An illustrated history of Skagit and Snohomish Counties; their people, their commerce and their resources, with an outline of the early history of the state of Washington, Part 7

Author: Inter-state Publishing Company (Chicago, Ill.)
Publication date: 1906
Publisher: [Chicago] Interstate Publishing Company
Number of Pages: 1172

USA > Washington > Skagit County > An illustrated history of Skagit and Snohomish Counties; their people, their commerce and their resources, with an outline of the early history of the state of Washington > Part 7
USA > Washington > Snohomish County > An illustrated history of Skagit and Snohomish Counties; their people, their commerce and their resources, with an outline of the early history of the state of Washington > Part 7

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The earlier portions of their journey afforded many interesting and some exciting experiences, hut all went fairly well with them until the moun- tains were entered, when their troubles began. The story of their wanderings. their struggles, hardships and starvation on that terrible winter trip through the interminable labyrinths of the mountains, and on the desolate and forbidding lava plains is heart-rending in the extreme. Detach- ments under Mackenzie and Maclellan passed through the mountains to Snake river before winter was fairly upon them, though even they had to endure extreme suffering. It was these who reached Astoria in January as before stated. On the 15th of February the main party under Mr. Hunt also reached the scene. As they drew near Astoria, the whole population of that settlement came pouring down to meet them, the foremost being Mackenzie and Maclellan, who, having

abandoned hope that Hunt and his men could sur- vive the famine and the rigors of winter, were the more rejoiced to see them alive. "The Canadians, with French abandon, rushed into each other's arms, crying and hugging like so many school girls, and even the hard-visaged Scotchmen and noncha- lant Americans gave themselves up to the unstinted gladness of the occasion." Crooks and John Day. with four Canadians, had been left sick on the banks of the Snake. It was not thought likely that they would ever be seen alive again, but the next suni - mer, Stuart and Maclellan, while journeying from Okanogan to Astoria, found the two leaders, naked and haggard. near the mouth of the U'matilla. Their pitiable plight was speedily relieved, but poor John Day never recovered and soon was nund ered among the dead. The Canadians were afterward found alive, though destitute, among the Shoshones.

On the 5th of May, 1812, the Beaver, another of Astor's vessels, reached Astoria. Among those on board was Ross Cox, author of Adventures on the Columbia River, a work of great historical value. About this time, also. Robert Stuart. while bearing despatches by land to Mr. Astor, discovered the South Pass through the Rocky mountains, which in later years became the great gateway to the l'acific for immigrant trains.

Pity it is that the historian inst record the failure of an enterprise so wisely planned as that of Astor. so generously supported and in the execu- tion of which so much devoted self-abnegation was displayed, so many lives sacrificed. But the clouds were now beginning to darken above the little colony on the shores of the Pacific. On August 1th the Beaver sailed northward for Sitka, with Mr. Hunt aboard. While there an agreement was entered into between that gentleman and the Russian governor, Baranoff, the gist of which was that the Russian and American companies were to forbear interference with each other's territory and to operate as allies in expelling trespassers on the rights of either. The Beaver had been instructed to return to Astoria before sailing to Canton, but instead she sailed direct, so Mr. Hunt was carried to Oahu. there to await a vessel expected from New York, on which he should obtain passage to As- toria. But he did not arrive until too late to avert the calamity which befell the Pacific Fur Company. War was declared between Great Britain and the United States. Mr. Astor learned that the North- west Company was preparing a ship mounting twenty guns, the Isaac Todd, wherewith to cap- ture Astoria. He appealed to the United States for aid, but his efforts were unavailing. Discour- agements were thickening around the American settlement. Mackenzie was unsuccessful at his post on the Shahaptin river. and had determined to press for a new post. He visited Clarke, and while the two were together, John George MacTavish, of the Northwest Company, paid them a visit and

INTRODUCTORY

vauntingly informed them of the sailing of the Isaac Todd, and of her mission, the capture or destruction of Astoria. Mackenzie returned at once to his post on the Shahaptin, broke up camp, cached his provisions, and set out in haste for Astoria, at which point he arrived January 16, 1813. Macdougal was agent-in-chief at Astoria in the absence of Hunt. It was resolved by him and Mackenzie that they should abandon Astoria in the spring and recross the mountains. Mackenzie at once set off to recover his cached provisions and to trade them for horses for the journey. He also carried despatches to Messrs. Clarke and David Stuart, advising them of the intention to abandon Astoria and directing them to make preparations accordingly. Mackenzie met a party of the North- west Company, with MacTavish as one of the leaders, and the parties camped, as Irving says, "mingled together as united by a common interest instead of belonging to rival companies trading under hostile flags."

On reaching his destination, Mackenzie found his cache had been robbed by Indians. He and Clarke and Stuart met at Walla Walla as per arrangement, and together descended the Columbia, reaching Astoria June 12th.

Stuart and Clarke refused to break up their posts and to provide horses or make other prepara- tions for leaving the country. Furthermore, Mac- kenzie's disappointment in finding his cache broken into and its contents stolen made it necessary that the departure should be delayed beyond July 1st, the date set by Macdougal for dissolution of the company. Treason was have time and opportunity to do its worst. MacTavish, who was camped at the fort, began negotiations for the pur- chase of trading goods, and it was proposed by Macdougal to trade him the post on the Spokane for horses to be delivered the next spring, which proposition was eventually accepted. An agree- ment for the dissolution of the company to take effect the next June was signed by the four part- ners, Clarke and Stuart yielding to the pressure much against their wills. Hunt, who arrived on the 20th of August, also reluctantly yiekled, the discouraging circumstances having been pictured to him by Macdougal, who pretended to be ani- mated by a desire to save Mr. Astor's interests before the place should fall into the hands of the British, whose war vessels were on their way to effect its capture. Hunt then sailed to secure a vessel to convey the property to the Russian settle- ments for safe keeping while the war lasted, first arranging that Macdougal should be placed in full charge of the establishment after January 1st should he fail to return.

While en route to advise Messrs. Clarke and Stuart of the new arrangement, Mr. Mackenzie and party met MacTavish and J. Stuart with a company of men descending the river to meet the

Phobe and the Isaac Todd. Clarke had been advised of the situation and was accompanying them to Astoria. Mackenzie decided to return also to the fort, and with Clarke attempted to slip away in the night and so reach Astoria before the mem- bers of the Northwest Company arrived, but was discovered and followed by two of MacTavish's canoes. Both MacTavish and Mackenzie reached their objective point on October "th, and the party of the former camped at the fort. Next day Mac- dougal, by way of preparation for his final coup, read a letter announcing the sailing of the Phoebe and the Isaac Todd with orders "to take and destroy everything American on the Northwest coast."

"This dramatic scene," says Evans, "was fol- lowed by a proposition of MacTavish to purchase the interests, stocks, establishments, etc., of the Pacific Fur Company. Macdougal then assumed sole control and agency because of the non-arrival of Hunt, and after repeated conference with Mac- Tavish, in which the presence of the other partners was ignored, the sale was concluded at certain rates. A few days later J. Stuart arrived with the remain- der of the Northwest party. He objected to MacTavish's prices, and lowered the rates materi- ally. Mr. Stuart's offer was accepted by Macdougal and the agreement of transfer was signed October 16th. By it Duncan Macdougal. for and on behalf of himself, Donald Mackenzie, David Stuart and John Clarke, partners of the Pacific Fur Company, dissolved July 1st, pretended to sell to his British confreres and co-conspirators of the Northwest Company 'the whole of the establishments, furs and present stock on hand, on the Columbia and Thomp- son's rivers.'" Speaking of the transaction in a letter to John Quincy Adams, secretary of state, Mr. Astor himself says :

"Macdougal transferred all of my property to the Northwest Company, who were in possession of it by sale. as he called it, for the sum of fifty- eight thousand dollars, of which he retained four- teen thousand dollars as wages said to be due to some of the men. From the price obtained for the goods, etc., and he having himself become inter- ested in the purchase and made a partner of the Northwest Company, some idea may be formed as to this man's correctness of dealing. He sold to the Northwest Company eighteen thousand one hun- (red and seventy pounds of beaver at two dollars, which was at that time selling in Canton at five and six dollars per skin. I estimate the whole prop- erty to be worth nearer two hundred thousand dollars than forty thousand dollars, about the sum I received in bills on Montreal."

Charitably disposed persons may suggest that Macdougal's actions were in a measure justifiable ; that a British force was actually en route to capture Astoria, and that the post, being without adequate means of defense, must surely fall ; that it was bet- ter to save a pittance than that all should be lost.

THE ASTOR EXPEDITION

Macdougal's conduct subsequent to the transfer of Mr. Astor's property was, however, "in studied and consistent obedience to the interests of the North- west Company." On his return on February 28. 1814, in the brig Pedler, which he purchased to convey Mr. Astor's property to a place of safety, Mr. Hunt found his old partner, whom he had left in charge of the fort, still presiding over it, but now a dignitary in the camp of the enemy. There was no other course open to him than to digest the venom of his chagrin as best he could, take his diminutive drafts on Montreal, and set sail in the Pedler for New York. Macdougal had been given a full partnership in the Northwest Company. What was the consideration ?

It is needless to add that on the arrival of the British vessels, Astoria became a British posses- sion. The formal change of the sovereignty and raising of the union jack took place on December 12th, and as if to obliterate all trace of Mr. Astor's operations, the name of Astoria was changed to Fort George. The arrival of the Isaac Todd the following spring with a cargo of trading goods and supplies enabled the Northwest Company to enter vigorously into the prosecution of its trade in the territory of its wronged and outraged rival.

"Thus disgracefully failed," says Evans, "a mag- nificent enterprise, which merited success for sagac- ity displayed in its conception, its details, its objects ; for the liberality and munificence of its projector in furnishing means adequate for its thorough execu- tion : for the results it had aimed to produce. It was inaugurated purely for commercial purposes. Ilad it not been transferred to its enemies, it would have pioneered the colonization of the northwest coast by citizens of the United States ; it would have furnished the natural and peaceful solution of the

question of the right to the territory drained by the Columbia and its tributaries. *

"The scheme was grand in its aim, magnificent in its breadth of purpose and area of operation. Its results were naturally feasible, not over-antici- pated. They were but the logical and necessary sequence of the pursuit of the plan. Mr. Astor made no miscalculation, no omission ; neither did he permit a sanguine hope to lead him into any wild or imaginary venture. He was practical, generous, broad. He executed what Sir Alexander Macken- zie urged should be adopted as the policy of British capital and enterprise. That one American citizen should have individually undertaken what two mammoth British companies had not the courage to try was but an additional cause which had inten- sified national prejudice into embittered jealousy on the part of his British rivals, the Northwest Com- pany.'

By the first article of the treaty of Ghent, entered into between Great Britain and the United States, December 14, 1814, it was agreed "that all territory, places and possessions whatsoever, taken by either party from the other, during or after the war, should be restored." Astoria, therefore, again became the possession of the United States, and in September, 1817, the government sent the sloop-of- war Ontario "to assert the claim of the United States to the sovereignty of the adjacent country, and especially to reoccupy Astoria or Fort George.' The formal surrender of the fort is dated October 6, 1818.

Mr. Astor had urged the United States to re- possess Astoria, and intended fully to resume opera- tions in the basin of the Columbia, but the Pacific Fur Company was never reorganized, and never again did the great captain of industry engage in trade on the shores of the Pacific.

CHAPTER IV

THE NORTHWEST AND HUDSON'S BAY COMPANIES

It is pertinent now to inquire somewhat more particularly into the fortunes and antecedent history of the Northwest and Hudson's Bay Companies, which are each in turn to operate exclusively in the territory with which our volume is concerned. By the Joint-Occupancy treaty of October 20, 1818, between the United States and Great Britain, it was mutually covenanted "that any country which may be claimed by either party on the northwest coast of America, westward of the Stony mountains, shall, together with its harbors, bays and ereeks, and the navigation of all rivers within the same, be free and open, for the term of ten years from the date of the signature of the present convention, to the vessels, citizens and subjects of the two powers ; it being well understood that this agreement is not to be construed to the prejudice of any claims which either of the two high contracting par- ties may have to any part of the said country ; nor shall it be taken to affect the claims of any other power or state to any part of said country: the only object of the high contracting parties in this respect being to prevent disputes and differences among themselves."

The Northwest Company, whose members were, of course, British subjects, was, therefore, permitted to operate freely in all disputed territory, and it made good use of its privileges. Its opera- tions extended far and wide in all directions; its emissaries were sent wherever there was a prospect of profitable trade; it respected no rights of terri- tory; it scrupled at no trickery or dissimulation. When it learned of the expedition of Lewis and Clark it sent Daniel W. Harmon with a party. instructing him to reach the mouth of the Columbia in advance of the Americans. The poor health of the leader, prevented this. Of its efforts to cir- cumvent Mr. Astor's occupancy of the mouth of the Columbia we have already spoken.

It showed also its intention to confirm and strengthen British title to all territories adversely claimed, and wherever a post was established the territory contiguous thereto was ceremoniously taken possession of "in the name of the king of Great Britain for the Northwest Company."

Although organized in 17:4, the Northwest Company did not attain to high prestige until the dawn of the nineteenth century. Then, however, it seemed to take on new life, and before the first half decade was passed it had become the success- ful rival of the Hudson's Bay Company for the fur

trade of the interior of North America. The Hud- son's Bay Company when originally chartered in 1670 was granted in a general way the right to traffic in Hudson's bay and the territory contiguous thereto, and the Northwest Company began to in- sist that the grant should be more strictly construed, The boundaries of Prince Rupert's land, as the Hudson's bay territory was named, had never been definitely determined, and there had long been con- tention in those regions which were claimed by that company, but denied to it by the other fur traders. Beyond the recognized area of the Hudson's bay territory, the old Northwest Company (a French corporation which had fallen at the time of the fall of Canada into the possession of the British) had been a competitor of the Hudson's Bay Company. When this French association went out of existence the contest was kept up by private merchants, but without lasting success. The new Northwest Com- pany, of Montreal, united and cemented into one organization all these individuals for the better dis- charge of the common purpose. It is interesting to note the theory of trade of this association as con- trasted with that of the Hudson's Bay Company.

From established posts as centers of operations, the Montreal association despatched parties in all directions to visit the villages and haunts of the natives and secure furs from every source possible. It went to the natives for their goods, while the rival company so arranged its posts that these were convenient to the whole Indian population, then depended upon the aborigines to bring in their peltry and exchange the same for such articles as might supply their wants or gratify their fancies. Consequently the one company required many em- ployees, the other comparatively few. The clerks or traders of the Montreal association were required to serve an apprenticeship of seven years at small wages. That term successfully completed, the stipend was doubled. Skill and special aptitude in trading brought speedy promotions, and the chance to become a partner in the business was an unfailing incentive to strenuous effort. The Hudson's Bay Company, on the other hand, had established fixed grades of compensation. Promotion was slow, coming periodically rather than as a reward for spe- cially meritorious service, and though faithfulness to duty was required, no incentive was offered for special endeavor. The Hudson's Bay Company based its territorial title upon a specific grant from the crown, while the rival association sought no

THE NORTHWEST AND HUDSON'S BAY COMPANIES

other title than such as priority of occupancy and pre-emption afforded. It claimed as its field of operation all unoccupied territory wherever located.

Such, in general, were the methods of the two companies whose bitter rivalry was carried to such an extent that both were brought to the verge of bankruptcy and that civil strife was at one point actually precipitated. In 1811 Lord Selkirk, a Scotch nobleman of wealth, who had become the owner of a controlling interest in the Hudson's Bay Company, attempted a grand colonization scheme. His project was to send out agricultural colonies to the basin of the Red River of the North. The enmity of the Northwest Company was at once aroused. It fully realized that Selkirk's scheme was inimical to its business, especially so because his grant lay directly across its pathway between Mon- treal and the interior. The effect would be to "cut its communication, interposing a hostile territory between its posts and the center of operations. The company protested that the grant was illegal. that it was corruptly secured, and urged that suit be instituted to test Lord Selkirk's title. But the government favored the project and refused to interfere. A colony was established at Assinaboia. Its governor prohibited the killing of animals within the territory, and the agents of the Northwest Com- pany treated his proclamation with contempt. Matters grew worse and worse until hostilities broke out, which ended in a decisive victory for the Northwest Company in a pitched battle fought June 19. 1816, twenty-two of the colonists being killed. Numerous arrests of Northwesters engaged in the conflict followed, but all were acquitted in the Canadian courts. The British cabinet ordered that the governor-general of Canada should "re- quire the restitution of all captured posts, buildings and trading stations, with the property they con- tained, to the proper owners, and the removal of any blockade or any interruption to the free passage of all traders and British subjects with their mer- chandise, furs, provisions and effects, through the lakes, rivers, roads and every route of communica- tion used for the purpose of the fur trade in the interior of North America, and the full and free permission of all persons to pursue their usual and accustomed trade without hindrance or molestation."

But the competition between the companies con- tinned. Both were reduced to the verge of bank- ruptey. Something had to be done. The gover- nor-general of Canada appointed a commission to investigate conditions, and that commission recom- mended a union of the two companies. Nothing, however, of material benefit resulted. Eventually, in the winter of 1819-20, Lord Bathurst, British secretary of state for the colonies, took up the mat- ter, and through its mediation a union was finally effected. On March 20, 1821, it was mutually agreed that both companies should operate under the charter of the Hudson's Bay Company, fur-

nishing equal amounts of capital and sharing equally the profits, the arrangement to continue in force for twenty-one years. By "an act for regu- lating the fur trade and establishing a criminal and civil jurisdiction in certain parts of North America," passed in the British parliament July 2, 1821, the crown was empowered to issue a license to the combined companies for exchisive trade "as well over the country to the east as beyond the Rocky mountains, and extending to the Pacific ocean, saving the rights of the Hudson's Bay Com- pany over this territory." "That is to say," explains Evans, "in the territory granted to the Hudson's Bay Company by their charter, this license does not operate. The company in the Hudson's bay terri- tory already enjoyed exclusive privileges; and this license recognized that territory as a province, ex- cepting it as a British province from the operation of this license."

Agreeably to the provisions of the statute just referred to a license was granted to the Hudson's Bay Company and to William and Simon McGil- livray and Edward Ellice. as representatives of the shareholders of the Northwest Company. The license was one of exclusive trade as far as all other British subjects were concerned, and was to be in force for a period of twenty-one years. It was to extend to all "parts of North America to the northward and westward of the lands and terri- tories belonging to the United States or to any European government, state or power, reserving no rent."

Of the grantees a bond was required conditioned upon the due execution of civil process where the matter in controversy exceeded two hundred pounds, and upon the delivery for trial in the Canadian courts of all persons charged with crime. Thus it will be seen that Americans operating in the Oregon territory (which was, by act of the British parlia- ment and the license issued under it, treated as being outside of "any legally defined civil govern- ment of the United States") were subject to be taken when accused of crime to Canada for trial. How did that comport with the treaty of 1818, one provision of which was that neither power should assert rights of sovereignty against the other? The fact that the British government required and the company agreed to enforce British law in the "terri- tory westward of the Stony mountains" shows clearly the wish of the ever earth-hungry British lion to circumvent the treaty of 1818 and make Ore- gon in fact and verity a British possession.

By 1824 all the rights and interests of the stock- holders late of the Northwest Company had passed into the hands of the Hudson's Bay Company. The absorption of the one corporation by the other was complete. The treacherous and perfidious treat- ment of Mr. Astor and the demoralization of his partners availed the greedy Northwesters but little. for they were soon after conquered and subdued

INTRODUCTORY

and forever deprived of their identity as a company by their powerful rival and enemy.

The Hudson's Bay Company now became the sole owner and proprietor of the trade west of the Rocky mountains, and of all the rights accruing un- der the license of trade of December 5, 1821. An extended narration of the methods and rules of this corporation would be very interesting, but, mindful of our assigned limits and province, we must be brief. The company has been aptly characterized by Evans as an "imperium in imperio," and such it was, for it was in possession of well-nigh absolute power over its employees and the native races with whom it traded. It was constituted "the true and absolute lords and proprietors of the territories. limits and places, save always the faith, allegiance and sovereign dominion due to us ( the crown ). our heirs and successors, for the same, to hold as tenants in fee and common soceage, and not by knight's service, reserving as a yearly rent, two elks and two black beavers." Power was granted, should occa- sion arise, to "send ships-of-war, men or ammuni- tion to any fort, post or place for the defense thereof : to raise military companies, and appoint their officers ; to make war or conclude peace with any people not Christian, in any of their territories," also "to seize the goods, estate or people of those countries for damage to the company's interests, or for the interruption of trade; to erect and build forts, garrisons, towns, villages; to establish colo- nies, and to support such establishments by expe- ditions fitted out in Great Britain; to seize all British subjects not connected with the company or employed by them or in such territory by their license and send them to England." Should one of its factors, traders or other employees "eontemin or disobey an order, he was liable to be punished by the president or council, who were authorized to preseribe the manner and measure of punish- ment. The offender had the right to appeal to the company in England, or he might be turned over for trial by the courts. For the better discovery of abuses and injuries by servants, the governor and company, and their respective president, chief agent or governor in any of the territories, were authorized to examine upon oath all factors, mas- ters, pursers, supercargoes, commanders of castles, forts, fortifications, plantations, or colonies, or other persons, touching or concerning any matter or thing sought to be investigated." Further to strengthen the hands of the company the charter concludes with a royal mandate to all "admirals, vice-admirals, justices, mayors, sheriffs, constables, bailiffs, and all and singular other our officers, ministers, liege- men, subjects whatsoever, to aid, favor, help and assist the said governor and company to enjoy, as well on land as on the seas, all the premises in said charter contained, whensoever required."

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An illustrated history of Skagit and Snohomish Counties; their people, their commerce and their resources, with an outline of the early history of the state of Washington, Part 7

Author: Inter-state Publishing Company (Chicago, Ill.) Publication date: 1906 Publisher: [Chicago] Interstate Publishing Company Number of Pages: 1172

Author: Inter-state Publishing Company (Chicago, Ill.)
Publication date: 1906
Publisher: [Chicago] Interstate Publishing Company
Number of Pages: 1172