San Francisco, a history of the Pacific coast metropolis, Volume II, Part 59

Author: Young, John Philip, 1849-1921
Publication date: 1912
Publisher: Chicago, The S. J. Clarke Pub. Co
Number of Pages: 738


USA > California > San Francisco County > San Francisco > San Francisco, a history of the Pacific coast metropolis, Volume II > Part 59


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President Roosevelt Menaces San Francisco


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United States, both civil and military, which I could lawfully employ would be so employed."


The necessity of carrying out these threats was averted by entering into a treaty with Mayor Schmitz, who was summoned to the White House a few months later, and as a result of which his facile board of education saved the president the trouble of sending platoons of United States troops to the schools of San Francisco to see to it that grown men were not prevented from sitting side by side with little girls in the primary schools of the City. As for the implication that the Japanese were the victims of outrage and oppression at the time the threats were made there is absolutely nothing to support it, for the aliens in ques- tion were not singled out by the unions in their crusades against employers as special objects of attack. The attitude of Roosevelt can only be explained on the assumption that he shared the foolish fear expressed by many that Japan would send her fleet to the United States and punish us, or by, what is more prob- ably the case, the desire to create a proper disposition in congress in favor of greatly enlarging the navy. At any rate the municipal and other troubles of San Francisco were multiplying too rapidly to permit her people to think of engaging in an armed rebellion against the United States, and when the school board ordered that adult and other Japanese should be permitted to resume their studies in the primary grades, side by side with white children of tender years, no further objection was made, and the subject ceased to interest, submerged as it was in a sea of real difficulties in which Schmitz and the party that put him in power were the principal actors.


It has been stated that little difficulty was experienced by employers in dealing with the unions composed of members engaged in construction work during the most of the period of rehabilitation, but there was friction with other classes of toilers which caused disquiet. The Japanese school children incident, as noted, was linked up with a boycott directed against restaurant-keepers of that nationality in October, and during the August preceding the employes of the United Railroads precipitated a strike, which, however, failed to have serious consequences for the time being, as the trouble was bridged over by an agreement to arbitrate. The United Rail- roads took over the properties subsequently operated by them in 1902. Before the work of transference was completed the employes of the different lines af- fected were organized into a union, and on the 20th of April, 1902, suddenly tied up the system. Although. the formal transfer had not been effected, notice was served on Schmitz, who was then serving his first term as mayor, that the City would be held responsible for any damage inflicted. The warning appeared to have been uncalled for, as little disposition was shown to injure property or to resort to violence. The strike, which lasted only seven days was converted into a picnic affair. All kinds of vehicles were impressed into the service, and the temporary inconvenience to which the people were subjected was accepted with good humor. The striking employes professed to fear that the new company meant to discharge them with the view of securing people at lower wages than were being paid. This was put forward as the cause of the organization of the union, but there was also a demand for an increase of wages from 22 cents to 25 cents an hour, and time and a half for all hours worked in excess of ten daily. The company pointed out that the wages paid in San Francisco were higher than in New York, Brooklyn, Chicago and Tacoma, where 21, 20, 17 and 18 cents respectively, per hour were


President and Mayor Arrange Matters


The Carmen's Strike in 1902


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paid. The sentiment of the community was so unmistakably with the carmen that the United Railroads surrendered on the 27th of April, 1902.


There were no further difficulties between the company and its employes which commanded the attention of the general public until August 20, 1906. There had been more or less friction from the time Richard Cornelius, president of the San Francisco Carmen's union, had begun the direction of the organization, but the knowledge of them was chiefly confined to those who interested themselves directly in the affairs of the trades unions. On the date mentioned, rumors which had been in circulation for some time were confirmed by a demand on the part of the carmen for $3 a day and eight hours work. Cornelius, on behalf of the carmen urged that the working agreement with the company, which began on April 20, 1905, had been violated by the operation of crowded cars by the corporation. and its failure to keep them in condition. "Crowding a mass of humanity on its cars," he said,"certainly operates as a violation of the terms and conditions of our present agreement. To avoid this violation the company should have put on more cars. As to the condition of the cars it is apparent to any person that the company is neglectful of the welfare and safety of its employes and the traveling public." He also urged that "in view of the increased rentals which in some cases have forced our men into refugee camps, the request for a readjustment of wages was not un- reasonable ;" and he added that under the new conditions the carmen were the poorest remunerated workers in the City," common labor receiving $2.50 for an eight hour day." The company declared that the wages paid in San Francisco were out of proportion to those paid to men in similar employment in the East and that the heavy losses sustained by the corporation, and the demands made upon it to restore its system made it impossible to meet them. On the 25th of August the men went out. It was at once urged that the difference between the United Railroads and the carmen should be submitted to arbitration, and after some hesitation on the part of both corporation and employes that course was agreed upon, and on the 5th of September, 1906, the men went back to work pending the decision of the arbi- trators.


At this time, so far as the general public was concerned, no particular feeling had developed against Patrick Calhoun. In its issue of September 6th the "Call" said: "Of the United Railroads it is to be published that in the final phase it has met the men frankly and cordially at the half way point. President Patrick Cal- houn's final statement breathes the right spirit-the spirit that animated him and his lieutenants in the earthquake and fire days in their relations with the carmen and with the people. Calhoun has long been distinguished among the heads of the great employing corporations as one regardful of the rights and feelings of the men to whom he pays wages. He may have stood firm in this instance for what he believed to be his own rights, but it is to be noted that even in the bitterest moments of the dispute the carmen testified to their esteem for him." Although strikebreakers were imported on this occasion, there was not much violence re- corded. There were many mob gatherings and some shooting, but as the demon- strations of the strikers in defending themselves from assault at the car barns failed to result disastrously it was believed that blank cartridges were used. But after the agreement to arbitrate, an attack was made on the men brought to the City to take the place of the striking carmen, as they were leaving the City. They were compelled to march in a body and were assailed with stones and other


Carmen's Troubles Submitted to Arbitration


Attitude of Public Toward Calhoun


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missiles, and numerous shots were fired. The crowds displayed a most vindictive feeling, and loud cries of "let us get even with them" were heard. The police throughout this strike displayed sympathy with the carmen, and made very little effort to preserve order.


Acceptance of Award of Arbitrators


In the correspondence which resulted in the agreement to arbitrate Calhoun had said: "It will be entirely agreeable to me to agree with all of said unions upon a common board of arbitration, the questions at issue, however, with each union to be separately considered." Throughout the controversy he remained firm in his determination to not treat with the union, or the men, until they had returned to their work. On the day when the arbitration agreement was concluded a com- mittee of merchants visited the union headquarters and while disclaiming any at- tempt to force an issue upon either union or the railroad, they thought that it was time something should be done, and they were willing to serve as peacemakers. The return of the men to work paved the way for the arbitration upon the condi- tions stated by Calhoun: "If the union desires to establish relations with the United Railroads," he said on the day the agreement was reached, "the path to pursue is simple and plain. It can instruct its members to return to their work and the United Railroads will then arbitrate wages and hours as stated in the offer submitted by me to his honor the mayor. My offer to arbitrate wages and hours with the carmen if they returned to work was intended to include all the classes of employes of the United Railroads. I have not the slightest objection to dealing with the Carmen's union, or any other union if it actually represents employes in my company." Arbitrators satisfactory to both sides were secured and at once entered on their deliberations. The hearings were exhaustive, and when the decision was finally reached on March 1, 1907, and promulgated it was gener- ally thought that the trouble was definitely settled. The arbitrators were pre- sided over by Chief Justice Beatty of the state supreme court. With him were associated men in whom the entire community had confidence. The award made by them provided for an advance of wages to conductors and motormen of about twenty-five per cent. Under the new arrangement they would receive $3.10, $8.20 and $8.30 for ten hours work, the scale being based on the length of service with the company. It cannot be said that the award was entirely satisfactory to the union, but the fact that there was no immediate protest or much adverse criticism caused the community to believe that the carmen had secured all they hoped for, and this view seemed to be corroborated by the fact that they manifested no dis- position to break away from the decision until over a month after it had been rendered.


There were many events after September 5, 1906, when the striking car- men returned to their work in conformity with the arbitration agreement which a portion of the community later insisted on connecting with the renewal of the trouble of the United Railroads with its employes. On November 5, 1906, the indictment against Abe Ruef in the French restaurant case, which was the prelude of the so-called graft prosecutions was found. From that time forward the affairs of the unions and of the public service corporations were inextricably mixed with those of a movement which in its inception seemed to be devoted to the purpose of compelling the administration in power to abandon its corrupt practices, but later developed into a crusade which appeared to have no other object than the destruction of Patrick Calhoun, and the injury of the property represented by


Calhoun a Vicarious Sacrifice


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him. The motives of men cannot always be judged by their actions, but a large part of the community for a considerable period disregarded this axiomatic truth and animated by a hearty desire for reform, enthusiastically supported methods which were advocated and practiced by those supposed to have an ulterior object in view, and who unfortunately by their intemperance and unconcilliatory policy arrayed the community in two opposing camps. Whatever may be the final verdict regarding the turpitude of the briber and the bribed; whether it be as- sumed that municipal officials would never abuse their positions unless tempted to do so, or that it is inevitable with such a system of government as that we are working under that there should be graft, it is impossible to convince the great majority that justice can be accomplished by offering up a single offender as a vicarious sacrifice in atonement for the sins and shortcomings of a people the per- petration of which had been tacitly condoned by many years of inaction.


The fact that a division of opinion arose on this point was tortured into an accusation that those who disapproved of the methods adopted by the men who undertook the work of cleaning the Augean stables of the municipality were in sympathy with the corruption which had been rampant and that they desired to protect offenders. Doubtless there were many such, but the major part of the community was influenced by no such motive; it revolted at the idea that one or two persons should be pursued and punished, while those rightly or wrongfully regarded as the real cause of maladministration in the City were not only per- mitted to go scot free, but were to be used for the purpose of inflicting punishment on men from whom they had extorted money as payment for privileges which if they could have been properly accorded should have been extended gratuitously. The situation was further complicated by knowledge of the fact that the man at the head of the crusade had been interested in an attempt to secure a franchise for a rival street car system, and that it was believed by some that the desire for the reformation of municipal government was subordinate to the wish to cripple the United Railroads, and so disgust the outside capitalists who had acquired pos- session of the properties that they would be willing to surrender them, or at least satisfy the local interest by some accommodation which would prove satisfactory. The history of the City was filled with nasty examples of this method of high finance. The established gas company had been compelled on numerous occasions to submit to blackmailers who under the guise of a sort of competition, made feasible by laws passed for the purpose of destroying a monopoly, forced their victims to stand and deliver. Instances of this practice will be found elsewhere in this history, and they were not nnknown to the people in 1906, 1907 and 1908, who had not yet learned to distinguish between professions and the accomplishment of reforms.


Unless attention is diverted from the affair of the trolley deal by which the board of supervisors, undoubtedly for a consideration, sold a privilege which should have been freely granted, and would have been at the time it was awarded if the wishes of the people had governed in the matter, the fact that the body was hope- lessly corrupt and was practicing graft is likely to be overlooked. The people of San Francisco when Boss Ruef's gang resumed authority were under no illusions respecting what they had to expect. They had not forgotten the Boss' own esti- mate of the character of his servants which he summed up in a statement that they were so hungry for plunder that they were ready "to eat the paint off of a house."


Community Divided in Opinion


Ruef and His Unsavory Crew


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Every person having business with this rascally gang knew that nothing could be secured without "greasing their palms." It was wrong to yield to the extor- tion, but in that respect moderns have not improved very greatly over the people of an earlier period and will persist in passing through the forest of Arden even if they have to pay tolls to a "Robin Hood." There is no doubt that they would have cheerfully avoided meeting the extra legal exaction, but the community by a popular vote had placed "Robin Hood" and his band in power and they sub- mitted with such grace as they could. The experience citizens had to undergo was not entirely novel as the records plainly show. Long before Ruef's "paint eaters" came on the scene there was improper traffic in privileges, and it would have been amazing if they had refrained from making use of their opportunities. Ruef was indicted for receiving a bribe from a French restaurant-keeper in No- vember, 1906, but establishments of this sort with unsavory records had been main- tained for years before the Boss in his capacity of attorney consented to use his good offices with the supervisors to prevent any sudden accession of morality on the part of the latter which might induce them to disturb his client's business.


Just what methods had been adopted in previous years to secure the sanction of the supervisors to the conduct of prize fights under the guise of boxing matches has not been disclosed, but it is quite certain that the little group of city fathers, who concluded to do a stroke of business on their own account, and were caught in the act by Detective Burns, were not acting without precedent. This exposure which practically inaugurated the campaign against the grafters was made on the 13th of March, 1907. By the methods adopted evidence was secured which made it possible to proceed effectively against the entire body of supervisors, for it is reasonably certain that the pair trapped would make disclosures when pressed which would result in the destruction of the head and front of the offending. There was great rejoicing over the successful scheme of the detective who had three hidden witnesses of the acceptance by Supervisors Charles Baxter and Thomas F. Lornegan of a bribe of $500 from G. R. Ray, one of the principal stockholders in a skating rink, in return for granting certain special favors to its managers. The printing of the account of the trapping created a great sensation and was denounced as premature. An evening paper entered a denial of the story and Ray, who laid the trap asserted that he had never heard anything concerning the alleged trapping or that he had taken any part in it. Burns and the Assistant District Attorney Francis J. Heney were equally vehement in their denials, and pronounced the statements in the morning paper to be a tissue of falsehoods. Later the fact was developed that these contradictions were drawn forth by the protests of a rival editor and that the only harm done by the disclosure was that suffered by an evening paper which had some sort of an understanding with the prosecution by which it was to be permitted to publish news regarding the operations of the de- tectives and the district attorney's office in advance of its contemporaries.


The sequence of events shows that the publication of the trapping of Baxter and Lornegan in no wise interfered with the success of the prosecution in secur- ing evidence. In the course of the long drawn out proceedings, the net result of which was the conviction and incarceration of Abe Ruef in San Quentin, enough testimony was procured to warrant the grand jury in bringing 383 indictments, 47 of which were against Mayor Schmitz, and 129 against Ruef. Many of these presentations were framed for the avowed purpose of employing them as a club


Exposure of Supervisors by Detective Burns


Indictments by the Hundred


FLOOD BUILDING, MARKET STREET


PACIFIC UNION CLUB, FORMER FLOOD MANSION, NOB HILL


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to compel the accused to give testimony against certain persons, and the public were speedily made acquainted with the intention of the prosecution to grant immunity to all the official scoundrels provided they would testify in a manner which would assure the conviction of what was called "the higher ups." This action of the prosecution was variously regarded. There were many who sided with Spreckels and Heney in their efforts to throw the entire burden of the blame for an admittedly bad state of affairs on two or three persons. There were fully as many on the other hand who vigorously resented a course of action which they believed would result in permitting a gang of thieves to escape all punishment. One set composed of people who were blindly disposed to follow the lead of Spreckels and Heney would have applauded the condonement of the offenses of the officials who were the recipients of bribes; another denounced as unreasonable and unreasoning a scheme of procedure which proposed to excuse the blackmailers and punish their victims. While a few who kept their heads realized that the methods adopted must inevitably result in an entire miscarriage of justice and the escape of all the offenders, which came near happening, Ruef being the only person punished.


About Ruef's guilt and that of the mayor and the supervisors, there can be no doubt. The most vehement objector to the extraordinary methods pursued by the prosecution did not claim that Ruef or Schmitz were innocent; or that a crime had not been committed in the matter of granting the trolley franchise to the United Railroads. The only question in the mind of those who protested against the methods adopted by the prosecution was the practical, if immoral one whether all enterprise should have been suspended in San Francisco while the greedy crew elected by the people were in power, or whether the vote which for a third time put Schmitz at the head of the city government, with the "paint eating" supervisors as associates, should be accepted as a mandate of the electorate that the practices inaugurated many years before and elaborated by Ruef should be continued. Their attitude regarding the past was that the community gen- erally was to blame for the wretched condition of affairs, and that it would be unjust to hold one or two persons responsible for the shortcomings of those whose duty it was to elect men to office who would not emulate the example of the highway robber and make everyone stand and deliver who came their way. Their posi- tion was the result of observation which had induced the belief that the only way to effect a reform was to extirpate the robbers, and they were astonished beyond measure when the programme of the prosecution developed that the in- tention was to spare the thieves and punish their victims.


Of course this view disregarded the assumption of Spreckels and Heney, and those who sided with them, that Calhoun and the other representatives of the interests which had submitted to the extortion of the blackmailers or grafters had deliberately corrupted the men who had compelled them to pay for privileges, but it was more in accordance with the observed facts which showed plainly that long usage had created a condition which made the managers of corporations deem it expedient to submit to all sorts of depredations, those perpetrated by cunning men who took advantage of laws designed to protect the people from the aggres- sions of monopoly as well as those committed by officials. The history of the Spring Valley Water Company and of the Gas Company are full of illustrations of the conditions which well meant efforts at reform had produced. They show


Policy and Methods of the Graft Prosecution


Grafterg Were Follow- ing Bad Precedente


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conclusively that the attempts to regulate were defeated by the criminal negligence of the people who elected men to office who did not hesitate to fix rates for the service afforded by the corporations in accordance with the desire of the latter, thus making it possible for cunning men under the guise of competition to be bought off, the result being to vastly increase the rate payers burdens. The sort of officials who lent themselves to this work were not unknown before 1908. They had been flourishing in San Francisco from the time that the constitution placed the power of regulation in the hands of the people. During the thirty years between the adoption of the Constitution of 1879 and the upheaval there had been graft. It had not passed unnoticed, for the newspapers were continually denouncing the practice, but their accusations were disregarded by the community at large and by the very element which become violently antagonistic to the corrupt system when so much mischief was being done that the situation became intolerable.


Among the multitude of indictments found by the grand jury, those which attracted most attention, because it was plainly perceived that the entire prose- cution revolved about them, were those against Patrick Calhoun, Tirey L. Ford, Thornwall Mullally and William M. Abbott, all officials of the United Railroads. Fourteen indictments were found against each of them on May 24, 1907, charg- ing them each with having bribed that number of supervisors in the matter of granting a permit to the company to construct an overhead trolley on Market street. On March 26, 1908, three additional indictments were returned against Calhoun and Ford together with Ruef. As the trials in these and the other graft cases occupied the attention of the courts for months at a time it would be idle to attempt to do more than mention that they were marked by acrimony through- out, and that the cases were fought outside of the court room as virulently as within its precincts. The one fact that stood out plainly was that the supervisors had confessed that they had received four thousand dollars a piece for granting the permit, and that a large sum had been paid to Abe Ruef who divided what was left over with Schmitz. Ruef in his testimony before the grand jury on May 16, 1907, asserted under oath that he had paid Schmitz $55,000 as his share of the sum received from the United Railroads for the franchise, and that the mayor perfectly understood the irregularity of the transaction. Perhaps the most ex- traordinary statement made by the Boss was his declaration that the United Rail- roads could have obtained its overhead trolley franchise without paying him or bribing any one connected with the Schmitz administration. "The money," he said, "came to us unsolicited. How can you prevent a corporation giving away money if it wishes to do so? The givers of bribes were in this instance, more blamable than the men who received them."




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