A standard history of Georgia and Georgians, Part 21

Author: Knight, Lucian Lamar, 1868-
Publication date: 1917
Publisher: Chicago, New York, The Lewis publishing company
Number of Pages: 648


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Having adjusted matters in Savannah, after Causton's dismissal from office, Oglethorpe, on October 25, 1738, returned to the southern frontier, establishing his headquarters temporarily at Fort St. Andrew on Cumberland Island, where military defenses were in process of con- struction. The garrison at this place was manned by troops brought over from Gibraltar and these soldiers, besides receiving full pay, had for a season been allowed extra provisions from the public store. There was great dissatisfaction when these rations were discontinued : so much so that one of the men, forcing himself upon Oglethorpe unannounced, demanded a renewal of the allowance, in a manner most insolent. Cap- tain Mackay, who was present, instantly drew his sword. But the des- perado seizing it broke the blade in two, threw the hilt at the officer's head, and rushed to the barracks where he snatched up a loaded gun and gave an alarm shouting "one and all." It was evidently a precon- certed affair. Followed by some half dozen men he ran back to Ogle- thorpe's quarters and fired a shot that grazed the general's ear. Another soldier took deliberate aim but his gun missed fire. Thereupon a third approached, with his knife drawn in an effort to stab the commander but Oglethorpe having drawn his sword parried the murderous blow. At this time an officer appeared who, seeing Oglethorpe's peril, ran the ruffian through the body, at sight of which the conspirators fled. But


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overtaken they were put into irons; and, after trial by court martial, having been found guilty, were shot. As we shall see later, the preserva- tion of Oglethorpe's life at this time by what seemed almost a miraculous intervention meant much not only to Georgia's future existence but to an Anglo-Saxon supremacy in North America.


Financial embarrassment made the outlook for Georgia at this time dark with threatening storm-clouds. Causton's defalcations were not unattended by other calamities. There had been a gradual shrinkage for some time in private contributions to the trust. Parliament had decreased its appropriations for the colony's support; and, having au- thorized a regiment, the sum of £12,000 sterling was set aside for its maintenance, while only £8,000 was put at the disposal of the trust, to meet its customary expenditures. Consequently the trustees had in- curred a debt of £12,000. Not only were forts still in need of cannon but colonists were clamoring for bread. There had been a failure of crops. The constant dread of a Spanish invasion had proved demoraliz- ing to agricultural pursuits. Malarial fevers had become prevalent. To prevent a threatened destruction of the province, therefore, it was neces- sary for Parliament to act. An appropriation of £20,000 was accordingly made with which the trustees were enabled to meet outstanding obliga- tions.


But there was a growing spirit of discontent in the colony, due to causes the roots of which struck still deeper. The system of land tenure had not given satisfaction. Since a property owner could neither mortgage nor sell his lands there was a check put upon trade. The necessity for slaves was hourly becoming more and more urgent. Effluvia from the swamps was rapidly destroying life among the white servants who tilled the river bottom plantations. As a result scores of settlers had quit the province, most of these going to South Carolina, where no restrictions were put upon lands and where there were 40,000 slaves. It was doubtless at this time that Oliver Goldsmith was inspired to write his doleful lines descriptive of conditions in Georgia. Portray- ing the region along the "wild Altama" he wrote as follows :


* To distant climes, a dreary scene,


Where half the convex world intrudes between,


Through torrid tracts with fainting steps they go,


Where wild Altama murmurs to their woc.


Far different these from all that charm'd before,


The various terrors of that horrid shore;


Those blazing suns that dart a downward ray,


And fiercely shed intolerable day ;


Those matted woods where birds forget to sing But silent bats in drowsy clusters cling;


Those poisonous fields with rank luxuriance crowned


Where the dark scorpion gathers death around, Where at each step the stranger fears to wake


The rattling terrors of the vengeful snake;


Where crouching tigers wait for hapless prey


And savage men more murderous still than they,


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While oft in whirls the mad tornado flies, Mingling the ravished landscape with the skies. Far different those from every former scene, The cooling brook, the grassy vested green, The breezy covert of the warbling grove


That only sheltered thefts of harmless love."


However, it was chiefly around Savannah that most of the unrest was to be found at this period. On December 9, 1738, a petition signed by 121 male inhabitants of the province was transmitted to the trustees asking for redress. The misfortunes of the province were at this time assigned to a two-fold cause : first, the want of a fee simple title to lands ; and, second, the need of negro slaves. But the Scotch settlers at New Inverness, hearing of this petition, importuned the trustees not to grant slaves. The arguments made by the Highlanders were: (1) the prox- imity of the Spaniards whose offer of freedom to runaway slaves would make additional labor necessary to protect slave property; (2) the su- periority of white labor to negro labor; and (3) the modest circum- stances of the settlers who, if encumbered with debt to buy slaves would, in the event these slaves ran away, be confronted with ruin. In a letter to Oglethorpe the Salzburgers at Ebenezer also protested against the introduction of slaves. Consequently there was a refusal by the trus- tees to grant the reforms sought.


Dr. Patrick Tailfer, an apothecary of Savannah, in association with one Robert Williams, was, according to Oglethorpe, in a letter to the trustees, dated March 24, 1738, the chief instigator in fomenting strife among the colonists. This man became literally a thorn in Oglethorpe's flesh. As the ring-leader of a rowdy element or club of malcontents in the province he made himself notorious, so much so indeed that with some of his followers he was forced to quit the colony and to take refuge in South Carolina. Signing himself "Plain Dealer," he had addressed a scurrilous communication to Oglethorpe, replete with sarcasm, denun- ciation and invective. Finding himself beyond the confines of Georgia, he dropped his literary disguise and, in joint responsibility with two others, Hugh Anderson and David Douglass, published a defamatory pamphlet entitled: "A True and Historical Narrative of the Colony of Georgia." The fine Italian hand of Doctor Tailfer was recognized in its authorship. There was a vigor of English about it, an Addisonian flavor of style, but it failed to compass Oglethorpe's undoing. Even when thus maligned the object of this defamatory article was planning a hazardous journey through the forest to negotiate a treaty with the Indians at Coweta Town and to achieve a diplomatic feat which was destined to resound with his praise for ages to come. In a letter ad- dressed to the trustees, June 15, 1738, he had intimated his intention of making this trip. Said he : *


"I have received frequent and confirmed advices that the Spaniards are striving to bribe the Indians, and particularly the Creek nation, to differ from us; and the disorder of the traders is such as gives but too much room to render the Indians discontented; great numbers of


* Colonial Records.


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vagrants being gone up without licenses either from Carolina, or us. Chigilly, and Malachee-the son of the great Brim, who was called emperor of the Creeks by the Spaniards-insist upon my coming up to put all things iu order, and have acquainted me that all the chiefs of the nation will come down to Coweta town to meet me and hold the general assembly of the Indian nations, where they will take such meas- ures as will be necessary to hinder the Spaniards from corrupting and raising sedition amongst their people. This journey, though a very fatiguing and dangerous one, is quite necessary to be taken; for if not, the Spaniards, who have sent up great presents to them, will bribe the corrupt part of the nation; and, if the honester part is not supported, will probably overcome them and force the whole nation into a war with England. Tomo-chi-chi and all the Indians advise me to go up. The Coweta town, where the meeting is to be, is near five hundred miles from hence; it is in a straight line three hundred miles from the sea. All the towns of the Creeks and of the Coursees and Talapousees, though three hundred miles from the Cowetas, will come down to the meeting. The Choctaws also and the Chickasas will send thither their deputies ; so that 7,000 men depend upon the event of this assembly. The Creeks can furnish 1,500 warriors, the Chickasas 500, and the Choc- taws 5,000. I am obliged to buy horses and presents to carry up to this meeting."


Opposite the great bend in the Chattahoochee River, just below the site of the present City of Columbus, on the Alabama side of the stream, there stood an old Indian settlement: Coweta Town. It was the prin- cipal village of the great Muscogee or Creek Confederacy of Indians, a seat of government at which council fires were annually kindled by the various component tribes. Here, on August 21, 1739, occurred an event of transcendent importance not only to the State of Georgia but to the whole English-speaking world, for there was here signed and sealed a treaty of friendship the ultimate effeet of which was to give an Anglo- Saxon character to the whole subsequent history of North America. This compact not only kept the Muscogee nation from re-enforcing the Spaniards who were soon to invade Georgia; but it brought them to the side of England in the French and Indian wars. Let us refresh our recollection upon this point with a brief statement.


It will be remembered that the French, at this time, by reason of the explorations of LaSalle, claimed the entire Mississippi basin of the con- tinent, reaching from the Great Lakes on the north to the Gulf of Mex- ico on the south. They were already securely entrenched upon the ice- bound heights of the great St. Lawrence; but they sought to strengthen the hold of France upon the vast and fertile region which bordered upon the warm tropies. For thirty-five years Bienville had governed with far-sighted statecraft the Province of Louisiana. His great aim was to give reality to the old dreams of LaSalle, viz .- to bring the native tribes under French control, to foster trade relations, to discover mines, to establish missions, and to unite Louisiana to Canada by means of a chain of forts planted at strategie points along the great Father of Waters.


In furtherance of this grand design, he had not only fortified the Mississippi delta but had planted the standard of King Louis upon the bluffs at Mobile.


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As a sequel to this latter exploit, he claimed for France two-thirds of the land ceded to Georgia by the Crown of England. Had Oglethorpe failed, therefore, at this critical moment to enlist the friendship of the powerful Muscogee or Creek Confederacy of Indians and to confirm by treaty agreement the English right of ownership to the land described in Georgia's charter, there would have been an altogether different story for the future historian to tell. It is quite certain that the Indians would have come under the spell of the French diplomacy, for the Jesuits, a noble band of missionaries, were not slow in finding the key to the savage heart; and, in such an event, not only would the territory today embraced within Alabama and Mississippi have been lost to Eng- land but, from the additional strength gained by this alliance, another result might have been given to the French and Indian wars. In the light of this somewhat rapid survey, therefore, it is not difficult to trace


BOULDER OF GRANITE MARKING THE BURIAL PLACE OF TOMO CHI-CHI IN SAVANNAH


an intimate logical connection between the treaty of friendship con- cluded at Coweta Town on the Chattahoochee and the final overthrow of the French power in North America on the Heights of Abraham !


The masterful mind of Oglethorpe, with almost prophetic ken, fore- saw at once the danger which confronted the Colony of Georgia ; and, in good season, he struck a blow for England, which was destined to echo down the centuries. The great philanthropist and soldier had already in the fall of 1738 met at Savannah the chiefs of four of the Creek towns with whom he had sealed a pact of friendship. But Georgia was begirt by enemies. To the south were the Spaniards in Florida and to the west were the French in Louisiana; and, in order to circum- vent any covert designs on the part of these powers to seize the territory of Georgia, he sought by means of larger co-operation with the Indians to confirm the English right of occupation to the Georgia lands and to bind the savage tribes more securely to him, in the event of an outbreak of hostilities.


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He therefore resolved to attend the next great annual eonclave or couneil-fire of the Museogee Indians, on the Chattahoochee River, at Coweta Town.


In pursuance of this purpose, he accordingly left Savannah, on July 17, 1739, accompanied on the perilous expedition by a few ehosen eom- panions, among them, Lieutenant Dunbar, Ensign Leman, and Cadet Eyre, besides a small retinue of servants. The journey from Savannah to Coweta Town lay through a trackless forest, 300 miles in ex- tent; and, taken in the heat of midsummer, there was added to the likelihood of attaek from savage Indians the risk of exposure to the pesti- lential air of the swamps. We ean thus form some idea of the sturdy mold of character in which this stalwart and heroic Englishman was east. The wonderful influence of his strong personality upon the savage tribes of the wilderness again bore fruit in the suecess of his mission to Coweta Town, where, in due time, a treaty of alliance was eoneluded with the Creeks by virtue of which he obtained the good-will of 20,000 warriors and sealed the future welfare and happiness of the Colony of Georgia.


En route back to Savannah, on the return trip, the splendid con- stitution of Oglethorpe gave way, and, for weeks, at Augusta, he lin- gered in the uncertain balanees of fate, equipoised between life and death-the victim of a malignant fever. But at length he came sueeess- fully through the severe ordeal of illness. His great work, under divine providence, was still unfinished for, besides thwarting the designs of Franee, there was still reserved for him the supreme and final task of sounding the death-knell of the power of Spain in the decisive battle of Bloody Marsh.


Tomo-chi-chi's health had been slowly failing for some time. It will be remembered that while the old Indian mico had been present in Savannah to welcome Oglethorpe on his second return from England, he had risen from a sick bed in order to extend his personal greetings to the founder. His sands of life were running low. Nor was it long after Oglethorpe's return before there occurred an event which steeped the whole eolony in profoundest gloom. This was the aged mico's death. To the end of his days, this noble savage, this sage philosopher of the forest, had been a true friend to the colonists; nor did he ever tire of reealling his wonderful visit to England. Tomo-chi-chi was ninety years of age, according to tradition, when Oglethorpe landed upon the bluff at Savannah; and was close upon the century mark when he died. It was the last wish of the aged chief to be buried among the whites. His remains were, therefore, brought to Savannah, where they were interred in Pereival, now Court House, Square, with impress- ive ceremonies. Six of the most prominent citizens of Savannah acted as pall-bearers, Oglethorpe himself among the number. Minute guns were fired from the battery as he was lowered to rest, and every respect was paid to the memory of the aged chief. His death occurred on October 15, 1739. An appropriate monument was planned by Ogle- thorpe, but for some reason it was not erected. However, the belated tribute has been paid at last. Ou the reputed spot of the old Indian's burial, a rough boulder of granite has been placed by the Georgia


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Society of Colonial Dames of America, and a circular plate of copper bears the following inscription :


"In memory of Tomo-Chi-Chi, Mico of the Yamacraws, the com- panion of Oglethorpe, and the friend and ally of the Colony of Georgia. This stone has been here placed by the Georgia Society of Colonial Dames of America. 1739-1899."


CHAPTER XVII


OGLETHORPE'S TREATY WITH THE INDIANS AT COWETA TOWN NEGOTI- ATED NONE TOO SOON-RELATIONS BETWEEN ENGLAND AND SPAIN REACH AN ACUTE STAGE-WAR IS DECLARED-ADMIRAL VERNON IS COMMISSIONED TO COMMAND A SQUADRON IN THE WEST INDIES- SPANIARDS BUTCHER DEFENSELESS SETTLERS ON AMELIA ISLAND- THE FIRST BLOODSHED-OGLETHORPE PURSUES THE MURDERERS WITH DIREFUL VENGEANCE AND BY WAY OF RETALIATION SWEEPS THE ST. JOHN'S AND BURNS THREE OUTPOSTS-RAVAGES THE COUN- TRY IN THE DIRECTION OF ST. AUGUSTINE-NEXT PLANS A DECISIVE BLOW AT THE FLORIDA CAPITAL-EXPECTS FLEET IN THE HARBOR TO RE-ENFORCE LAND OPERATIONS-WHY THE ATTACK UPON ST. AUGUSTINE FAILED-COLONEL PALMER'S DISOBEDIENCE OF ORDERS- HIS TRAGIC DEATH-FORT MOOSA A DEATH-TRAP FOR THE GEOR- GIANS, WHO FIGHT LIKE LIONS AT BAY-MORE THAN A YEAR ELAPSES-THE SPANISH INVASION AT LAST MATERIALIZES-THE HISTORIC BATTLE OF BLOODY MARSH-OGLETHORPE'S ACCOUNT- SPAIN Is GIVEN A DECISIVE BLOW-CARLYLE'S OPINION-WHITE- FIELD'S COMMENT-OGLETHORPE'S FAREWELL TO GEORGIA-FINAL RETURN TO ENGLAND-HIS SUBSEQUENT CAREER.


NOTES: BLOODY MARSH-FORCES ENGAGED-MEMORIAL OF BLOODY MARSH-FORT FREDERICA-GENERAL OGLETHORPE'S EPITAPH.


Oglethorpe's treaty with the Indians at Coweta Town was negoti- ated none too soon. Relations between Spain and England had reached an acute stage. British trade with America had for years been harrassed by Spanish coast guards who, under the most frivolous pre- tenses, had seized English merchantmen, confiscating the property on board. At the same time, English sailors had been thrown into prison and subjected to cruel treatment. There was naturally a demand for redress raised throughout England, but Walpole, eager for extending British trade, was anxious to maintain peace, a condition essential to this end. He, therefore, sought reparation by means of indemnity ; and, under the terms of an agreement signed at Pardo, in January, 1739, Spain had agreed to pay a stipulated sum to cover losses sustained by British subjects. With respect, however, to the territory in dispute between Georgia and Florida, the issue as to a boundary line was to be settled by a commission representing the two powers. But Spain had failed to meet her obligations under this compact and had defaulted in the matter of paying an indemnity at the time stipulated. War, therefore, was declared.


Oglethorpe's defensive activities in safeguarding Georgia had given


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offense to the Spanish king, who demanded a discontinuance of these hostile preparations. "No more forts and no more soldiers in Georgia"-these were his angry orders; but when this message was read in the King's Council the Duke of Argyle impatiently arose. "This should be answered," said he, "but not in the usual way-the reply should be a fleet of battleships on the coast of Spain."*


To command a squadron in the West Indies a commission was issued to Admiral Vernon, a gallant naval officer for whom Washing- ton's country seat on the Potomac was afterwards named. Coincident with this appointment, Oglethorpe was ordered to harrass the Spanish settlements on the Florida coast. Before assuming an aggressive, how- ever, Oglethorpe first began to repair forts, to strengthen garrisons . and to concentrate munitions of war on the southern frontier. Relying upon promises made to him at Coweta Town, he dispatched runners to the Indian villages asking for a thousand warriors to reinforce him; and there came in response to this summons a host of bowmen. Some of these were employed as scouts. To guard the coast, vessels of war were detailed. Nor did Oglethorpe lose any time in preparing his regiment for hostile maneuvers. St. George's Island, having been abandoned in 1736, his southernmost garrison was on Amelia Island. Here he stationed a scout boat with sixteen men and later added a sergeant's guard. On November 15, 1739, tidings of the first blood- shed were brought to Frederica. Spaniards, having secretly landed in the night on Amelia Island and having concealed themselves in ambush, killed two unarmed Highlanders on the following day, at an early hour, when these men, unsuspicious of danger, were in quest of food. To murder, these Spaniards added butchery, frightfully mutilating the bodies of the two hapless victims.t Oglethorpe was no sooner informed of this outrage than he started in pursuit, only too anxious to visit condign punishment upon its perpetrators.


While the effort proved futile, Oglethorpe, by way of retaliation, swept the St. John's River, landed on the Spanish Main, and burnt three outposts. He also ravaged the country in the direction of St. Augustine, and for three days without success endeavored to pro- voke the Spaniards to combat. On January 1, 1740, with a detachment of his regiment, re-enforced by a band of Indians, he ascended the St. John's River and, after burning Fort Picolata, invested another stronghold, Fort St. Francis de Papa. Oglethorpe narrowly escaped death from a cannon ball in seeking to reduce this second fort; but he won the day. On driving the Spaniards out, he occupied it with a garrison and strengthened its defenses, deeming it too strategic a point to be abandoned.


Oglethorpe next planned a decisive blow at the enemy's citadel- St. Augustine. With the approval of the home authorities, he left Frederica in May, 1740, in command of a body of troops, numbering 2,000 men, of whom 1,000 were Indians. Fort San Diego, nine miles from the Florida capital, was easily captured, after which he continued his vietorious march. Two miles from St. Augustine was Fort Moosa,


* L. B. Evans, History of Georgia, p. 28.


t Gentlemen's Magazine, 1740, Vol. X, p. 129.


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the garrison in command of which, hearing of Oglethorpe's approach, retreated to the city for protection. On arriving before the gates of St. Augustine, Oglethorpe demanded the surrender of the town; but this message was returned by its commander: "I will shake hands with General Oglethorpe in the castle." Though somewhat ambigu- ous as to its exact meaning, it clearly implied a refusal to surrender.


Oglethorpe's plan of campaign included a naval attack. But unfortunately the ships could not get close enough to support the land forces, whereupon, instead of storming the city, a siege was instituted. From the standpoint of military science, no criticism was to be made of Oglethorpe's plan. His object, in the first place, was to prevent re-enforcements from reaching the Spaniards within the walls. He also wished to deceive the enemy as to his own strength, which was all too small to compass so hazardous an undertaking. Accordingly, he ordered Colonel Palmer, with ninety-five Highlanders and forty-two Indians, to scour the country in every direction, to cut off all supplies, to keep the Spaniards deceived as to his number, to be constantly on the march, showing himself everywhere, and to rest at no one place two nights in succession. But a violation of orders proved fatal to the suc- cess of this stratagem. Colonel Palmer remained three nights at Fort Moosa ; and the Spanish general, learning of his whereabouts, took him one morning by surprise. Colonel Palmer fell early in the action; also a captain. Twenty Highlanders were killed and twenty-seven were captured, but never lions fought more fiercely, and, to quote Colonel Jones, "this hand to hand conflict was won at a cost to the enemy of more than a hundred lives." Oglethorpe was chagrined at this unex- pected turn. It completely upset his calculations, opening the way for food supplies, of which the Spaniards were already greatly in need. Had it not been for Colonel Palmer's violation of orders the fall of St. Augustine would doubtless have followed within a week's time. There was now no alternative left but to withdraw the troops. The sultry days of mid-summer were at hand. Many of Oglethorpe's men had been prostrated by fever; and there seemed to be no likelihood of success in accomplishing the city's reduction. The attack on St. Augustine was therefore abandoned; but the English had lost only fifty men while the Spaniards had lost 450, besides four forts.




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