made to create them by artificial means.
15 Even at the end of the Seventeenth century the average price for land in the older counties was about thirty pounds of tobacco an acre.
16 P. A. Bruce, Economic History of Virginia, Vol. I, p. 578; Vol. II, p. 48.
17 It was Chanco, an Indian boy living with a Mr. Pace, who revealed the plot to massacre the whites in 1622, and so saved the colony from destruction. Edward Arber, The Works of Captain John Smith, p. 578.
18 P. A. Bruce, The Economic History of Virginia, Vol. II, P. 70.
19 For a full discussion of this matter see p. -.
20 Hakluyt, Vol. VII, p. 286.
21 P. A. Bruce, Economic History of Virginia, Vol. I, p. 582.
22 Abstracts of Proceedings of Virginia Company of London, Vol. I, pp. 28, 172; Edward Arber, The Works of Captain John Smith, p. 609.
23 Hening, Statutes at Large, Vol. II, p. 510.
24 P. A. Bruce, Economic History of Virginia, Vol. I, p. 603.
25 P. A. Bruce, Economic History of Virginia, Vol. I, p. 605. 26 Virginia Land Patents, Vol. V, Register of Land Office, Vir- ginia State Capitol.
27 Hening, Statutes at Large, Vol. II, p. 510.
28 P. A. Bruce, Economic History of Virginia, Vol. I, p. 611.
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NOTES
29 British Public Record Office, CO1-26-77, Berkeley to the Board of Trade.
30 Peter Force, Tracts and Other Papers, Vol. III, Orders and Constitutions, 1619, 1620, p. 22.
31 Virginia Land Patents, Register of Land Office, Virginia State Capitol.
32 Calendar of State Papers, Colonial Series, 1574-1660, p. 208. 33 Princeton Transcripts, Virginia Land Patents, Princeton University Library.
34 Virginia Land Patents, Register of Land Office, Virginia State Capitol.
NOTES TO CHAPTER III
1 L. G. Tyler, Narratives of Early Virginia, pp. 21-22.
2 Abstracts of Proceedings of Virginia Company of London, Vol. II, p. 171.
3 British Public Record Office, COI-26-77, Berkeley to Board of Trade.
4 Hening, Statutes at Large, Vol. I, p. 257.
5 Hening, Statutes at Large, Vol. I, p. 41I.
6 Hening, Statutes at Large, Vol. I, p. 539.
7 British Public Record Office, CO1-26-77, Berkeley to Board of Trade.
8 Virginia Land Patents, Register of Land Office, Virginia State Capitol.
9 P. A. Bruce, Economic History of Virginia, Vol. I, p. 595.
10 J. C. Hotten, Original Lists of Emigrants to America (1600- 1700).
11 Peter Force, Tracts and Other Papers, Vol. II, New Descrip- tion of Virginia, p. 3.
12 British Public Record Office, CO1-26-77, Berkeley to Board of Trade.
13 British Public Record Office, CO5-1359, p. 119, Colonial Entry Book, Governor Andros to the Lords of Trade.
14 E. D. Neill, Virginia Vetusta, p. 123.
15 Hugh Jones, Present State of Virginia, p. 61.
16 Surry County Records, 1684-1686, Virginia State Library.
17 York County Records, 1696-1701, Virginia State Library.
18 Rappahannock County Deeds, 1680-1688, Virginia State Library.
19 Essex County, Orders, Deeds, Etc., 1692-1695, Virginia State Library.
165
NOTES
20 J. C. Hotten, Original Lists of Emigrants to America, pp. 266-275.
21 P. A. Bruce, Economic History of Virginia, Vol. I, pp. 529- 532.
22 Virginia Land Patents, Register of Land Office, Virginia State Capitol.
23 Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. I, p. 30. 24 Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. XII, p. 387.
25 Virginia Land Patents, Register of Land Office, Virginia State Capitol.
26 Virginia Land Patents, Register of Land Office, Virginia State Capitol.
27 Essex County, Orders, Deeds, Etc., 1692-1695, Virginia State Library.
28 Surry County Records, 1645-1672, p. 17.
29 Essex County, Orders, Deeds, Etc., 1692-1695, p. 348, Vir- ginia State Library.
30 Virginia Land Patents, Register of Land Office, Virginia State Capitol, Vol. V.
31 Essex County, Orders, Deeds, Etc., 1692-1695, pp. 199, 202, 205, 209, 216, 348, 394, 407, 413, Virginia State Library.
32 H. R. McIlwaine, Journals of the House of Burgesses, 1686, P. 37.
33 British Public Record Office, CO5-1359, pp. 91-92, Colonial Entry Book.
34 British Public Record Office, CO5-1306, Document 116, Cor- respondence of the Board of Trade.
35 British Public Record Office, CO5-1355, P. 361, Colonial Entry Book.
36 British Public Record Office, CO5-1359, PP. 91-92, Colonial Entry Book.
37 British Public Record Office, CO5-1405, p. 460, Council Minutes, 1680-1695.
38 British Public Record Office, CO5-1405, pp. 544-545, Coun- cil Minutes, 1680-1695.
39 British Public Record Office, CO5-1359, p. 345, Colonial Entry Book, 1696-1700.
40 British Public Record Office, CO5-1339, Document 33V. Correspondence of the Board of Trade.
41 British Public Record Office, CO5-1314, Document 63VIII, Correspondence of the Board of Trade. A copy of this interest-
166
NOTES
ing document is published as an appendix to this volume.
42 See appendix.
43 See appendix.
44 Of this land 15 acres belonged to Thomas Jefferson, probably the grandfather of President Jefferson.
45 In the opening years of the Eighteenth century the increased importation of slaves brought about an immediate decline in the migration of whites to Virginia from England.
46 Hening, Statutes at Large, Vol. II, p. 480. The laws gov- erning the tithables were altered slightly from time to time.
47 Surry County, Wills, Deeds, Etc., 1671-1684, pp. 134-138, Virginia State Library.
48 Surry County, Wills, Deeds, Etc., 1671-1684, pp. 134-138, Virginia State Library.
49 Surry County, Deeds, Wills, Etc., 1684-1686, pp. 59-63, Vir- ginia State Library.
50 Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. I, pp. 364-373.
51 Prince George county was formed out of Charles City in 1703.
52 Surry County, Wills, Deeds, Etc., 1671-1684; Surry County, Deeds, Wills, Etc., 1684-1686, Virginia State Library.
53 Elizabeth City County Records, 1684-1699, Virginia State Li- brary.
NOTES TO CHAPTER IV
1 William and Mary Quarterly, Vol. VIII, p. 273.
2 William and Mary Quarterly, Vol. VIII, p. 273.
3 P. A. Bruce, Economic History of Virginia, Vol. II, p. 42.
4 Robert Beverley, History of Virginia, p. 22I.
5 Peter Force, Tracts and Other Papers, Vol. III, Leah and Rachel, p. II.
6 William and Mary Quarterly, Vol. XXVI, p. 31.
7 Peter Force, Tracts and Other Papers, Vol. III, Leah and Rachel, p. II.
8 In fact, it was stated by John Hammond in 1656 that many servants acquired considerable property even before the expira- tion of their indentures. "Those servants that will be indus- trious may in their time of service gain a competent estate be- fore their Freedomes," he says, "which is usually done by many, and they gaine esteeme and assistance that appear so industrious :
167
NOTES
There is no master almost but will allow his Servant a parcell of clear ground to plant some tobacco in for himselfe, which he may husband at those many idle times he hath allowed him and not prejudice, but rejoyce his Master to see it, which in time of Shipping he may lay out for commodities, and in Summer sell them again with advantage, and get a Sow-Pig or two, which any body almost will give him, and his Master suffer him to keep them with his own, which will be no charge to his Master, and with one year's increase of them may purchase a Cow calf or two, and by that time he is for himself ; he may have Cattle, Hogs and Tobacco of his own, and come to live gallantly ; but this must be gained (as I said) by Industry and affability, not by sloth nor churlish behaviour." Peter Force, Tracts and Other Papers, Vol. III, Leah and Rachel, p. 14.
9 Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. IV, p. I57.
10 Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. VII, p. 262.
11 Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. VII, P. 261.
12 R. L. Beer, Origins of the British Colonial System, p. 154. 13 Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. VIII, p. I60.
14 Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. XIII, p. 381.
15 Peter Force, Tracts and Other Papers, Vol. II, New Descrip- tion of Virginia, pp. 4-6.
16 British Public Record Office, COI-21, Secretary Ludwell to Lord John Berkeley.
17 Alexander Brown, The First Republic in America, p. 268.
18 Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. VII, p. 267, King Charles I to the Governor and Council of Virginia.
19 Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. I, p. 293. Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. VI, p. 376. 20
21 Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. II, p. 53. 22 Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. II, p. 394.
23 Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. VI, p. 260.
24 Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. VII, p. 382.
25 Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. VIII, p. 149.
I68
NOTES
26 Governor Yeardley's Instructions of 1626 contain the state- ment that "tobacco falleth every day more and more to a baser price."
27 Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. VII, p. 376.
28 Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. VIII, P. 159. 29 Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. IX, p. 177.
80 Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. X, p. 425. 31 G. L. Beer, Origins of the British Colonial System, p. 159. 32 Peter Force, Tracts and Other Papers, Vol. II, New De- scription of Virginia, p. 4.
33 Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. VIII, P. 150.
34 Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. II, p. 288. In Feb. 1627, orders were issued once more that all colonial to- bacco, whether of Virginia or of the West Indies, should be shipped only to London. Calendar of State Papers, 1574-1660, p. 84.
35 Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. VIII, pp. 149, 155.
36 British Public Record Office, COI-12, Petition of Jan. 2, 1655.
37 P. A. Bruce, Economic History of Virginia, Vol. I, pp. 349- 356. 38 G. L. Beer, Origins of the British Colonial System, pp. 203- 204.
39 G. L. Beer, Origins of the British Colonial System, p. 216.
40 The author of A New Description of Virginia, published in 1649, states that "in Tobacco they can make L20 sterling a man, at 3d a pound per annum." Peter Force, Tracts and Other Papers, Vol. II, New Description of Virginia, p. 6.
41 Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. VII, p. 382.
42 Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. VIII, p. 149, Vol. II, p. 53, Vol. VII, p. 259.
43 Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. VII, p. 260.
44 Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. VIII, p. 158.
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NOTES
45 Abstracts of Proceedings of Virginia Company of London, Vol. I, pp. 41-42.
46 J. C. Hotten, Original Lists of Emigrants to America, pp. 201-265.
47 Colonial Virginia Register, pp. 54-55.
48 Peter Force, Tracts and Other Papers, Vol. III, p. 16.
49 Colonial Virginia Register, pp. 68-69.
50 Virginia Land Patents, Register of Land Office, Virginia State Capitol.
51 Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. II, p. 420.
52 Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. II, p. 421; Vol. IV, p. 75.
53 Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. I, p. 77.
54 W. A. Crozier, Virginia County Records, Vol. VI, pp. 15-18.
55 W. A. Crozier, Virginia County Records, Vol. VI, p. 56.
56 Virginia Land Patents, Register of Land Office, Virginia State Capitol.
57 William and Mary Quarterly, Vol. XI, p. 271.
58 William and Mary Quarterly, Vol. XI, p. 276.
59 William and Mary Quarterly, Vol. XI, pp. 271-276.
60 Virginia Colonial Register, pp. 64, 68, 70.
61 William and Mary Quarterly, Vol. IX, p. 72.
62 Virginia Land Patents, Vol. V, p. 224, Register of Land Of- fice, Virginia State Capitol. 63 W. A. Crozier, Virginia County Records, New Series Vol. I, P. 4.
64 W. A. Crozier, Virginia County Records, Vol. VI, pp. 83, 84, 125, 126.
65 W. A. Crozier, Virginia County Records, Vol. VII, p. 5.
66 W. A. Crozier, Virginia County Records, Vol. VI, p. 78.
67 W. A. Crozier, Virginia County Records, Vol. VI, pp. 77, 191, 281.
68 W. A. Crozier, Virginia County Records, Vol. VI, p. 122.
69 W. A. Crozier, Virginia County Records, Vol. VI, p. 192.
70 W. A. Crozier, Virginia County Records, Vol. VI, p. 76. 71 William and Mary Quarterly, Vol. IX, p. 144.
72 William and Mary Quarterly, Vol. IX, p. 144.
73 William and Mary Quarterly, Vol. XI, p. 276.
74 Virginia Land Patents, Vol. III, Register of Land Office, Virginia State Capitol. The name is here spelled John Black- borne.
75 Virginia Land Patents, Vol. III, Register of Land Office,
170
NOTES
Virginia State Capitol. On the lists the name is spelled Wil- liam Butcher.
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