USA > California > San Francisco County > San Francisco > San Francisco, a history of the Pacific coast metropolis, Volume II > Part 30
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Objections to Paper Currency
CHAPTER LVIII
NUMEROUS AND SERIOUS LABOR TROUBLES IN THE CITY
LABOR CONDITIONS IN 1883-CHANGED RELATIONS OF EMPLOYER AND EMPLOYED -- DIMINISHING NUMBER OF CHINESE-AN ANARCHISTIC ASSOCIATION-THE INTER- NATIONALS-CAREER OF BURNETT G. HASKELL, SOCIALIST AND AGITATOR-PROPA- GANDA OF THE FEDERATED TRADES-STRIKE OF FOUNDRY WORKERS IN 1885- STRIKE OF THE BREWERS-SAILORS MAINTAIN A LONG STRIKE-TRADES UNIONS RECEIVE A SETBACK-FORMATION OF AN EMPLOYERS ASSOCIATION-TRADES UNIONS AGAIN ACTIVE-UNSKILLED LABOR ORGANIZED-UNIONS ENGAGE IN POLITICS- ENTER ABE RUEF-NUMEROUS STRIKES IN 1901-THE TEAMSTERS' STRIKE-THE ALLIANCE AND THE TEAMSTERS-POSITION OF THE EMPLOYERS-SCENES OF VIO- LENCE-GOVERNOR GAGE INTERVENES-RUEF AND THE WORKINGMEN-FORMATION OF WORKINGMEN'S PARTY-PLATFORM OF WORKINGMEN-ELECTION OF SCHMITZ -CLAIM THAT HE MADE CITY PROSPEROUS-SCHMITZ REELECTED TWICE- RUEF'S METHODS-THE BOSS SUPERSEDED BY RUEF-CHRIS BUCKLEY.
CITY N THE preceding chapter it was stated that during the period between 1883 and 1893, there was little in the NT labor situation to which the blame for retardment of in- dustrial progress could be attached, and that on the whole the employer had the best of such encounters with trades OF SAN unions as occurred. This does not mean, however, that SEAL OF the City was free from agitation; the statement applies only in a comparative sense, for during the ten years referred to there were many disturbances, the most of which were in some way related with the labor question, even though the workingmen through their trades unions repudiated connection with or sympathy for those who participated in them. Between 1883 and 1893 the element so conspicuous twenty years later in all parts of the United States, and throughout the world was particularly active, but the doctrine of syndicalism which they preached was not eagerly accepted by the unions, or the workingmen generally, who professed to abhor violent methods as much as those against whom they were directed.
But there was a great change in public sentiment made manifest in many ways. Governor Booth, when the legislature of 1873-74 passed a bill entitling street car conductors and drivers to collect a dollar an hour extra for every hour more than twelve worked by them, vetoed it on the ground that all men are competent to make their own contracts, and his objections were sustained in the assembly by a vote of 39 to 32. At that time, although there had been a persistent and effective de-
Labor Conditions 1883-1893
Freedom of Contract Advocated
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mand for an eight hour day the idea that a man's activities should be restricted to that, or any other number of hours was repugnant to public sentiment, even the workers, so far as can be discovered from their discussions, sharing the belief that freedom of contract was desirable. At any rate Booth was the representative of the progressive element of the day, and his attitude on this point cost him none of his popularity.
Undoubtedly the influx of Chinese during the Seventies gave the laboring ele- ment more concern than hours of labor. The burning question with the worker was whether if this movement should continue he would be able to obtain any work at all. That his fears were not entirely unfounded is evidenced by the expansion of certain manufacturing industries in which at first the Oriental was employed as a mere helper, but very soon he became ambitious to be his own boss with the result that in certain lines Chinese concerns began rapidly to multiply. This was notably true of boot and shoe making and the fabrication of the commoner kinds of clothing and underwear. In these occupations the Chinese speedily became adept, display- ing as much skill in the use of the sewing machine as its inventors, and those who engaged in them were as oblivious of an eight hour system as if there was no clock to mark time.
The census of 1880 showed that the number of Chinese in the state had in- creased from 45,429 in 1870 to 71,328 in the later year. The effective agitation of the Seventies, which resulted in the exclusion legislation, practically disposed of the Chinese question after 1883, but there were sporadic troubles and some scandals growing out of the nonenforcement of the laws, and an occasional attempt to make political capital out of the alleged disinclination of the party in power to put up the bars against all Chinese because of some successful evasions of the Exclusion Act. When the census of 1890 was taken and it was seen that the num- ber of Chinese in California had declined to 69,382 there was no more talk on the subject by those formerly most concerned, and even the small minority who fan- cied that the exclusion of Oriental labor would result in the retardment, if not the complete arrestment, of the state's horticultural industries, when they perceived that California was filling up with white settlers, and that the output of fruits of all sorts was increasing rapidly, ceased to lament and write calamity articles for the Eastern magazines.
The very latest anti Chinese demonstration in San Francisco was in the year 1882. It was engineered by a man named Frank Rooney and took the form of a boycott of Chinese made goods. It was confined mainly to talk, the audiences listening to the declamations against the Orientals and resolving to buy nothing made or sold by them. A convention was called which met in 1882 and organized what was called a League of Deliverance. It was this body which formulated a boycott plan of campaign that was to have been made general, but which failed absolutely because the workingmen continued to patronize the cheaper Chinese products, and could not be induced to refrain from buying in the stores of whites who dealt in goods manufactured or produced by Chinese. One of the anomalies of the anti Chinese crusade of this and of the earlier period, was the fact that workingmen were the best patrons of the Chinese. It was the worker's family that resorted to the Chinese laundry and consumed the vegetables grown in Chinese gardens, and bought the fruits hawked by Chinese peddlers, and the cheap gar-
Chinese Manufacture on Their Own Account
Diminishing Number of Chinese
Failure of Attempts to Boycott Chinese
M
H
COLUMBIA THEATER, BUILT AFTER THE FIRE OF 1906
THE CALIFORNIA
Cyr
Nobl
old
CALIFORNIA HOTEL AND THEATER, DESTROYED IN 1906
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SAN FRANCISCO
ments and shoes turned out of Chinese workshops were consumed by that class of the population.
With the passage of the exclusion law in 1882 the anti Chinese agitation prac- tically ceased. But with the disappearance of that source of trouble another arose which had far uglier features than any ever produced by the antagonism to the introduction of cheap Oriental labor. Between 1879 and 1882 several assemblies of Knights of Labor were formed in San Francisco, and in September of the latter year a district assembly was formed which increased during the ensuing three years until it numbered twenty-five assemblies in the City. This organization did not appear at first to have been desirous of stirring up local strife, but contributed from its funds to the support of Eastern assemblies engaged in labor disputes. Later, however, a radical organization known as the California Internationalists came on the scene, and attempted unsuccessfully to induce the Knights of Labor to join in their movement which has been variously designated as socialistic and anarchistic, the latter, judging from some of the actions inspired by it, being the more correct appellation.
The origin of the International movement in California is not clothed in much doubt. It had its inspiration from the outside, but its first membership was made up of the extremists from the ranks of the Knights of Labor who were expelled from that body, and of the disaffected elements existing in every large city, and particularly those cities with populations as cosmopolitan as that of San Francisco which was at that time, as it is at present, made up of a large percentage of for- eigners. Between 1880 and 1890 the foreign population of California increased from 292,874 to 366,209, and ten years later when the total number of foreigners in California was 367,240, San Francisco's 342,782 inhabitants included 75.2 per cent who were born in foreign lands. To this great preponderance of foreigners may be attributed the comparatively rapid development of socialistic ideas in San Francisco during the Eighties, but sight should not be lost of the fact that the most active leader of the Internationals was a young Californian named Burnett G. Haskell, born in Sierra county in 1857.
An attempt has been made to attribute to Haskell characteristics which he did not possess. His earlier career in San Francisco stamped him as weak and irreso- lute. On his arrival in the City he sought to become a reporter on the "Chronicle" and was given a trial, but proved too undependable to be of value. Had he, in the . parlance of the newspaper office, "made good" it is probable that he would have remained a mild mannered man, but his slow progress caused him to engage in publishing on his own account, and finding the socialistic field unoccupied he entered it and devoted his talents to exploiting the ism. He had primarily been educated for the bar, and it was because of his nonsuccess in that field that he turned his at- tention to journalism. The story that while he was publishing his weekly paper he suddenly saw the light, and offered to make it the organ of labor is apocryphal. He had some such purpose in view from the beginning, and reckoned on support from that source to gain subscriptions. He may have been in earnest, but there was much of the speculative element in all of his propagandism, and in some in- stances it approached perilously near that kind of activity which the postoffice frowns upon, and seeks to discourage people from practicing by prosecuting them for misuse of the mails. This was particularly true of the Kaweah colony scheme Tol. 11-14
An Anarchistic Association
The Inter- nationais
Career of Burnett Haskell
684
SAN FRANCISCO
which he started, and which added one to the numerous examples of the facility with which enthusiasts who have saved a little money can be parted from it by smooth talkers.
Aims of the Inter- nationals
In the early part of 1885 the Internationals called a convention for the purpose of forming a central labor union. The first meeting was well attended, fully two hundred and fifty delegates being present, but the sentiments expressed by some of the speakers were so radical that on the ensuing night the attendance dwindled to less than half, and it speedily developed that those who remained were avowed socialists, and not a few of them expressed views which would not seem en- tirely unfamiliar to the Industrial Workers of the World. The extremists who formed the Central union held a few meetings, but they were not of the sort who felt inclined to maintain an organization which called for the payment of dues during periods of inaction. Later in the year, however, by resorting to the worn out slogan of Denis Kearney, the Internationalists obtained control of a convention called by the Knights of Labor. Frank Rooney was selected as chairman. Haskell, however, was by all odds the most influential and active figure in the body, having the backing of the Seamen's union. At this meeting a resolution was put through demanding the expulsion of all Chinese in California within sixty days. It proved the signal for the secession of the more conservative members, and the radicals were left free to carry out their plan of forming a central body which was given the title of Council of Trades and Labor Federation of the Pacific Coast, an organi- zation which survived, and later had its name abbreviated to "Federated Trades of Pacific Coast."
In the early stages of its existence the Federated Trades acted as a secret organization, but in May, 1889, meetings of the central body were held in public. Before 1889 the chief work of the organization, so far as was apparent was propa- gandism. Tons of literature were disseminated by it urging the laboring classes to stand together, but more activity was demanded and the initial membership fell off greatly because of the failure of the organization to interest itself directly in disputes that were constantly arising between employer and employed. There was ground for the suspicion, which was freely expressed, that the section of ex- tremists within the Federated Trades which was headed by Haskell was responsible for some of the outrages committed during the strike of the Sutter Street Car Company's employes in 1887, when dynamite was used on several occasions. In April of that year a man named Stites was convicted by a jury of having in his possession a dynamite bomb with the intent of destroying the property of the corporation, and Haskell's name was freely used as that of the person responsible for the outrages which created a great deal of apprehension at the time, although no very serious destruction of life or property resulted.
Unsuccess- ful Strike of Foundry Workers
In 1885 the foundrymen of the City organized what was called the Iron Trades Council. Its avowed object was to keep up the rate of wages and to bring about a reduction of the hours of labor. Its formation was probably due to the activities of the men identified with the Federated Trades, but the apprehension that em- ployers designed meeting changing conditions made it easy to bring the men to- gether. An organization of employers known as the Engineers and Foundrymen's Association was formed at the same time, and soon made known its intention to dis- regard the minimum wage, apprentice regulations and the prohibition of piece work
Propaganda of the Federated Trades
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FERRY BUILDING, AT FOOT OF MARKET STREET
685
SAN FRANCISCO
required by the California union. Statements were made showing the disparities existing between the East and the Pacific coast, and the impossibility of maintain- ing competition under the conditions which the Iron Trades Council sought to impose. The employers had abundant confidence in the strength of their position, and when the Iron Trades Council refused to yield they discharged a number of men who declined to accept their terms, whereupon all the moulders in the as- sociation struck. They were replaced by men from the East who were obtained without much difficulty, but many of them after their arrival were enticed away or intimidated into breaking their agreements with the men who had brought them across the continent to take jobs which paid them far better than those which they abandoned on the other side of the Rockies. About 1,200 moulders were involved in this strike which continued during nine or ten months, but finally resulted in a victory for the employers, because the wages they offered made it easy for them to obtain any number of skilled foundrymen from the East.
In 1888 the brewers of the City inaugurated a strike which finally proved successful. This difficulty was precipitated by the attempt of the employers to establish the open shop system, and although the struggle endured nearly a year, the community at large took but a perfunctory interest in it, although there was much bitterness in certain quarters. The final success of the employes was due to the boycott which was invoked. As the patrons of the saloons were chiefly work- ingmen the weapon proved very effective. The unions also enjoyed an advantage over the breweries because of the fact that they were beginning to be operated by outside capital and were on that account open to the charge that they were indiffer- ent to the condition of their workers, and only bent on taking money out of the community. The contest lasted eleven months and at the end of that period the employers succumbed.
In the same year that the brewers struck the sailors had a contest, in which the shipowners won a victory, reducing wages from $35 to $20 a month. But the employers were not able to maintain their position for any length of time, and were obliged not long after to restore and even increase the former maximum rate to $40 a month. The improvement of the industry, and other causes affected the solidarity of the Employers' Association, and the union sailors obtained what they demanded without exercising any extraordinary pressure; but when the business of the port again slackened, as it did between 1891-93, the shipowners found it necessary to reorganize their association and to adopt new methods of employment. The association opened its own shipping office and maintained lists of eligible men who were provided with grade books and given employment as opportunity pre- sented. As the languishing trade caused the supply of sailors to exceed the de- mand the employers were able to consult their interest by reducing wages. Men who had previously been paid $40 a month and overtime were given $25 without overtime. The shipowners defended their action on the ground that it was merely a question of paying the reduced wages or going out of business entirely, and the general decline of prices and contraction of trade established the truth of their contention. The sailors, however, refused to accept the situation and waged a persistent war during which acts of violence were frequently committed, such as the "beating up" of nonunion seamen and the destruction of the property of ship- owners. The union was greatly weakened by the contest owing to the inability
Successful Strike of Brewers
Sailors on a Long Strike
686
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of its members to pay dnes. The latter fell off $10,000 in 1893 and $8,000 in 1894.
Trade Unionism Receives & Check
An Employers' Association Formed
The success of the employers during the period of depression was attributed by some to the efficiency of their organization, but later developments demonstrated conclusively that it was the force of circumstances which brought about the relapse of trades unionism which occurred about this time, and continued for several years. A commentator unduly influenced by a signal instance of the failure of the seamen to maintain high wages in a period of declining prices remarked: "The general success of the association can best be understood by the light of the fact that among the industries of San Francisco there remains but a single union which imposes its rules upon the trade. That is the typographical. The reason why it does is because employing printers never have combined to resist its demands." This statement conveyed the erroneous impression that employing printers had never made a stand against the typographical union. In the years spoken of there was no organized opposition to its demands, but in 1879 the "Chronicle" failing to induce the union to even consider a reduction of the composition scale resorted to the employment of nonunion printers. Its owners offered to demonstrate to their union employes that the excessively high cost of newspaper and the rate of composition which was much greater than in any other part of the Union was making their business unprofitable, but they were met with absolute refusal to even consider the matter. The uncompromising employes were successfully dis- pensed with, and three or four years later, when business generally had improved, the proprietor voluntarily restored the old rate, and made no objection when under the changed conditions the employes were absorbed by the union.
In August, 1891, a body designed to protect the interest of employes was formed under the name of the Board of Manufacturers and Employers of Califor- nia. This association at first was by no means aggressive. It openly recognized the right of labor to organize, but insisted that employers should not be deprived of the privilege of selecting their own employes. At the same time the announce- ment was made that there would be no discrimination against members of unions. There was one point, however, on which the association took a firm stand, and that was against the employment of the boycott which was characterized as in- jurious to the industries and reputation of the City. The boycotters were denounced as enemies of society and the association refused to accept as truthful the declara- tions of the unions that they were not responsible for the excesses of the boycotters who not infrequently in attempting to intimidate committed illegal acts. It is doubt- ful whether these declarations made any serious impression on the trades unionists, but the employers were convinced that they were not without effect and the course of events confirmed them in their belief.
Shrinking of Trades Union Membership
The sequel shows, however, that the pinch of adversity, which was touching all classes of the community, must be credited with producing the acquiescent spirit of the workers. During several years after 1891 jobs grew scarcer and scarcer in San Francisco. The situation was not one in which any body of strikers could hope for substantial support from his fellows, and as was usual under such circumstances the unions suffered heavily from loss of membership. The condition of affairs was so serious that the unions declined in number, and representation in the Labor Council was greatly curtailed. In 1897 only fifteen unions with a membership of 4,500 were represented, and the reports show that at some of the weekly meetings not more than a dozen delegates gathered.
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This depressed condition of the unions reflected that of business generally, and continued for some time after signs of trade improvement manifested themselves. The recovery began shortly after the election of Mckinley in 1896, but it was not very rapid. It exhibited itself at first in building, and concurrently with the better outlook there was effected an organization of the building trades, five of them uniting and forming a council. This body of workers grew rapidly in strength, for with the outbreak of the Spanish-American war there was great briskness in construction lines, calling for a constantly increasing number of workers. At the same time the other unions began to exhibit signs of activity. During 1899 the number of unions increased to 25 and 10 more were added in the ensuing year. This activity was not confined to San Francisco. The report of the state labor bureau shows considerable development in all the centers, the membership in the state in 1900 being given at 37,500 in 217 different unions. Of the latter there were 90 in San Francisco, 23 in Oakland, 26 in Los Angeles, and 20 in Sacramento. In the ensuing two years the membership doubled. There were 495 unions in the state, 162 of which were in San Francisco, 36 in Oakland, 68 in Los Angeles and 45 in Sacramento, with a total membership of 67,500. Of this latter number 66 per cent were in San Francisco.
This great increase of membership was due to the organization of the unskilled workers. Between 1901 and 1907 the butchers, cooks and waiters, stablemen, street railway employes, retail clerks, laundry workers, teamsters, hod carriers and la- borers were formed into unions. This movement was not regarded with favor by the older organizations whose guiding spirits sought to stem the tide, but in vain. All of their efforts to avoid precipitating disputes without deliberation were disre- garded. A proposition that no new union should go on strike before it had been organized and become a member of the council was rejected. During this period it may be said that the trades union spirit which had flagged for a while had not merely revived, it had actually greatly strengthened, and signs were visible of an awakening interest on the part of politicians in the movement. With the recru- descence of union activity the Employers' Association, formed several years earlier, and which had met the situation created by the sailors, but had practically ceased its efforts after its victories, was reorganized on a new basis. The gravity of the situation was more generally recognized than when the association was first cre- ated, an effect produced by the organization of the unskilled workers who came in contact with a class of employers who had formerly no direct concern with labor troubles, but who were now confronted with the necessity of dealing with employes who had organized and were backed up in their efforts by a strong cen- tral body which proclaimed its purpose of pushing the demands of all workers until everything asked for was conceded.
'The new employers' association was formed in April, 1901, and was known as the Alliance. Its purposes were clearly understood by all classes of the commu- nity, but there were many extravagant stories current respecting its strength and membership. Its formation was bitterly resented by the trades unionists, who de- nounced its members and attributed intentions to them which were probably never conceived, and certainly were never carried out. It was declared that it was the purpose of the Alliance to destroy organized labor utterly, and that its members were under heavy bonds to each other to carry out that object. The association
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