USA > Florida > Florida, 1513-1913, past and future; four hundred years of wars and peace and industrial development > Part 2
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De Vaca and three of his companions were captured by the In- dians and they owed their lives to the idea that they were possessed of healing powers. By the manifest favor of Providence they were enabled to effect some seemingly remarkable cures, and these suc- cesses strengthened their chances for life and for eventual escape. For several years they wandered among the various Indian tribes, occa- sionally making their way by trading and barter, and after almost incredible hardships they succeeded in reaching Panuco and were returned to Spain, more than ten years after they had left it for this expedition.
DE SOTO'S EXPEDITION
De Vaca told marvelous tales of the richness of the country he had explored, and he sought to be appointed governor of Florida in order
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that he might return with authority and means and men to colonize it. But at this time, 1539, Hernando de Soto, one of the favorite cavaliers at the Spanish court, was planning an expedition for the conquest of the new and little known land. Already he had won renown and riches by his conquest of Peru in 1536, and he had returned to Spain with a large fortune as his share of the booty of that campaign.
As governor of Cuba and Florida and a marquis of Spain he set out with a splendidly equipped fleet, a thousand men at arms, many priests and followers. He landed on the west coast of Florida at what is now known as Tampa Bay, May 25, 1539. It was but a few leagues south of the landing place of Narvaez, and to the bay he gave the name of Espiritu Santo.
The avowed purpose of De Soto's expedition was conquest and gold. He had come to Florida prepared, however, to a limited extent to establish settlements and to colonize the country. Prospecting through scouting parties, his little army started on its march through the wilderness and into unknown and undreamed of hardships and dangers. The route took them further into the interior and over a longer road than had yet been undertaken by any previous Caucasian explorers on the new continent. Their way was determined, in large measure, by the reports of gold, always gold, in some location still ahead of them and still to be reached by arduous toil through hostile sections and by bloody encounters with the Indians.
From the Indian village of Hirrihigua, probably on the present site of Tampa, the way led the expedition across the Withlacoochee river, thence to the Indian settlement of Ocali, probably where the city of Ocala now stands in Marion county. The difficulty of con- necting the former names of localities with the present-day titles of rivers and towns, makes the tracing of De Soto's path rather uncertain. It seems probable, however, that his course from Ocali was in a north- westerly direction. He crossed the Suwanee river near Old Town in Lafayette county, and traversed what is now embraced in the counties of Madison, Leon and Lafayette and Jefferson, and it is evident that he explored quite thoroughly the territory between Monticello and Tallahassee. It appears that he did not go west of the Apalachicola river.
From this section his route seems to have been toward the north and northeast. Tracing it, so far as is possible by the names of places which have been preserved in the records of this journeyings, he crossed the Altamaha and Savannah rivers, passed through the middle sections of Georgia, thence into the hill country of Northern Georgia, where,
NEW SMYRNA WATER FRONT
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rumor told him, were deposits of gold and other valuable minerals. Crossing the Etowah river, he visited the settlement of Chiapa, where now stands the eity of Rome, Georgia. From this point the course led south and west to Mauvilla, about one hundred and fifty miles north of Pensaeola, thenee in a northwesterly direetion to the Mississippi river, where he is believed to have erossed a few miles south of the present site of Memphis.
DISCOVERY OF THE MISSISSIPPI
His discovery of the Mississippi was made in April, 1541, almost two years after his landing on the west coast of Florida. The summer and autumn of this year were spent in exploring the country bordering and west of the great river, and the winter was passed in eamp near the White river.
Up to this time De Soto had lost two hundred and fifty of his men besides many horses. Evidently he longed to return to his native land for he dispatched a seouting party to investigate the possibility of reaching the Gulf of Mexico by way of the Mississippi river. The report was that such a route to sea was impracticable. The gal- lant chief, for the first time in his daring leadership, became dis- couraged. Soon he was attacked by fever and sank into despondeney. Death eame to his relief May 21, 1542, and to preserve his body from the ravages of the Indians whom he had robbed and punished, his fol- lowers wrapped it in his mantle and at midnight sunk it in the mid- dle of the river, whose discovery has been eredited to himn by the common consent of historians.
His march of two thousand miles from Espiritu Santo Bay had been marked by a series of bloody oppositions by the Indians whom he had encountered along the way. Hundreds of them had fallen before the guns of his little army; he had robbed their stores of food and grain; he had burned their villages and to add to his aeeumulations of gold and pearls he had carried away the queen of the most prosper- ous tribe and had robbed the graves of their dead. His path had been one of devastation, desolation, and ruin. But from the military view- point, it was one of the most masterly in history. He forced his way through an unknown country fighting continuously against savage tribes, maintaining his men and followers from the country as they advanced, inspiring to the end a devotion on their part than which no commander of ancient or modern times appears to have aroused a greater faith, and when all the conditions and circumstances are
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considered, this expedition must rank high in the history of military exploit.
When his death seemed imminent he was asked to name his suc- cessor to lead the expedition. His choice was Luis Muscoza de Alvarado. The new leader undertook to follow the supposed route of De Vaca to reach Mexico by an overland march, but after wandering through the country from June to December, he returned to the Mis- sissippi, built boats in which in July, 1543, the party descended the river to the Gulf and some two months later by following the coast, they reached Panuco, Mexico,-three hundred and eleven survivors of the thousand men who had left Tampa almost three and a half years before.
CATHOLIC MISSIONS
Other expeditions for conquest or for the conversion of the native Florida tribes to Spanish Catholicism followed. Four Franciscan brothers came from Havana in 1549. They landed in Espiritu Santo Bay to labor for the spiritual welfare of the Indians. Three of them were murdered almost as they touched the shore, thus early in the history of the country staining its soil with the blood of religious martyrdom. The last of these expeditions of conquest was that com- manded by Tristan de Luna, which was equipped by the Spanish viceroy of Mexico, and sailed from Vera Cruz in August, 1559. It landed at the present site of Pensacola, about one thousand soldiers, sailors, priests and friars. A reconnoitering party explored the coun- try as far north as Tennessee, finding many traces of De Soto's trav- els. Their reports encouraged De Luna to undertake to colonize the lands they had explored, but his men demanded that they return home and many of them deserted on the supply ships that had come to their relief. De Luna was soon recalled and this project for coloniz- ing Florida was abandoned. The historical significance of De Luna's expedition lies in the fact that it was the first settlement or temporary occupation by Europeans of the present site of Pensacola, and it was the first exploration of the Alabama and Tennessee territory.
This practically was the last of the Spanish expeditions, which from the time of De Soto, almost fifty years before, had devastated the territory known as Florida. The object of these incursions had been the acquisition of gold and silver and pearls. Their progress had been marked by despoliation and slaughter. The cause of Cath- olicism had gained no lasting foothold among the Indians. The over- mastering passion had been to conquer and rob the natives and not to
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develop the resources of the soil. The invaders had sought, not to create wealth but to seize and appropriate it wherever they had found it, regardless of the suffering, misery and destruction they caused in gaining their ends. Their efforts had proved fruitless. They had met only with hardships and had encountered relentless and cruel foes, whose primitive methods of warfare alone had prevented them from sweeping their would-be masters into the sea.
The net result of the half century of aggressive oppression was the dim knowledge of a land of unknown limits, which the invaders pronounced "the richest country in the world." Not a single settle- ment of white men had been planted permanently in all the vast region and nothing had been accomplished toward introducing European civilization into the country.
HUGUENOT SETTLEMENT
From this period, about 1562, may be dated a new epoch in the development of Florida, for another nation had been awakened to a realization of its possibilities. In strange contrast to the incentives that had brought the Spanish to these shores, the idea of liberty of conscience and of freedom to worship God invited the first French settlements to the American continent. Religious war was being waged in France under Charles IX as the head of the Catholic party, and Admiral Chastellany, better known as Coligny, as the leader of French Protestantism. The discoveries by the Spanish on the west- ern hemisphere had suggested to Coligny the idea of founding a colony across the sea, which might extend French possessions and afford a refuge for the Huguenots, if their defeat at home should demand such a haven.
Under Captain Jean Ribaut (spelled Ribault by some writers) two ships sailed from France in February, 1562, for Florida shores. They had been equipped by Coligny and after a long voyage they sighted land not far from the present site of St. Augustine. Coast- ing along the shore for some distance, they entered the mouth of the river now known as the St. Johns. Landing, the venturesome Hugue- nots erected a stone monument on which was cut the arms of France. thus staking their claim for the French crown.
Making but a short stay the expedition reembarked and sailed northward along the Atlantic coast to the harbor of Port Royal. Here a little colony was established and a fort erected, which was manned by twenty-five volunteers from Ribaut's followers. He then went Vol. I-2
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back to France for supplies and reinforcements, planning a speedy return to the colony. He found civil war raging in France and the little garrison at Charlesfort was neglected, if not forgotten. Dis- content and mutiny disorganized the colony ; the commander was brutal and severe in his discipline and was murdered by his men. The sur- vivors attempting to return to France in a boat of their own construc- tion were rescued by an English captain. Charlesfort was never reoccupied by the French and its exact location is unknown, but it is supposed to have been on one of the islands near Beaufort, South Carolina.
LAUDONNIERE'S EXPEDITION
Following the temporary restoration of peace in France, Coligny sent another expedition to Florida. Three ships were dispatched under Rene de Laudonniere. The company included representatives of some of the best families of France, besides artisans, sailors and soldiers, but apparently few agriculturists were among the number. They touched the coast of Florida in June, 1564, and probably in the harbor of St. Augustine. After exploring the coast as far north as Nassau Sound and the St. Mary's river, near where Fernandina now stands, they entered the St. Johns river to which Ribaut two years earlier, had given the name The River of May. Going up the stream nearly six miles they reached what is now known as St. Johns Bluff.
This high bank of the river, commanding a splendid view of the surrounding country, has gathered much interest during the passing centuries of Florida's history. It has been used time and again for war operations, offensive and defensive. It was here that two of the bloodiest scenes in the struggle for supremacy of the country were enacted. It was here that fortifications were erected to repel the coming of Oglethorpe when the Georgia general was advancing to attack St. Augustine. Here a strong battery of artillery was set up for the defense of Jacksonville during the Civil war, and during the Spanish-American war it was made the basing point for mining the river and the lookout for Spanish vessels when the fleet commanded by the wily Cervera was lost to the knowledge of the world for several weeks, in 1898.
Laudonniere explored the river and the surrounding territory while awaiting reinforcements and supplies from the home country. But he, too, had to contend against discontent and mutiny, and his frec use of the death penalty as a method of discipline weakened rather than strengthened his position. The settlement while awaiting the
ALTAR RELIC FOUND IN A SPANISH MISSION
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coming of supplies, became reckless in the use of what it had and en- tirely neglecttul of raising anything from the rich soil to meet its necessities. Accordingly within the year starvation menaeed it. An attempt to levy on the Indians proved fruitless but it aroused their dormant hostility. An English fleet under Sir John Hawkins, eall- ing at the port in August, 1565, offered to carry the garrison back to England, from which it would have been possible to reach Franee. Laudonniere refused the offer, but his men insisted on returning to France with the English fleet unless other provision were made for their reseue. The French commander purchased one ship from the Englishman and with another that had been constructed by the colo- nists, an expedition was fitted out for the return to Franee. Hardly had anchor been raised when a strange fleet was sighted on the horizon.
It was the third Huguenot expedition sent by Coligny and it eame as a timely reinforcement to Laudonniere's almost exhausted eolony. It was landed at Fort Caroline, which had been constructed by Lau- donniere and his forees at or near St. Johns Bluff, and the date of this landing-August 28, 1565-was most important in the history of Florida. This expedition brought six hundred and fifty persons, rep- resentatives of French aristocraey as well as tradesmen and soldiers, and it was under command of Jean Ribaut, who had led the previous expedition to Charlesfort, three years before.
MENENDEZ' PERSECUTIONS
By a strange coincidenee another expedition was landing the same day at St. Augustine, thirty-six miles south on the Florida coast. It was under the command of Pedro Menendez, and had been sent by the Spanish government to drive the French Huguenots from Florida soil.
Menendez, who was high in the couneils of the Spanish throne, was most bitter in his hatred of Protestantism, and, therefore, he was deemed especially fitted to undertake this task. His landing at St. Augustine was effeeted on the day devoted in the Roman calendar to Saint Augustine, and he gave the place the name which has remained through the centuries, making it the oldest continuous European set- tlement on American soil.
Spain elaimed by right of discovery and military occupation all the territory known as Florida, and it resented invasion by other na- tions. There is evidenee that it was the intention of this great Catholie
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country to resist all attempts by the hated Protestantism of France to plant its banners on Florida soil and to prevent at all hazards the conversion of the Indians to that religion. There is also reason to believe that the plans of Coligny had been revealed to the Spanish court by his enemies closer than he to the French throne.
Menendez, with the authority of Philip Il of Spain behind him, had expended his entire fortune and all he could borrow from his friends in equipping this fleet of thirty-four vessels for this expedi- tion. He had under his command a force of twenty-six hundred per- sons, including soldiers, sailors, priests and monks. His voyage had been delayed by storm and adverse winds and when he reached Porto Rico, early in August, he had less than one-third of his force with him. Learning here of Ribaut's movements, he pushed on with his fastest vessels and his arrival at St. Augustine and that of his hated French rival, twelve leagues up the coast on the same day, were un- known to each other.
A subsequent encounter of the two fleets was at too long range to be disastrous to either, and Menendez determined to make a land attack upon the French at Fort Caroline. Ribaut, however, believed that his best chances for annihilating the Spanish forces were in a naval battle, and accordingly he embarked most of the fighting men from Fort Caroline on his vessels and sailed toward St. Augustine.
MASSACRES AT FORT CAROLINE AND MATANZAS
Menendez marching his six hundred fighting men across the forty miles between St. Augustine and Fort Caroline, surprised and quickly captured the little weakened garrison of less than two hundred, in- cluding soldiers, artisans, servants, women and children. Laudon- niere fled with other fugitives, and those who were unable to escape met with horrible slaughter. Menendez claimed in his subsequent report of the event, that he gave orders that all persons under fifteen years of age and all cripples should be spared, but even this seems to be contradicted by the facts related by other authorities. A few of the garrison were spared for a more ignominious death, for Menen- dez hanged them from the oaks of the surrounding forest regardless of the usages of warfare, and over their dangling bodies he placed this inscription: "Not as Frenchmen, but as Lutherans."
His hatred of French Protestantism was not sated with the re- venge he had accomplished. He changed the name of the captured fortress and called it San Mateo, and he gave the same name to the
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river that flowed below the bluffs on which the fort was built. He garrisoned the place with three hundred men and returned with the remainder of his forces to St. Augustine.
Ribaut with his fleet preparing to attack the Spaniards anchored off St. Augustine, but he was overtaken by a great storm and driven southward. Every vessel was wrecked on the coast between Matanzas Inlet and Cape Canaveral. With two hundred of his men he escaped to the shore not far south of Matanzas and this force was joined by those from some of the other ships that had been wrecked further south.
Within a few hours after his return from the bloody scenes at Fort Caroline, Menendez was informed that a large body of the French were south of Matanzas making their way northward. Quick- ly gathering his armed men he made his way to the southern end of Anastasia Island, and across the Matanzas Inlet he saw some two hundred of the wrecked Frenchmen, preparing to cross the arm of the sea. A parley followed, in which the Spanish commander demanded unconditional surrender, but promised clemency. The captives were brought across the inlet, ten at a time, and they were told that as they numbered many more than their captors, it was necessary that their hands be tied behind them so that they might be unable to over- power the sixty or eighty Spanish soldiers under Menendez. When the entire force had been brought to the north side of the inlet and all had been bound with cords, the march toward St. Augustine was begun. Menendez, however, had given orders that when a certain point in the march had been reached, every captive should be killed, and the brutal command was obeyed literally, for it is said that not one of the French captives escaped.
Indian runners on the following day brought word to Menendez, when he was resting from his arduous work of slaughter, that another party of Frenchmen was advancing up the coast, and again gathering his soldiers, the Spaniard went to the lower point of Anastasia Island. The party included some three hundred and fifty of the ship- wrecked Frenchmen under command of Ribaut himself. Ignorant of the massacre at Fort Caroline and believing the promises made them by Menendez, Ribaut and his followers parleyed for terms of surrender, offering large sums for the ransom of themselves. This was refused, but Menendez promised, verbally and in writing, that the captives should be treated with clemency. Relying on his most solemn oath, the Frenchmen, after a night of deliberation, surren- dercd, but not all of them, for during that night two hundred deserted
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the camp and turned their faces southward, toward dangers that they knew not of, rather than trust the treacherous Spanish commander.
Ribaut and his companions were brought across the inlet ten at a time, and as each squad reached the shore, the captives were tied and rendered helpless and then were shown the bodies of the company, scattered on the sand, where they had fallen but a few days before. Realizing the fate that was awaiting them, they gave themselves over to cursing their captors or to preparing themselves for death. The same fate that had overtaken their former comrades was meted out to them, a few artisans, who professed themselves Catholics, being spared and taken to St. Augustine, where they were incorporated into the Spanish colony.
Early in November word was brought to St. Augustine that the remainder of the shipwrecked French forces, the two hundred who had turned back from the surrender of Ribaut at Matanzas, were in- trenching themselves near Cape Canaveral, and were endeavoring to build a boat from the fragments of their wrecked ships. A third time gathering his forces, Menendez made a forced march to attack the Frenchmen. At his appearance twenty of them fled to the forest and were lost forever to recorded history. The remainder, daring the fate of their former companions, surrendered and were spared, for the brutal Spaniard evidently considered their small number no men- ace to his power. They were brought to St. Augustine and became a part of the garrison there.
One Frenchman, who escaped the second massacre at Matanzas, eventually reached France, and told the story of the horrible butch- eries committed by Menendez, which had been inspired by his relent- less cruelty and by religious fanaticism. The news of the atrocity brought a feeling of horror to all Europe, outside of Spain, even in that day of bloody deeds, and it stamped with infamy the name of Menendez, which all the centuries of time will fail to remove. Yet it brought him the highest commendation from the Spanish king, Philip II, and a letter of praise for his religious zeal, from Pope Pius V.
MENENDEZ' ADMINISTRATION
'The Huguenots, among whom was Laudonniere, who had escaped the attack on Fort Caroline, reached three small vessels which were still anchored at the mouth of the St. Johns river, and in the course of time they came to their home country. With their departure, the efforts of the French to plant a colony in Florida were ended.
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Having driven the hated Protestants from Florida, over which the Spanish throne claimed possession and exelusive dominion, Menen- dez explored the Atlantic coast as far north as Chesapeake Bay and traversed the interior, making friendly overtures to the Indian chiefs along the coast of Carolina and Georgia. It is probable that he as- cended the St. Johns river to its souree. Within eighteen months after his arrival in Florida, he constructed fortifieations at St. Augustine, on the site of Fort Caroline, which he named San Mateo, at Avista, on Amelia Island near Fernandina, and at St. Helena. He built blockhouses at several other points and at each of these he established and maintained garrisons or missions for the spread of the Catholic religion among the Indians.
But his administration aroused insubordination among his forees. The garrisons at St. Augustine and San Mateo mutinied and his men determined to abandon the country. Many who had deserted were shipwrecked along the reefs of the lower Florida coast; others reached Spain and spread reports that were inimieal to Menendez' plans in the new country, and dissuaded others from joining their fortunes with his. He returned to Spain in the spring of 1567, and was wel- comed cordially, but he found great difficulty in obtaining the sub- stantial aid he needed to maintain his eolonies and missions in Florida. His anxiety for the safety of these settlements was not lessened by reports that the French were planning retaliatory expeditions to avenge the massaeres at Fort Caroline and Matanzas Inlet.
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