USA > Wisconsin > A political history of Wisconsin > Part 17
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Theo Otjen
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from under which he furtively watched his imperious and imper- turble antagonist, and to fill in the time before the wordy battle commenced he played the devil's tattoo with his fingers on the rungs of his chair. At length .the Vice-President's gavel called the Senate to order; the chaplain prayed briefly. the clerk called the roll and a quorum was found to be present. These prelimin- aries over the great Senator from Massachusetts, who had suffered for the slave in his own person when Brooks murderously assaulted him in the Senate, began to thunder out his ponderous eloquence. carefully reading from his manuscript.
On a former occasion Mr. Carpenter had greatly shocked the Senator from Massachusetts by declaring in his jaunty manner that the Declaration of Independence was simply a revolutionary pronunciamento, a term which Mr. Sumner had construed to be one of reproach and not at all suited to his exalted conception of that famous document. Mr. Sumner contended with great car- nestness that the Declaration of Independence was not ouly a pro- test against the tyranny of George the Third, but that it was the noblest exposition of the rights of man that was ever submitted to . the judgment of mankind. Mr. Carpenter probably thought as highly of the declaration as Mr. Sumner could, and what he said was for the purpose of annoying his opponent, and not to express any contempt for Mr. Jefferson's manifesto.
"The Senator from Wisconsin said the other day, when this bill was under discussion, that the Declaration of Independence was a revolutionary pronunciamento."
"I beg the Senator's pardon," quickly retorted Mr. Carpenter. "but if he will allow me. I did say what he alleges and I repeat it now most emphatically: the Declaration of Independence was nothing more nor less than a revolutionary pronunciamento, made by rebels who, had they not been successful, would have been hung as high as Haman, with George Washington at their head."
This quick retort amused the galleries and disconcerted Mr. Summer. He was not used to interruptions of this sort and he could not hold his own with his wily opponent in what Horace Greeley called "a tit-for-tat debate." Carpenter had him greatly at a disadvantage in this respect, for he had spent twenty years of (17)
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his life in court, talking on his feet, meeting the brightest class of men in the country and preparing himself to face any emer- gency that cunning and well trained lawyers might spring sud- denly upon him. All his wits had been sharpened by his legal training and no untoward environment could interfere with his rapid thinking and logical talking. Sumner was undoubtedly the abler and more powerful man of the two, and a much broader statesman and more profound scholar, but the man from Milwau- kee had a readier wit and a sharper tongue, and as an orator was much more magnetic and pleasing than Webster's successor. · Carpenter knew full well that he could not reply successfully to Sumner's well digested and carefully prepared argument, but he also knew that he could worst him whenever he could get his mas- sive opponent to leave his manuscript and enter upon the colloquial style of debate. This kind of guerrilla tactics greatly worried Mr. Sumner and was wickedly carried on and persisted in by Mr. Car- penter all through the afternoon. The result was that the con- tinuity of Mr. Sumner's written argument. was constantly broken by the discussion of incidental and interlocutory questions which Mr. Carpenter was continually interjecting into the debate. Mr. Carpenter showed himself to great advantage in this rough-and- tumble controversy with the most distinguished Senator in Con- gress, and his brilliant flashes of wit electrified his auditors and drew from one of them who came from a distant land the finest compliment ever paid to his scholastic and forensic attainments.
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CHAPTER XVII.
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THE ELECTION OF ANGU'S CAMERON.
The political situation in Wisconsin during the last year of Governor Taylor's administration, 1875, was peculiar and decidedly interesting. While the Democrats and their allies had possession of all the State offices, the Republicans at the previous fall elec- tion had elected a majority in both branches of the Legislature, and were able to elect a United States Senator in place of Matt. H. Carpenter, whose term of service expired on the 4th of March, 1875. Mr. Carpenter was a candidate for reelection, and had used all the influences at his command during his official term to make his second calling and election sure. An earnest opposition to him had been developed in the Republican party in the State during the last year of his term, and this opposition was so strong and influential and well defined that when the Legislature con- vened that was to elect the next Senator, the opinion was pre- valent among the politicians that Mr. Carpenter would most likely be defeated. Many of his old friends who had enthusiastically sup- ported him six years before. had deserted him, and some of them were now zealously intent upon his defeat. Some opposed him for one reason and some for another, but all of them were deter- mined that he should not be returned if they could possibly pre- vent it. The principal reasons for opposing his election to the Senate, were political, but some of them were personal. He had voted for what was known as the "Poland Gag law," which was displeasing to some members of the press, and for a bill to increase the pay of the members of Congress called the "Salary Grab," and other official and unofficial acts that were not popular with a cer- tain class of Republicans. The indictment against the Senator was a long one, and the counts were numerous. A six-column article entitled "Six Years of Sin," reviewing Senator Carpenter's
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official career in Washington, much to his discredit, was distrib- uted among the Senators and Assemblymen as a campaign docu- ment.
And yet in the face of all this violent opposition Mr. Carpenter had powerful backing, and when the Legislature assembled he easily secured the caucus nomination. The city of Madison swarmed with his outside supporters. IIe had the full control of the machine. E. W. Keyes, the chairman of the Republican State Central Committee, one of the most adroit political managers that political life in Wisconsin has ever developed, was the general- in-chief of the Carpenter forces, and he applied the party lash withi industry and vigor to the backs of the recalcitrant Republicans. Senator Timothy O. Howe was openly for Carpenter's return to the Senate. President Grant threw his powerful influence in his favor, which had great weight with all who were seeking office at his hands, and their name was legion. As soon as Carpenter was renominated by the caucus nearly all the Republican newspapers that had been opposing him up to that time, fell at once into line in obedience to good party discipline, and fealty to party usages was the watchword all along the line.
But there was a bolt. Seventeen of the Senators and Assen- blymen, enough to defeat Carpenter's election in the joint conven- tion-seeing that he was bound to be renominated in the caucus- stubbornly refused to enter it and gave due notice that they woukl not be bound by it. These were Senators John Schuette, of Mani- towoc; L. W. Barden, of Portage: R. C. Field, of Osseo, and D. L. Nevins, of La Crosse. Assemblymen Ole Anderson, of Ver- non; Marcus Barden, of Columbia: John Bradley, of La Crosse: Terry S. Chase, of Winnebago; Noah D. Comstock, of Trempea- leau; Charles Dunlap. of Walworth: John B. Dwinnell, of Cohim- bia; Frank Leach, of Winnebago: Robert Mitchell, of Marquette; James E. Newell, of Vernon: Marvin Osborn, of Rock: John R. Rowlands, of Columbia, and David E. Welch, of Sauk. The bolt- ers represented some of the strongest Republican counties in the State. The excitement was intense. The bolters were scored in the newspapers without mercy. Mr. Carpenter was hastily sum- moned from Washington and took the field in person; he made a
Gaward Comula
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speech to the bolters but he did not convert them to his support. On the 26th of January, as required by law, the two houses voted for United States Senator. There was no choice. Carpenter received 59 votes. 8 less than were needed to elect him. The bolt- ers and Democrats divided their votes between C. C. Washburn. Orsamus Cole, E. S. Bragg. Horace Rublee, J. T. Lewis and Harlow S. Orton. Carpenter's biographer says, page 201 :
"Thus the vote stood, with but slight variations, during ten long, stormy days-days full of suspense, sorrow, bitterness, sup- plication, agony and hatred. All the power of the entire Repub- lican party, press and officials of the great State of Wisconsin during this time was turned upon the few bolters who were block- ading the election and injuring the party that had given them office; but with no more effect than had the Arab sheikh's appeal to the sphynx to save Egypt from the invasion of Napoleon."
Judge E. W. Keyes, who had charge of Mr. Carpenter's cam- paign, gives testimony in the case as to the wickedness of the bolt as follows:
"As I have said, Senator Carpenter received the nomination · fairly, and in a manner not open to criticism or objection. In the meantime there was an organization formed, including a num- ber of disgruntled Republicans on the outside, and a dozen or more members of the Senate on the inside. and they determined to encompass the defeat of Senator Carpenter at all hazards and at whatever cost. The number of those engaged in this political conspiracy was comparatively few. The outsiders were mainly from the city of Milwaukee, although the party proper in that city. the home of the Senator, was strongly and enthusiastically in his favor, and he was supported by the entire Republican legislative delegation in his city. It was the outside schemers in the main that set up the job and worked it to its end. The Republican press of the State, with very few, if any, exceptions, were strong sup- porters of Mr. Carpenter and the usages of the party. The con- test waged long and bitter. The bolting members were banded together as strongly as though they were enchained, and the out- siders kept as closely to them as the master to his slaves. Every means within the range of Innan agency was invoked to compact
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strongly together this band of bolter, and disorganizers, the man- agers knowing full well that if a single break should occur the whole organization would fall to pieces. It is a fact that the bolt- ing members had no considerable support throughout the State, nevertheless they were so strongly set in their purposes that they were beyond the pale of human reason, and no influences whatever could reach them. They had literally gone mad, and nothing short of omniscient power could change them. At that time I was chairman of the Republican State Central Committee. I was in the midst of the fray; I was Mr. Carpenter's friend. I thought there was no sufficient cause for his defeat, that he had been fairly nominated and was therefore entitled to a reelection. During the pendency of the contest, the Republicans of the State were aroused; they condemned the bolt as an outrage. The city was filled up with Republicans from the State generally, who came here for the purpose of urging their representatives to conform to party usage and to vote for the nominee. Letters were rushed in from all directions, everything possible was done to induce the bolters to prove faithful to their trust and return to their allegiance to the party which had placed them in the Legislature."
During those "ten long, stormy days," there was a great deal of hard work done on both sides. A delegation of Milwaukee Republicans who had been active in Mr. Carpenter's first election went out to Madison to help strengthen the bolt, and to do what they could to defeat the Senator. This delegation consisted of John H. Tweedy, E. D. Holton, John J. Orton, Asahael Finch. E. H. Brodhead, A. M. Thomson, and others: Some of the bolt- ers were weakening under severe castigation and they were liable to go back to the fold at any time and vote for Carpenter. To prevent this and hold the column steady, they were persuaded to publish a short address to the people of the State, giving their rea- sons for refusing to vote for Carpenter, and at the same time reply- ing to the adverse criticisms and abuse of the Republican press upon their conduct. This maneuver burned the bridges behind them and cut off their retreat. Then negotiations were entered into with the Democratic members of the Legislature looking to a coalition with them for the defeat of Carpenter. Many of them
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were tired of the long delay and were anxious to elect a Senator and go on with the regular business of the session. Some of them had a grudge against Carpenter for joining the Republicans; others thought it good politics to help to defeat the regular Republican nominee for Senator, and thus widen the breach already made by the internal tumult and which they hoped would finally end in disintegration, bickering and defeat. James R. Doolittle, who had been the defeated Democratic candidate for Governor against Washburn in 1872, and who had been roughly handled by Car- penter in his campaign speeches, was present, and was a potent factor in the proceedings. After a great deal of effort it was finally agreed at a conference of bolters and Democrats held on the night of February 2d, that the Democrats would give one vote for Angus Cameron for United States Senator. If that vote elected him, well and good. If not they would go back to their own candidate. The next day, that "unholy alliance" was carried out and the joint convention elected Mr. Cameron by a majority of one vote. He received the solid Democratic vote and the vote of the seventeen Republican bolters. Mr. Cameron was of Scotch extraction, born in Caledonia, New York, on the 4th of July, 1826, and settled in La Crosse in 1857. He was a member of the State Senate four years -- '63. '64. '71 and '72. He was speaker of the Assembly in 1867. He was a delegate to the Baltimore Republican Conven- tion in 1864, which renominated Mr. Lincoln. He served twelve years in the United States Senate, his second election occurring in March, ISSI.
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Connected with his unexpected election to the Senate, not generally understood, should be published for the information of the public: (1) Cameron was not at any time a candidate for the United States Senate. (2) He frequently wrote to men- bers of the Legislature, while the election was pending, urging them to vote for Carpenter, and declaring that a bolt "will. estab- lish a dangerous precedent, and virtually break up * * * the organization of the Republican party." (3) He was not the choice of Senator Doolittle, whose only desire was to defeat Car- penter. Nor was he the first choice of the bolters. (4) His elec- tion was not due to the efforts of Alexander Mitchell, as is hinted
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in Carpenter's biography by Flower. Mitchell was not on the ground during the contest for Senator. (5) The bolters had no . idea at any time of electing anyone but a sound Republican to the Senate. General Washburn no doubt did what he could to inspire the bolt. He was at no time considered the leader of it, but soon ceased to regard himself as a candidate for the Senate. and left Madison some days before coalition with the Democrats was made. He never parleyed with the Democrats at any time. Cameron was a stalwart Republican and no act of his in the Senate was ever influenced in the least by the manner of his elec- tion. The office came to him unsought and in no way did he ever recognize his obligation to the Democratic party for help- ing to elect him. And it can truthfully be said that no Democrat ever made any claim to a reward for supporting him. The gen- erosity of the Democratic members of the Legislature in helping the bolters to defeat Carpenter has not been repaid to the present time. Those who anticipated that Carpenter's defeat would create a permanent breach in the Republican party were much mistaken.
Judge E. W. Keyes has given to the public a very accurate, comprehensive and unprejudiced sketch of the public career of ex-Senator James R. Doolittle. I do not think that Judge Keyes mistakes the animus of Mr. Doolittle in 1875 when he took such a lively interest in the campaign against Senator Carpenter; but he is certainly mistaken when he conveys the idea that Doolittle labored with the Republican bolters in the Legislature for the election of Angus Cameron. Judge Doolittle had no influence whatever with the eighteen Republican members who bolted the caucus nomination of Carpenter, and did not try to control their action, nor was he admitted to their councils, nor did he enjoy their confidence. I never knew what it was that inspired Doolittle's hostility to Carpenter, but it is true that he entertained it and worked like a beaver to induce the Democratic members of the Legislature to unite with the recalcitrant Republicans and defeat Mr. Carpenter. The night before Mr. Cameron was chosen Judge Doolittle acted in the Democratic caucus very much like the class leader in a Methodist campmeeting in urging those present to help defeat the man who had succeeded him in the
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Senate of the United States, and it was mainly due to his inde- fatigable efforts that the strong combination was made and the agreement carried out. The natural modesty of Judge Keyes forbids that he should appear too conspicuous in his own narra- tive, but the truth is that Mr. Keyes himself was more respon- sible for the election of Mr. Cameron than any other man; or to put it more correctly. Mr. Keyes had it in his power at any time during that long and exciting controversy to elect any one of half a dozen good Republicans instead of Cameron, and that too, without calling upon the Democrats for assistance. Judge Keyes knows a heap about the secret history of that thrilling incident in our local politics, if he has not forgotten it, and if he would tell the public all he knows it would make what Horace Greeley used to call "mighty interestin' readin'." Judge Keyes was chairman of the Republican State Central Committee at the time, and of course he was commander-in-chief of all the Republi- can forces by sea and by land. He had the public patronage of the great administration pretty much under his supervision in this State, because he wanted it and because Senator Howe was too busy to meddle with it, and because Senator Carpenter knew that Keyes would use it where it wouldl do the most good for them both. Mr. Keyes was a good deal of a boss in those days, in one way and another, but it was not altogether his fault that it was so; it was one of the natural results of the situation. We all like power, and what good is it if we do not use it? Judge Keyes said to one, "Go!" and he went; to another, "Come!" and he came on a double quick. All the money .that was contributed to run the Republican campaigns went through his hands, and there was never a law placed upon the statute books requiring him to give an account of his stewardship. such was the confidence in his honesty and integrity. When Mr. Carpenter's first term in the Senate expired Mr. Keyes secured his renomination for him. as in duty bound to do. although the Senator was present all through the campaign and rendered what aid he could in his own behalf. In point of fact. Keyes was general manager, and it was not his fault that his candidate was defeated. How he could have prevented the election of Cameron, which was accomplished by a
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coalition with the Democrats, will be explained farther on in this article.
When a sufficient number of the Republican members of the Legislature had bolted Mr. Carpenter's nomination to prevent his election, Mr. Keyes had a great deal of trouble on his hands. He found the office of chairman of the State Central Committee very responsible. He was expected to keep the party harmonious, to elect the nominee of the caucus to the Senate, and to satisfy and conciliate every faction of the party. Judge Keyes found the job too great for even his acknowledged abilities as a political leader and manager. He trusted too much to party discipline, which he could not enforce in behalf of his candidate; to the power of the machine, which he had the full control of; to the sting of the party lash, which he used with much prodigality, and to the open support of General Grant's administration.
I pass over in silence the causes that led to the bolt in the Republican party; they are matters of history, familiar to all the old politicians of the State, and I proceed to speak of a little of the inside history of that memorable contest. Keyes had two . opportunities to elect some other man to the Senate besides Cam- eron, without the aid of the Democrats, but he stubbornly refused to do it. He could have called another caucus and nominated another man in the place of Carpenter, or he could have withdrawn Carpenter and substituted some other good Republican, and elected him by uniting all the Republican votes; But he doggedly procrastinated until it was too late. Cameron was not the first choice of the bolting Republicans at any time and he was only accepted at last as the only man who could get an experimental vote from the Democrats. I do not think that Keyes believed at any time that his favorite candidate would be defeated, and he based his opinion first, on the belief that he could finally whip the bolters into line, and secondly, that in no event could a deal be made with the opposition that had nothing to gain by helping to heal the open breach in the Republican ranks. Lastly, there was a current rumor afloat that the few votes that Mr. Carpenter needed to elect him could be had from among the Democrats, . for a reasonable consideration, at any time when they were
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wanted. This was no doubt a slander, but it was generally credited at the time, and caused the opponents of Carpenter con- siderable anxiety. The last thing that the eighteen bolting Repub- licans wanted to have done was to be indebted to the Democrats for help to elect a Senator. They did not want to handicap their man in that way, and the Carpenter managers knew it and depended on it to secure the return of the insurgents.
Gen. Washburn's candidacy soon collapsed for several rea- sons. He had been beaten in the race for Governor the second time by William R. Taylor, and it was openly charged that he had agreed with Senators Carpenter and Howe not to be a can- · didate against either of them, provided they would support him for the gubernatorial office. This Washburn stubbornly denied to the day of his death. Judge Cole, of the Supreme Court, was the first choice of the insurgents, and he only missed being chosen, instead of Cameron, by a hair's breadth. The night before the election of Cameron, when it was as certain as anything could be in politics that we were to get an experimental vote from the Democrats. I went over to Judge Cole's house to talk the matter over with him. My companion upon this important errand was W. W. Field of Grant county, a man of clear head and good judg- ment, who had been twice Speaker of the Assembly, and who was an active opponent of Senator Carpenter. Judge Cole had already retired for the night, but we were as persistent as the woman spoken of in the Scriptures who was heard on account of her importunity, and the judge dressed himself and came down. We explained to him the situation; that we expected to be able to elect a Senator on the morrow, and that it was not desirable to elect a man and then have him decline. The judge gave us to understand that while he was in no sense a candidate for the Sen- ate. and personally was in favor of Mr. Carpenter's election- now that he was the nominee of the Republican caucus-never- theless, if the election came to him unsolicited, without any effort on his part, he should not feel at liberty to decline it. This was what we wanted. for to have elected Judge Cole and had him decline would have doubtless resulted in Carpenter's reelection. We returned to the caucus in high glee, only to find to our disgust
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that in our absence at Judge Cole's house some of the German Democrats had declared that they would not cast even one vote for him, because some decision of the Supreme Court at some time had squinted too strongly on the side of temperance! They would vote once for Cameron but never for Cole. Judge Cole was regarded as an ideal candidate for Senator by the bolters, and they thought that if they could elect so able and distinguished a gentleman it would disarm much of the criticism of their rebellious attitude, and the Republican party would be well represented in the Senate. But it was Cameron or nobody, and that was the situ- ation at midnight the day before the joint convention met.
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