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Governor Harvey's untimely death opened the way, by virtue of the constitution, for Edward Salomon, the Lieutenant Governor, (1+)
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to take his place. No man was over called to that office when the faithful discharge of its duties called for more wisdom, patience and ability than on the day when this untried lawyer took the oath of office to discharge its duties and uphold the constitution. Mr. Salomon had never been active in political affairs, either State or National; indeed, many of the delegates in the convention that nominated him had never heard of him before, and did not know whether he was a Democrat or Republican: but the convention felt the necessity of putting a man on the ticket to represent the Ger- mans, and upon the recommendation of Gen. James H. Paine, Win- field Smith and others who were well acquainted with Salomon, he was nominated for the second place, little thinking that he would so soon be called to the first. Under such circumstances it is not strange that the people felt some anxiety about Salomon's official conduct, and concerning his ability to fill the bill. They did not have to wait long to ascertain that the interests of the State had been committed to thoroughly competent hands, and that the man at the helm need not shrink from any comparison that might be instituted between himself and his predecessors in office. He was conservative, impartial, loyal in an eminent degree, and faithful and painstaking in the discharge of his official duties. He was confronted by troubles that neither Randall nor Harvey had encountered. The first flush of patriotism that greeted the out- break of the war under Randall, when it was expected that the rebellion would be crushed in ninety days, with 75,000 men, had died out, and when calls for "300,000 more" troops became numer- ous, the war got to be more serious, draft riots took place, and the dlisaffection and distrust among a certain class of the population with the policy of the administration became more manifest and outspoken. In Washington county an angry mob attacked the draft commissioner, destroyed the paraphernalia of his office and threatened to kill him. He fled on horseback to the nearest rail- road station, and carried the news of the tumult to the Governor, who sent soldiers to enforce the draft. Hundreds of able-bodied men, liable to do military duty, fled to Canada, or across the sea. rather than go to the front. A portion of the Democratic party in several of the Northern States was dissatisfied with the manner
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in which the war was being conducted, and entered a solemn protest.
One of the strongest of these protests was the Ryan address, written by the able and eminent jurist whose name it bears, and in Milwaukee on September 3. 1862. it was adopted as the Demo- cratic platform by the State Convention. But not without a whirl- wind of dissent from some prominent and loyal Democrats. George B. Smith of Madison, formerly Attorney General of the State, spoke in the convention with great fervor and eloquence against the policy of adopting it. He said: "I would not have you give up your Democratic principles, but while our armies are melting away; while the capital is in danger, and twenty thousand brave sol- diers-Democrats as well as Republicans-lie bleeding upon the battlefield, not in defense of the Democratic platform, but in defense of the Union, so help me God! I will not now nor hereafter dis- cuss politics nor political differences."
Jonathan E. Arnold. the distinguished Whig lawyer, who had been acting with the Democratic party since 1852, also spoke warmly against the adoption of the address. He said: "No one could be a true Democrat who is not a true patriot. I am compelled to hesitate as to the policy of adopting this address. As a political disquisition, as a history of the party and of the causes of the war, teyit is in the main truthful and powerful. and such as, if the rebellion were crushed. I would be glad to see printed in letters of gokl to-morrow. But till the rebellion is put down. I hesitate as to the policy of its adoption. I am fearful of its effects, both abroad and at home, among our enemies and our friends. I believe that if Jeff Davis read it he would indeed laugh in his sleeve and say: 'Those people profess to be loyal, and yet they are giving fits to the dom- inant party.'"
This venomous address was adopted by the convention by a vote of 112 to 12. The War Democrats held a meeting in Janes- ville soon after to protest against the disloyal philippic of Ryan. which was headed by Matt II. Carpenter. A. R. R. Butler, Levi Hubbell, C. D. Robinson, W. C. Allen, General Bragg, and other patriotic Democrats.
In the fall of 1863. James T. Lewis ( Union Republican) was
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elected Governor of Wisconsin over Heury L. Palmer (Democrat) by the largest majority (23.664) ever given to a gubernatorial can- didate up to that time. Mr. Lewis came to Wisconsin in 1845. settling at Columbus, and at once became prominent in public affairs. He held the office of district attorney, judge of probate. and court commissioner, previous to his election as a member of the second convention to frame a constitution, at the age of 28. In 1852 he was a member of the Assembly and the next year he was elected to the State Senate. He sat in the impeachment trial of Judge Levi Hubbell. In 1854 he was elected Lieutenant-Gov- ernor, and from 1861 to 1862 he discharged the duties of Secre- tary of State. Thus it will be seen that he was well equipped, by his intimate acquaintance with State affairs, to fill the office of Gov- ernor to the satisfaction of the people, which he did for two years, when he surrendered it to General Lucius Fairchild. Although Governor Lewis was called to the office of chief magistrate during the darkest period of the Civil War, it was his good fortune and pleasure to send a message to the Legislature on the last day of its session announcing the surrender of Lee, which he did in the fol- · lowing words:
"Four years ago, on the day fixed for adjournment, the sad news of the fall of Fort Sumter was transmitted to the Legislature. To-day. thank God! and. next to Him, the brave officers and sol- diers of our army and navy, I am permitted to transmit to you the official intelligence, just received. of the surrender of General Lee and his army, the last prop of the Rebellion. Let us rejoice, and thank the Ruler of the Union for victory, and the prospects of an honorable peace. JAMES T. LEWIS."
Not only did Governor Lewis have the supreme gratification of conveying the joyful news to the Legislature and the people that the rebels had surrendered to the authority of the United States, but it became his official duty to submit to the Legislature the proposed constitutional amendment abolishing slavery in the United States, making legal President Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation, which was done February 7. 1865, and in his mes- sage lie said :
"Upon its adoption bangs the destiny of four millions of human
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beings, and it may be the destiny of the nation. I trust, and doubt not, the Legislature of Wisconsin will record its decision firmly. and I hope unanimously, in favor of the amendment. Let us wipe from our escutcheon the foul blot of human slavery, and show by our action that we are worthy of the name of freemen."
One would naturally think that, after the terribly cruel and expensive war that had been carried on for four long and bloody years, involving the greatest sacrifice of men and money on both sides in any war known to modern times, there would not have been found a sane man in the North who would object to wipe out forever the accursed institution that had been the cause of all the trouble; but not so. There are men who delight to make them- selves infamous as well as notorion's, and some of them, to the dis- grace of the State be it said, held seats in the Senate and Assembly in 1865. In the Senate on the 21st of February, the question came up in a resolution to ratify the constitutional amendment. On a vote being taken the resolution was adopted-ayes, 24; nays, 7. (See Senate Journal, Feb. 21, 1865. nays, 5.) "On the 25th, three of the absent Senators asked to have their vote recorded in favor of the same, and two against ; making the vote in the Senate, ayes, 27; 1. 274:
Marmative-Bentley, Bowman, Case, W. H. Chandler, Cole, Elwood. Harris, Hood, Ketchum, Lawrence, Lincoln, Littlejohn. Pope, Reed. Sessions, Smith, Van Wyck, Webb, Wescott, Wheeler, Wilkinson, Wilson. A. II. Young. M. K. Young.
Negative-Clark, Ellis, Morgan, Reynolds, Thorp.
On the receipt of the resolution in the Assembly, a vote was taken on the 24th of February, with the following result: Ayes, 72; nays, 16; two absentees; and the Assembly concurred in the same. (Assembly Journal, Feb. 24, 1865. Vote on joint resolu- tion No. 17 S. ratifying amendment to Federal Constitution abol- ishing slavery, p. 346.)
Affirmative-Babcock, Barden, Berry, Boyce, Bandon. Bray- ton. Brinkerhoff. Burgess, Cadby, Carr, Cassoday. Church. Cobb, Colladay. Dewitt Davis. F. Davis, Dewhurst, Doud. Dunwiddie. Eaton, Emmons, Fay. Forsyth, Fowler. Frary. Fulton, Gilbert. Glenn, Groesbeck. Hadley, Hand. Horton, Johnson, Judd. King,
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Knapp. Little, MeLaughlin. MeRaith, Miner. Monteith, Mowe, Oberman, Officer. Osborn. Owen, Palmer Pike. Reed, Rogers, Ross. Salisbury, Sawyer, Win. Simmons. Z. G. Simmons; Slade, Spoor, Stuntz. Tarr, Taylor, Tilton, Thomas. Thompson, U'tt, Van Ostrand, Vaughn. Weage, Whipple, Williams, Winsor, Wooster, Field, speaker-72.
Negative-Daggett, Delaney, Ford, Gnewuch, Goodsell, Jones, Large, Melcan, Murphy. Pease, Peters, Piper, Walker, Wedig, Weiler, White-16.
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CHAPTER AV.
THE FIRST ELECTION OF MATT. CARPENTER. .
The first soldier of the Civil War elected to the office of Gov- ernor in Wisconsin, was General Lucius Fairchild, who assumed the performance of the executive duties on the first day of January, 1866, following Governor James T. Lewis. Two years before. returning home from the bloody battlefield of Gettysburg, where, on that dreadful July day, when the life of the great republic was depending on the issue, he left his left arm as a token of his loyalty to the old flag, he had been prevailed upon, after much coaxing, although he had been brought up a Democrat of the strictest sect, to accept the nomination for Secretary of State on the Repub- lican ticket. At that time there was a strong disposition among leading Republicans who were then in undisputed power in the State, to divide the lionors and emoluments of political office with loyal Democrats, and to form a truly Union party for the sup- pression of the rebellion. Que of the most ardent and prominent of these Union advocates was Senator Doolittle, and it was owing to his persuasive eloquence that Fairchild was induced at last to accept the nomination. Ilis little speech of acceptance to the convention brought tears to many eyes, as he stood there stam- mering out his reasons for leaving his old party for the sake of the Union, his face pale with suffering and his empty sleeve dang- ling at his side, appealing for sympathy a thousand times more eloquently than any words he could utter. The dramatic scene will never be forgotten by those who witnessed it. Two years later, in 1865, he was elected Governor and he was twice re-elected. filling the responsible office with credit to himself and to the entire satisfaction of the people. Genera! Fairchild was one of the most popular citizens the State of Wisconsin has ever known, and none of her gallant and heroic soldiers has won brighter laurels than
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himself. Ilis military service won him rapid promotion, from the commission of a second lieutenant to that of a brigadier-general; and his wound at Gettysburg may be reasonably believed to have cut short a military career of yet greater distinction. His services after the war as Secretary of State. (invernor, consul at Liverpool. consul general at Paris and minister plenipotentiary to Spain are not forgotten by his grateful countrymen, while the love and respect of his late comrades in arms was evidenced by his suc- cessive election to the offices of commander-in-chief of the Grand Army of the Republic in 1886 and of the Loyal Legion in 1893. General Fairchild was a gentleman who possessed many lovable qualities. He hated shams, and never assumed to be what he was not. Whatever he undertook to do he did well. He was an eminently modest man. He was not an orator, but after he entered public life he learned to speak in public, and always spoke well. His frankness and sincerity captivated his hearers. His lack of education in early years hampered him all through his official life, but his deficiency in learning was compensated for by his abundant common sense and practical insight. His three administrations as Governor were without flaw or blemish, and when he retired from office no scandal followed him. Up to his time the usual practice of political parties was to give a faithful officer two terms, but in his case the rule was departed from and he was elected three times. It was the people's way of saying: "Well done, good and faithful servant."
General Fairchild was in the field three times for Governor. , and was elected by the following vote:
IS65.
Fairchild, Republican 58.332
Hobart, Democrat. 48.330
Fairchild's majority 10,00.'
1867.
Fairchild, Republican 73.637
Tallmadge, Democrat. 68 873
Fairchild's majority. 4.764
Fairchild. Republican. 6).502
Robinson, Democrat. 61.239
Fairchild's majority 8 .= 63
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John Goodland
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General Fairchild's Democratic opponents were all well-known and prominent men. General Hobart has often been referred to in these chapters; Tallmadge had been mayor of Milwaukee and was an active business man, but not much addicted to politics. Mr. C. D. Robinson was the editor of The Green Bay Advocate, had served as Secretary of State, and was a popular man.
The most important political event that transpired during Gov- ernor Fairchild's administrations, and one that created an intense excitement in the ranks of the Republican party, was the election of Matthew Hale Carpenter to the United States Senate, January 26, 1869, in place of James R. Doolittle, whose term of office expired March 4. 1869. Senator Doolittle had fallen into disfavor with the Republican party. and was not a candidate for reelection, although he had been twice elected to the Senate, and was still in the prime of life, and capable of filling any public office. When Andrew Johnson succeeded to the presidential office, after the tragic death of Abraham Lincoln, one of the first things he did was to get into an angry disagreement with the Republican leaders in Congress in regard to the reconstruction of the States lately in rebellion against the Federal Government, and an open rupture was the result. ending in a fruitless attempt on the part of the House of Representatives, acting in the name of the people, to impeach the President. In this exasperating controversy Judge Doolittle had broken away from the most of his Republican col- leagues and gave his ardent support to Mr. Johnson and. his policy. For this reason the Legislature of Wisconsin, in 1866, asked Mr. Doolittle to resign his seat in the Senate, but he did not comply with the request.
Nobody expected Mr. Doolittle would be a candidate before the Republicans for reelection, as he had practically joined his fortunes with the Democracy, but everybody was discussing the availability of certain aspirants for senatorial honors among the Republicans. The chief man among these self-constituted candi- dates was General Cadwallader C. Washburn. He was a native of Maine, and he belonged to one of the most distinguished fam- ilies that have yet appeared in America. He had served many years in the lower house of Congress, had made a large fortune in
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. the lumber and milling business, had achieved some enviable dis- tinction as a soldier in the Union Army, had been promoted to the rank of major-general, and was known and respected through- out the State as an honorable, honest, trustworthy and accom- plished gentleman, who was fit for any public position to which the people might assign him. Mr. Washburn was not only com- petent, but he was ambitions to ocenpy a seat in the Senate of the United States. That was the all-absorbing, overwhelming, unsat- isfied desire of his life. He was one of the originators of the Republican party, and an ardent anti-slavery man of the Whig type. He had a large following and was a formidable candidate. There were other candidates of more or less prominence. O. H. Waldo, a prominent Milwaukee lawyer, and ex-Governor Salo- mon were candidates. Horace Rublee, then the editor of The Madison Journal and chairman of the Republican State Central Committee, an able and popular man, was also a candidate. Last of all came Matthew Hale Carpenter. He had been very active as a War Democrat. and had rendered the Union cause efficient and valuable aid all through the trying ordeal of civil war. and after the collapse of the Rebellion he had won great distinction at the bar in arguing the constitutionality of the reconstruction acts of Congress. His fame as a lawyer had become national. How he came to be a candidate for United States Senator is partially, yet truthfully, told by his biographer, Frank A. Flower.
(From the Life of Matt. H. Carpenter. p. 253.)
Having decided to enter the contest, a complete change now came over him. He became possessed of that ardent desire to win which accompanies all honorable ambition. He passed around among his friends of high standing and influence, and having thus learned who would support, who would oppose, and who remain neutral, on June 18 he took the train for Janesville for the pur- pose of laying the matter before Alexander M. Thomson, editor of The Janesville Gazette. Thomson was an original and stanch Republican, who had been Speaker of the previous Assembly. and would probably be reelected at the oncoming election. Car- penter was particularly desirous that his candidacy should be first brought before the public by such a man, and in old Rock county,
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his first Wisconsin home. Those who have always maintained that he was no politician must acknowledge that the shrewdness of this move exceeded that of any of the plans proposed by his most adroit and experienced friends. To have his name elevated before the people by The Gazette would be an unassailable indorsement of the soundness of his Republicanism from the highest source; and particularly would it contribute materially to the advantage and success of his campaign to have Thomson committed to his can- didacy. He spent an entire day with Thomson, who, though per- sonally favorable to the project. thought it could not be accom- plished at that time. He pointed out that Carpenter had never been very pronounced in any formal adherency to the Republican party, and the people. disgusted with the recent deflection of Senator Doolittle and his espousal of Andrew Johnson's "my policy," would regard with suspicion the sincerity and stability of any comparatively new convert whose first important demonstra- tion in the party was that of a candidate for the highest office in the gift of the State. Carpenter declared this view did him great injustice: that he was not a new convert; that his "first important demonstration in the party" was not that of an officeseeker. as he had supported all the war measures, fought for the election of Lin- coln (see Note No. 1 at end of chapter), and all the Republican Congressmen: made numerous speeches against Johnson's policy and in support of the power of Congress over the States lately in rebellion, and that finally he was not a common officeseeker. the idea of becoming a candidate for the senatorship having never entered his head until the time it was suggested by Secretary Stanton.
The secret candidate then returned home without having se- cured a decision, fully resolved to let the matter quietly drop, its existence unknown to any save a few intimate friends, if he coukl not go before the public guaranteed by the sanction and great seal LE Old Rock, his first home in the West, and the very Gibraltar of Republicanism in. Wisconsin.
Not more than two or three days after the interview ex-Con- . gressman Itlamar C. Sloan called on Thomson in Carpenter's be- hali. but he found little to urge. Thomson had fully decided to
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bring out the brilliant attorney and war orator for the senatorship. On June 20. therefore, he published as his encyclical letter to the Republicans of the State a long review of Carpenter's career, showing his distinguished service to freedom, the Union. Repub- licanism. reconstruction and negro suffrage: paying a just tribute to his unrivaled abilities as a jurist and statesman, and closing thus:
"Next to faithfulness in a public servant, the country needs the benefit of the ablest men, the best trained thinkers-those statesmen whose methods of thought and action accord with the progressive ideas which characterize the age. We need men to represent us there who possess, in a high degree, those traits of character and of intellect which distinguished Clay, Benton, Silas Wright, Douglas and Preston King from some of those who now occupy their seats. If we can find a man in our ranks whose adhesion to principle, brilliant oratory and great legal ability has attracted the attention and admiration of the leading men of both leading parties throughout the Union, he is the man who ought to be elected to represent a great and rapidly growing State like Wisconsin in the Senate of the United States. Such a man is Matt. H. Carpenter, and we nominate him as the successor of James R. Doolittle."
This article aroused a tumult in political circles. Already had public attention been fastened upon Cadwallader C. Washburn, Horace Rublee. Edward Salomon and O. H. Waldo. They had been formally put forward as candidates, and it was generally sup- posed comprised the entire list of aspirants. It was largely ex- pected also that Mr. Rublee, being a well-known and leading member of the profession of journalism, would have the support of a large share of the Republican press, though Washburn had been counting on the support of Thomson and The Janesville Gazette. The lines of the campaign having been thus early marked. it is easy to understand the commotion that followed the formal presentation of Carpenter. He and his friend's remained inactive for a few days, quietly watching the effects of the numer- ous petty storms and whirlwinds that were tormenting the political horizon of the State and vexing the minds of other senatorial can-
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James 2. Dick
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didates. When these had become less violent it was observed that The Evening Wisconsin of Milwaukee was the only newspaper in the State that had aligned itself with The Janesville Gazette in favor of Carpenter. But the campaign had been decided upon. and must be carried forward.
From that time until the Legislature met in January there was an angry discussion going on in the Republican newspapers of the State in regard to Mr. Doolittle's successor. Mr. Carpen- ter's candidacy was accepted in all quarters as his baptism into the Republican church, and his public repudiation of the theories of the Democratic party in which he had been reared; but the most of the old abolition wing of the Republican party were inclined to take him on probation, as the Methodists accept their new con- verts, rather than to promote him to at once hold one of the chief seats in the synagogue. Meantime Mr. Carpenter had taken the stump not only as an avowed candidate for the Senate, but to aid by his splendid eloquence in the advocacy of Republican princi- ples and to assist in electing Republican members of the Legisla- - ture. Of course his campaign had the stimulus of self-interest, but it was brilliant and useful to the Republican cause. and every- where he was greeted with large and enthusiastic audiences. Everywhere he made friends, and daily there was less opposition to his candidacy. When he started out some one made a list of sixty-six Republican newspapers in the State, only two of which, The Janesville Gazette and The Evening Wisconsin, were friendly to Carpenter's election. When the Legislature met in January forty-six of the original sixty-six newspapers had been won over to his support. and he had made the personal acquaintance of many prominent Republicans in the State. among whom were the Assemblymen and Senators-elect who were to choose the next United States Senator. Still there was a strong opposition to Car- penter. The fellow who forbade the bans at the wedding. when asked by the clergyman to give his reasons, said he wanted the girl himself; and so it was with four or five respectable gentlemen who were against Carpenter. The objections raised against him by the radical press were: (1) that he was a too recent convert from the Democratic party; (2) that as Judge Doolittle had turned (15)
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